Friday, December 8, 2000, Chandigarh, India |
Sharpening a controversy Towards another
front
Of power and corruption |
|
|
New DGP: daunting task
ahead
Vajpayee’s new
knee
Male-female ratio
Man in White House:
myths & realities
|
Of power and corruption Power corrupts; and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Power and corruption have indeed gone hand in hand here for the past few decades. Of course, it has become fashionable these days to talk of the cancer of corruption which is eating into the vitals of this nation. This is all right. But, more than the genuine concern about the problem, what is required is a concrete plan of action which will plug the existing loopholes and make it difficult for those in authority to get away with their ill-gotten wealth. The moot point, however, is: does anyone care to go deep into the problem and suggest steps to curb corrupt practices in a systematic manner? The answer to this question is a simple "no". Studies have surely examined the visible and invisible links between the ruling clique and blackmoney operations. Even the Santhanam Committee examined the magnitude of the politico-bureaucratic corruption in the mid-sixties. The net result of all these half-hearted efforts has virtually been zero. The range and dimension of corruption have increased manifold now. In fact, mafia gangs are more powerful today than are the custodians of socio-economic morality. There are wheels within wheels and, therefore, on the surface it becomes difficult to know who works for whom and for what purpose. In any case, the real beneficiaries in the present state of drift are smugglers, criminals, anti-social elements, a set of politicians and bureaucrats as well as unscrupulous traders and businessmen. Why is it so? There are several contributory factors which have prompted international agencies to include India among the few most corrupt countries. What can be more shameful than this harsh reality? Does it prick the conscience of our rulers? Are they worried about the problem? My simple answer will again be "no". What is wrong where? This question will require an indepth study. Perhaps some public-spirited academic institutions will take the initiative and examine this question of corruption phenomenon afresh and suggest remedial measures. It will, however, be wrong to expect the Chief Vigilance Commissioner, Mr N. Vittal, to do the job single-handed. At best, he can raise his voices of protest and bring the problem into public focus. As it is, the powers of the CVC are proposed to be cut drastically so that the post virtually becomes toothless. What is surprising is that the suggestions in this regard have come from a group of parliamentarians who were supposed to examine the proposed legislation in this connection. Does this not mean that our parliamentarians and political masters do not want a single agency to become the watchdog of the apparatus being weakened by corruption in administration Obviously, yes. This reflects poorly on our people's representatives and the ruling elite. What can be more shameful than this! Since corruption today is a sordid fact of life, it has to be tackled firmly and decisively. It is equally vital to remember that corruption and black money power cannot be eliminated overnight. The battle against the twin evils will be a long-drawn affair. The moot point is: does the Indian leadership possess the requisite political will to launch a cleansing operation? Over a period of time the political system has been tampered with, and it has so developed that it works at all levels only for the benefit of those at the helm. In this permissive atmosphere everyone wishes to look after oneself oblivious of the public good. What we see in the name of governance today is nothing but naked arrogance of power among large sections of Ministers, bureaucrats and police officers. They see their positions of authority as a means of gaining at the cost of the public exchequer. They do not even hesitate to silence the voice of dissent in the pursuit of personal gains. The Ruchika molestation case, which points an accusing finger at DGP S.P. S. Rathore, is a classic example of how the custodians of law are become law-breakers. The Rathores of today think that they can do anything and get away with it. The police lathi is, however, meant to protect innocent citizens. It is not supposed to become an instrument to serve political masters and mafia groups. How can we restore the people's confidence in the system if power-hungry leaders and their collaborators manipulate things to their advantage? It is a pity that citizens hardly realise how the system is being misused by rulers in the name of democracy. In fact, they are taken for granted. They are used during election time and subsequently the rulers and their cronies tend to become a law unto themselves. I am saying this more in anguish than in anger. The time has come for enlightened citizens to reflect on the distortions in the polity and suggest remedial steps. Indeed, the ruling elite ought to remember that democracy is of the people, by the people and for the people, and not of the rulers, by the rulers and for the rulers. How do we face the challenge? A simple answer will be to make the rulers at all levels accountable for their deeds and misdeeds. For this purpose we must give up the present soft approach. What is disquieting is that ordinary citizens blame their fate for the sufferings inflicted on them by the powers that be. We do not show even elementary guts to stop the drift. We all know how men, matters and issues are manipulated to the disadvantage of citizens. We all talk about transparency, but where is transparency? We all talk about accountability, but where is accountability? Instead of addressing ourselves to the basic questions, we find the nexus among criminals, bureaucrats, politicians and other vested interests getting strengthened. I am, of course, very optimistic about the future of this nation. I do not belong to the category of pessimists who decry the nation without prodding the process of justice, fairplay and the people's right to information. Instead of indulging in a shadow-boxing against corruption, Indian rulers would do well to take a few concrete steps to strike at the root of the problem. The tendency so far has been to talk big and do little. Political and social leaders do not practise what they preach. On the contrary, they do precisely the opposite of what they preach. Looking at the magnitude of the problem, even small steps can help in fighting corrupt practices. First, the new mantra ought to be less secrecy and more openness. Secretiveness is conducive to the atmosphere of intrigues and breed corrupt practices. Second, the sluice gates of misinformation and disinformation need to be identified, exposed and shut. Third, equally crucial is the simplification of procedures and less of control mechanism. Fourth, it is necessary to reorient the administrative structure and revamp the colonial rules with a view to helping honest citizens. Fifth, the right to information must be part of the citizen's fundamental rights. This can bring about a qualitative improvement in the present sinking state of affairs. Sixth, administrative and electoral reforms have to be initiated with a sense of urgency. They actually hold the key to building a comparatively cleaner polity. Seventh, there cannot be two sets of rules — one for the poor and the other for the rich and influence-wielders. Eighth, the right attitude and the right type of persons in key and sensitive areas of public affairs and the right dose of political will can help break the existing unholy nexus. Ninth, the corrupt must be made to realise that they cannot get away with their ill-gotten wealth. Public money cannot be diverted for private gains. Ten, a free and responsible press can help generate public awareness and ensure accountability by public men. Equally vital is the assertiveness on the part of enlightened citizens. Democracy, after all, is a potent weapon to fight against corruption. It is for the people to mount pressures on the rulers. The media can certainly help the process. |
Vajpayee’s new
knee NOW that Prime Minister Vajpayee has his knee mended, let me tell you about how agile he was the first time I saw him on a running train. The PM’s troublesome knee has been the butt of worldwide speculation and concern recently. Surely, his unsteady approach towards the podium in the UN millennium summit adequately unnerved his advisers and put his many admirers like me on the edge. It was the summer of 1973 or 1974, the year isn’t important as you will see. On the speeding train Mr Vajpayee manoeuvred himself past us without a trace of effort, even as we two young army officers found it difficult to stand in a stable mode. A young gunner, I was posted in J&K and our occasional home leave had us travelling on the Chandigarh-Jammu section. Trains those days didn’t have the “luxurious” air-conditioned coaches, and first class travel was good enough for us in the Army and even the political class, in some cases. Bound for Jammu, the train sped past those sundry stations you found on this route. The rail line had recently been extended from Pathankot to Jammu and there were not many takers for this route barring army transients like me or an odd army man’s family moving up to join him for the summer break. Reservations on the train hardly mattered because you could pick and choose the cabin and berth. Coolies were not known to ask you the berth number — they just stacked your luggage, which included a bulky hold-all, in the most easily accessible four-seater or coupe. It being a new track the driver let the full steam work on the engine. And that’s how we went, swaying from side to side. Mothers didn’t have to rock their babies to sleep. The waiter split most of the contents of your lunch while handing you the tray. Suitcases initially placed under your berth inched slowly towards the opposite side and then moved back again. Syed Amin Shah, my course-mate from the IMA, spotted me on the train just as we left Pathankot. Exchanging notes about the misplaced years in between, we decided to move out and enjoy a cigarette. That’s where we stood, by the open door in the galloping train, with the fresh air blowing into our faces and burning out our fags doubly quick. Admittedly it was a blight difficult to remain steadfast as the train continued to rock us furiously in all the three planes. “Do you know that the gentleman in white dhoti in the adjoining cabin is Atal Behari Vajpayee,” disclosed Shah. Just then Mr Vajpayee emerged in the corridor and, holding his dhoti up to his knees, walked effortlessly past us, right into the loo. Little did we know at that time that this man would later lead our nation and put CEO Musharraf knee-deep in international isolation.
Here’s wishing the PM good health and a long innings. |
Man in White House:
myths & realities THE most powerful man on earth — that is the American President. Is there any wonder then that the world was watching with bated breath the outcome of the American presidential election? “Even in prayer,” writes U.E. Baughman, a former secret service chief, “a secret service agent is not allowed to bow his head when he is guarding the President of the United States.” After all these, President Kennedy was shot dead and there is no clue yet about who did it! For the American secret service, its failure was like a fall from the Empire State Building. But the American myths continue. America is in need of these myths and legends. It is a young nation with little of history and even less of civilisation (unless you call its consumer society a civilisation!) to bolster up its image among the peoples of the world. Alas, the image is blotched by the recent developments! What went wrong? Americans are serious about their governments. But they show little interest in voting. How is one to explain this anomaly? American academics say, high voting turnout is a distress signal, a sign of social and economic unrest. As there was no distress, the turnout was low. There is another reason. It is the changing composition of the rich and poor. The rich are growing in numbers. This is called in Europe and England as the “50 per cent impasse”. The two parties — Republicans and Democrats — are today evenly divided. The “haves” are more widespread. The “Frorida affair” is a different story. America is the great empire of our times. It seeks order in the world. This was not what the Founding Fathers expected. They were highly suspicious of big governments, and feared that the ambitious men among them would use the state to advance their interests. So, what did they do? They made “ambition pit against ambition.” The two chambers of the Congress — the Senate and the House of Representatives — and the presidency — they are pitted against each other. And there is the Supreme Court, which keeps an eye on all the three. There are other devices. For example, elections are held for these institutions at different intervals, each by a different constituency — house members by the people directly, Senators by state legislators and the President by an electoral college. The system is working pretty much the same way it was established. Americans are happy that the presidency and the Congress are controlled by different parties. This is a powerful check on each other. The idea is to prevent the tyranny of a President or a party. The US Bill of Rights is a unique legislative instrument. It is designed to prevent tyranny. America rarely puts up distinguished men for the presidency. It looks for other qualifications in a President. For example, ability to communicate. Reagan and Clinton are great communicators. Above all, the President must have the ability to win the confidence of the Congress. And he must be able to manage a coalition of interests. Roosevelt was a master at this game. Carter was a complete failure. The two-party system provides a clear alternative to the Americans. It is said, there is not much difference between the two. This is not true. They differ widely on domestic issues. For example, Republicans are for laissez-faire, while the Democrats have opted for welfare. But on foreign policy, there is near unanimity. Each party reflects the varied interests of its constituents. Obviously, the parties have been able to satisfy the expectations of their supporters, which is why there is no plethora of small parties in the USA as in India. The Republicans and Democrats are in fact coalitions. A former Speaker of the House had said that if the principle of proportional representation had been applied, the Democrats would be representing five major interest groups while the Republicans about three or four. Americans are reconciled to the fact that a democracy cannot work efficiently. And they have added to the problem by their unique moral stance. America was the only Protestant sectarian country in the world. In other countries, particularly Catholic, Lutheran and Anglican, people generally assume that human nature and institutions are inherently imperfect and corrupt. The Americans expect their Presidents to be above human failings. Which is why there was a move to impeach Richard Nixon (his case was perjury) and, of late, Bill Clinton (moral turpitude.) In fact, according to William Bennet, author of the “Death of an Outrage”, the impeachment move in the Lewinsky case was not about one man’s depravity, but an indictment of the entire culture of America, which had gone permissive. In any other European country, there would be hardly any “outrage.” To give another instance of moral stance, the Republicans say that abortion is murder, while the Democrats say it is a woman’s right. Thus Christian America continues to adhere to moralism in some ways. But in business, it is a free for all. There is no morality here. In America, the individual is responsible for his acts. Freedom and responsibility go together. That is why institutions are not expected to intrude into the life of the individual. Americans are expected to obey their conscience. This leads to moralism, which makes it more difficult to govern America. It is a volatile society. So many issues become moral tests. Slavery was a moral issue. Other nations simply freed the slaves. But America fought a war over it. This also explains why character has become so important in America. In Britain and France, the character of a President is hardly examined. This does not mean that one can behave outrageously. They cannot. Ministers have resigned for moral turpitude in both Britain and France. In fact, in Britain a public official is supposed to be a “gentleman.” But America, which believes in individualism, places no such trust in an individual American. Americans condemn any deviant behaviour as “un-American”. The jury system — that is trial by peers — is a powerful institution in America. Americans are basically lawless. They want minimum laws. This is reflected in the very high crime rates, as also in the pervasive disobedience of laws. Economic conditions do influence American behaviour. But they are happy if prices are kept low and no fresh taxes are imposed. An average American is ignorant of the world outside America. And yet America is the supreme power of the world. A more tragic situation cannot be imagined! Democracy is a very inefficient system. Churchill called it the worst form of government. But there is no better one around. Which is why America has gone for the least government. |
| Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir | Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs | Nation | Editorial | | Business | Sport | World | Mailbag | In Spotlight | Chandigarh Tribune | Ludhiana Tribune 50 years of Independence | Tercentenary Celebrations | | 120 Years of Trust | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |