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December 5, 2000, Chandigarh, India   
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Resignation gesture A problem of growth To the rescue of schoolchildren |
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STATE OF HIGHER EDUCATION Canada’s poll: the verdict & expectations
Hawking beauty boosters
Heart problem? Go veg
Bigger role for Advani
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Lal Bahadur Shastri
voluntarily did so to set high standards in public life. Mr Nitish Kumar was made to go. Now Mamatadi has resigned owning moral responsibility for Saturday’s train accident. It is an unusual and welcome gesture indeed in today’s situation when hardly anyone suffers from moral pangs. However, her critics are bound to rail at this comparison. They will point to the circumstances in which she has resigned. Ms Mamata Banerjee has come in for trenchant criticism for concentrating more on West Bengal politics than on her ministry. After the accident this chorus of protests had risen demanding her head. So, by resigning she has only pre-empted this move, it is bound to be alleged. In any case, she is ever eager to go to West Bengal, now that elections are drawing near. For the time being, the more pressing question will be whether the resignation is for real. This is not the first time that she has put in her papers. She had resigned in September also on the issue of the steep hike in the prices of petroleum products. Perhaps the Prime Minister will step in this time too? But whatever the reasons may be or whatever the politics involved may be, Ms Banerjee has done the right thing as the head of the 16-lakh strong railway family. Hers is the table where the buck just has to stop. She has rightly pointed out that as Minister she is not involved in the day-to-day operations but she does not want to shirk responsibility. Earlier too, while visiting the accident site, she had said that she would resign if that would improve the situation. The interesting thing is that she also gave a tongue-lashing to the railway officials concerned for their dereliction of duty. If that did not impress thick skins, the resignation perhaps will. From the available data, it appears that the accident was caused by gross negligence. Preliminary reports suggest that the goods train derailed due to a typical track fracture. The irony of it all is that the track had the same rails that had been pronounced defective by the Chief Commissioner of Railway Safety following the Khanna accident, which claimed the lives of more than 220 people. Obviously, no lessons were learnt. Nor were any correctives applied. The CCRS had recommended either replacement or close monitoring of the rails. Neither was apparently done, because it would have cost a large sum. That is why it is said that life is cheap in India. Since casualness of approach is all-pervasive, safety is never given the priority that it deserves. Getting rails inspected for fractures does not get you political mileage or front-page photos, the way opening new lines or making zonal headquarters within one’s constituency does. This criminal neglect has gone on for far too long. The nation owes it to those killed that the gaps in safety are filled forthwith. Even the Prime Minister has admitted that there is an urgent need to do so. It is high time the words were translated into deeds. |
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FOR the second time in six weeks Prime Minister Vajpayee has warned the nation of tough economic measures. Not immediately but in the coming budget which is three months away. He did not indicate what will these tough decisions would be or how tough. But his chief worry is the slow rate of growth, now scaled down to 5.5 per cent from 5.8 per cent and the still earlier 6 per cent as against the budget target of 7 per cent. Mr Vajpayee has fixed his gaze at 8 per cent which is necessary if the size of the economy were to double within this decade. And that is what he committed himself to while visiting the USA. But this figure is unachievable no matter what PMO secretary N.K.Singh says. There is an industrial slowdown. The feel-good factor has faded, giving place to multiple worries. The biggest is the threat of imports once physical restrictions end in April next. As it is, Chinese dry cells, tyres and similar low technology goods are flooding the market. Leading manufacturers like Hindustan Liver are complaining that a flourishing trade has grown in counterfeit cosmetics with fancy foreign names. In fact, this company estimates that fully one-fourth of its branded goods are spurious. It may well be an exaggeration but reflects the sense of nervousness. As the country is getting ready to enter the unknown world of free trade with mixed feelings, investments will be on hold adding to industrial sluggishness. But the government is optimistic. Only two indices are favourable. Export is up by 22 per cent compared to 18 per cent forecast in the budget. The fiscal deficit is likely to remain at 5.1 per cent, the same as Finance Minister Sinha expected nine months earlier. Secretary Singh says infusion of investment will lift the growth figure to 8 per cent, proving more his loyalty than realism. For one thing, there is no investible capital in sight and, two, even if thousands of crores are ploughed in, it be several months before the benefits will flow into statistics. Now for the nature of tough measures and the government’s toughness to take them. Top on the agenda is streamlining subsidies to cut away all those concessions going to the creamy layers of society. The government has no clue to this; the last time an attempt was made was when the United Front was in power and a figure of more than 1,50,000 crore was mentioned. Most
beneficiaries are powerful groups with political clout. That leaves the sale price of foodgrains through fair price shops and kerosene. Mr Sinha can prune them and save a few hundred crores of rupees. But the cumulative effect of these creeping anti-poor decisions will be highly damaging in the next election. Then there is need to trim the government work force, about four million strong. But the white collar fraternity is a solid BJP vote bank and hence it is a touch-me-not commodity. Not surprisingly has the voluntary retirement scheme (VRS) in banks aroused stiff opposition. There is room to rationalise the defence budget but at this moment even a thought will be tantamount to an expression of an anti-national sentiment. Taxes cannot be increased since potential foreign investors want international rates in India. The Dhabhol power plant fiasco is inducing second thoughts. More than taking tough steps the government needs to realise the narrowing down of its options. Otherwise, it may work itself into unrealistic level of firmness and announce actions which it might later be forced to roll back. |
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To the rescue of schoolchildren THose
who believe in the saying "spare the rod and spoil the child" have to revise their opinion. According to a Delhi High Court judgement delivered on Friday, beating of schoolchildren by principals or teachers has had only a damaging effect on these little learners. A two-judge Division Bench of the court has quoted studies which prove that the entire personality of a student undergoes a change after he or she is subjected to corporal punishment. He/she not only loses interest in his/her studies but also starts exhibiting anti-social behaviour. "Beating affects their concentration in studies and leads to the development of fear psychosis towards learning", the judges pointed out when counsel for the Central and Delhi governments tried to justify the provision for physical punishment to schoolchildren as incorporated in the Delhi School Education Rules (DSER), 1973. The official plea, based on an old belief not justifiable today, was that a mild form of corporal punishment could be helpful in controlling the children whose behaviour was impudent. This unscientific approach shows that those looking after school education, so significant for the healthy development of a nation, are not aware of a number of researches conducted on the subject. How shameful it is! The court rightly rejected their thoughtless argument and struck down the controversial provision (Rule 37) of the DSER, saying that taking recourse to the rod defeated the very purpose for which it was sought to be used. The judges did not stop at the psycho-analysis of the problem. Allowing the public interest litigation brought against the practice of corporal punishment in most schools of Delhi, the court held that Rule 37 deprived schoolchildren of their fundamental right to equality before law and their right to life of dignity and personal liberty as guaranteed by the Constitution (Directive Principles of State Policy). They must be allowed to acquire education with dignity and in an atmosphere free from fear of punishment, physical or otherwise. It has been found that the teachers not in their proper frame of mind because of some problem at home or at work take it out on their students by beating them. This often happens at the slightest pretext in both government and privately managed schools, the practice being more prevalent in the latter category. Such treatment meted out to children, who are already over-stressed these days because of
family-related crises and pressure of studies, adds to their plight. Their anxiety level goes up dangerously. They develop restlessness, experience bad dreams and are prone to frequent headaches, besides showing symptoms of other complications. The rod ultimately impairs their personality beyond repair. The Delhi High Court verdict has, however, come to the rescue of only the Capital's children. The Central government should realise the grave consequences of corporal punishment and impose a ban on it covering all schools throughout the country. The children being the future of the nation should be given all kinds of protection. It is heartening to learn that a few schools have full-time counsellors for helping children to cope with their stress-related problems. In fact, the counselling facility should be available to teachers also. This may help them in controlling their students without subjecting them to physical or mental punishment. |
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STATE OF HIGHER EDUCATION UNIVERSITY education in India was developed in the post-Independence phase as part of the national development project. The objective of this project was to achieve self-reliance in critical areas while keeping the contact open with the rest of the world. The commanding heights of the economy, in this project, were to be retained and developed in the public sector. The national development project (and its core) had been debated for nearly two decades before its acceptance after Independence. University education was one such critical area which was retained for the public sector, to be funded by the Union and state governments. This system attained significant progress in quantitative terms — the number of universities, the number of the colleges affiliated to them and the strength of the students enrolled. A chain of public-funded research institutes in sciences and arts were opened to promote research for analytical purposes and provide critical inputs for economic and social policy making. The system achieved self-reliance in terms of producing scholars at the highest level (Ph.D.) and most of the Indian universities dispensed with the practice of appointing examiners from foreign universities for the evaluation of theses. This was done because the internationally known scholars and professors in the Indian universities and research institutes had become available in sufficient number to do evaluation work efficiently in a competent way. Though the system had its failures and limitations, its achievements are not less significant. The national project of Indian capitalism began to steam off during the 1980s when the several areas doing very well (including Punjab) were plunged into economic, social and political crisis. Finally, this project was buried in the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century when LPG (liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation) replaced it. The national project was abandoned by a minority government at the Centre and that too without any public debate. The issues which were at the centre of the national project agenda are out of fashion today. Self-sufficiency is treated as conservatism in the age of much-publicised globalisation. University education, like other critical areas, is no longer on the agenda of the government. It is heard in the corridors of power that “higher education is a white elephant,” a “big drain” on the resources of fund-starving governments. Universities are directed to raise their own funds and manage with their internal resources. Every year a cut is applied on university resources. In the name of NRIs, seats for professional courses are sold in the market, lowering the standards of admission. To start new professional courses and expand the admissions in the existing such courses, posts from the non-professional disciplines are shifted to the departments serving professional courses. In the basic disciplines, which are very critical to the existence of universities, there is an acute shortage of funds and the staff. This makes these discipline cripple. Funding for research and library purposes is declining with every passing day. The unavailability of funds for research and new books and journals makes it extremely difficult to keep the flame of research burning. Instead of helping young scholars and encouraging them to pursue research, they are being asked to pay exorbitant fees. The university is expected to perform two very important functions: creation of knowledge and dissemination of it. The resource crunch has eaten away the vital aspect of creation of knowledge and paralysed research. As yet, dissemination is being managed but the university system is on oxygen. The governments are not prepared to shoulder the responsibility of payment of salary bills and arrears on account of pay revision. At the same time, new universities are opened which remain still born due to the unavailability of funds. This is contrary to the tendency of squandering public funds on jumbo-sized ministries, on the provision of office of profit for every elected assembly member of the ruling parties, elaborate paraphernalia attached to ministers and officials and the maintenance of an elaborate system of security to protect leaders and functionaries of the government. This is in addition to the tendency to spend the scarce government resources on non-sustainable popular schemes to cultivate a political constituency and use public funds for private gains of the ruling families. The governments which apply resource crunch in the case of the universities in a brazen manner spend lavishly on administration. A far greater threat to the university system is from the way it is being treated by the powers that be. The appointment of vice-chancellors and educational administrators is made without academic considerations, ignoring their qualifications and merit. The only consideration remains the proximity of a person to the appointing (not signing) authority. If somehow a competent and honest person is appointed he/she is not allowed to function. Sometimes an appointee of the previous regime is harassed and humiliated on petty considerations. This is the reason why many towering intellectuals are not willing to accept the top administrative position in the universities. On the other hand, incompetent persons approach political authorities and seek favour for getting appointed to higher positions. The political leadership is too willing to oblige such persons. Many people have occupied in the past and several are occupying now the coveted post of vice-chancellor but have no knowledge of the university system. Such persons would neither inspire the students nor lead the teaching community in academic pursuits. They use and abuse authority to please their bosses and overawe the teachers who are treated as subordinates. These non-academic rather anti-academic satraps pollute the academic atmosphere. They kill the spirit of university. They have contempt for dissent which is construed as personal opposition. Such persons are unfit to lead the academia. They block the growth of independent, fearless and competent intellectuals who can guide society in its dark hours. A university can survive financial crunch but die if overtaken by intellectual poverty. This is the reason why a person entrusted with the task of guiding the destiny of a university must have high academic achievements and be well versed with the university system. He should be a person of high integrity, have the capacity to inspire the younger generation, provide leadership to the academia, work with larger considerations and, above all, be in a position to resist pressures from above which lower the standard in the case of admissions and teachers’ appointments. To achieve this, the autonomy of the university and its maintenance are of crucial importance. The governments at all levels are bent upon subverting the system, eroding the university autonomy and converting them into big government colleges. This issue has not as yet attracted proper attention of teachers’ movements and university faculty. The UGC, which was created to regulate the growth of the universities and contribute to their future expansion by arranging funds has lately reversed its role. There are moves to withdraw funds from the centres for advanced studies and departments of special assistance. No fresh posts are being sanctioned. But the UGC is out with a big stick to bulldoze university autonomy. Many unreasonable conditions are being put. The university’s role is changing from being a recommendatory body to a mandatory body. The latest example being the mandatory appointment of an observer who would report to the UGC chairman regarding the proceedings of the selection committee under a career advancement programme. The mindless decisions of 180 lecturing days (no one can ensure them), the overloading of university teachers with lecturing hours and ignoring all considerations of research, conditions of refresher courses without creating adequate facilities/arrangements for such courses have added to the already crumbling system. A stream of mandatory UGC circulars and occasionally contradictory and suspicious nature of government auditors working within the universities continue to harass young researchers and teachers. The system is working not in pursuit of its cherished glorious ideals. Except for isolated voices and occasional formal resolutions, the academic community has generally allowed the working of the system to degenerate. Many among the academia gloated over the dismantling of the national development project of which the modern university system was an integral part. When the decay has begun to actually swallow the existence, academic community is showing signs of its awakening. It is a good and healthy sign. But the leaders of the community would have to cover a long distance to sensitise the teachers of the universities about the larger issues of society. They have to learn to integrate their struggle with the struggle of the common man and guide them to have a viable national development project of India. The universities cannot survive if the country and its masses are drowned by the strong currents from outside. The writer is Professor, Department of Economics, Punjabi University, Patiala. |
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Canada’s poll: the verdict & expectations Recently Mr Michael Bach, a director of Ontario’s Roeher Institute which looked after disabled people , was eager to fly back home after finishing his work at a workshop organised by Mumbai’s Spastic Society of India. Mr Bach was keen to vote in Canada’s general election. He was a supporter of a Fledgling Liberal, pro-environment group, but was keener that his vote would be one more against the right-wing Alliance Opposition party which had made quick inroads in Canada’s normally liberal strongholds. As the results were announced, Mr Bach’s fears were unfounded. The Canadian general election, unlike the one across its border which remained undecided even after the Florida recount, produced a clear-cut result. The ruling Liberal Party and its leader, Prime Minister Jean Chretien, were voted back to power for the third successive time. The icing on the cake was an increased majority for the Liberals. The Liberal victory was anticipated by most Canadians though the large majority came as a pleasant surprise. The Alliance, which had launched a fierce, dirty, name-calling campaign, was nowhere in the picture. The same was the case with the traditional Conservative Party, which, along with the ruling Liberals, had played a historic role in Canadian politics. Sixtysix-year-old Chretien timed his poll triumph to perfection. The result is a clear indication of his foresight and political acumen. After all, he had dissolved the Canadian Parliament and called for fresh elections only with three and a half years of his five-year term gone. His government had not faced any political crisis. On the economic front, the picture was rosy, the same as in the USA. The huge deficits which had plagued Canadian economy belonged to the past. During the three-term Liberal rule the economy had zoomed, deficit financing had disappeared and the unemployment was on the decline. Further, Canadians were earning more money and the unemployment situation was under control. Why then did Mr Chretien call for another general election? His own popularity and that of his party was at peak. The polls predicted that if the general election was held now, the Liberals would sweep the elections. Defying his supporters and the legislators, Mr Chretien called for fresh elections and hit the bull’s eye. In his hectic poll campaign, the Prime Minister often declared that he might step down after two or three years and make the way clear for a new, younger leader. But with the heady taste of victory and popular acclaim, the chances were that Mr Chretien would run the full course of five years. The Canadian media had predicted a minority government headed by Mr Chretien. But as the Liberals steamrollered into a massive victory, tributes for the Prime Minister flowed in. “This is a historic event in our country,” gushed Finance Minister, Paul Martin, who was seen as a successor to Mr Chretien. Predicting a long political career for Mr Chretien after his famous poll victory, his younger brother, Mr Michael, told TV networks, “He had a certain vision, a certain intuition that everything would go well. I think that tonight he had been proved right.” The strong economic growth was just one of the factors for the Liberals’ triumph. During the past five or six years, the Alliance Opposition party had progressed remarkably especially in the urban areas of Canada. The Alliance had firm views on immigration (axe on immigrants, particularly coloured), crackdown on crime, more concessions to big business and less welfare measures. The party had no heart for the poor, the disabled and the coloured citizens. Its political campaign, like those of other right wing groups all over the world, was shrill, abusive and vicious. Perhaps, these factors went against it. Canadian voters, particularly the urban middle class people who were initially swayed by the Alliance rhetoric, were put off by its vicious campaign. The Alliance failed miserably in its attempt to become something more than a western province protest party. It was routed in the polls at Toronto, Quebec and Atlantic Canada, but managed to do well in the western region. Thanks to such support from this region, the Alliance could end up with some 60 plus seats as against 58 in the last Parliament. Its leader, Mr Stockwell Day, admitted that despite the noise of the political campaign, the party’s message had not reached the people. The election also saw the fall of the original Conservative Party which is now in danger of being wiped out from Canada’s political scene. Its causes became obliterated, and on many issues the party found itself neither here nor there. Many of the diehard Conservatives could now cross over to the Alliance Party, though they did not support its politics on immigration, welfare measures and anti-poor attitude. Compared to the confusion created by the indecisive American presidential polls, the Canadian voters performed an admirable task. But the political leadership of the country continued to face an uphill task, making Canada visible and a major world power. The country had all the necessary qualifications. Its economy was strong, its democratic set-up was active on human rights and it had political stability. Perhaps, the very prosperity of its people made Canada rather complacent. They had everything they wanted, thanks to nature’s bounty and did not make the efforts to pass from good living to overall excellence. The nation should be more vocal on world issues, along with those who were opposing injustice and exploitation, and should not be seen as a “silent partner” of the Big Brother, the USA. Mr Chretien’s government must take steps to weaken the Alliance, particularly on issues like immigration, racism and cut on welfare measures. The Canadian government is immensely wealthy, but not much of the wealth was funneled towards helping the poor. The Canadian poor do need better facilities like homes, clothing, schools and health care. Mr Michael Bach told me that the disabled in his country did not get a fair deal and were discriminated against at all levels. Nearly 50 per cent of the disabled population suffered physical abuse. The Canadian example clearly showed that strong democratic roots and a booming economy were not enough. The people and the government should show to the world that they had larger hearts. |
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Hawking beauty boosters THE advice is varied and it comes from diverse sources. Someone gives tips on how to keep the figure trim, another trumpets a formula that will keep the skin aglow, and there is someone else who tells you how to keep your teeth white as pearls and strong as steel. Depending on the company that pays them their price, film and TV celebrities are ready to “reveal” the secrets of a perfect figure, a glowing skin, and the ravishing effect of a dress washed in a particular detergent. Anyone who has anything to sell can hire a celebrity for a fabulous amount to hawk his stuff and the money spent is well worth its while. That is how you have filmstars peddling undergarments, sportsmen recommending shaving creams and tooth pastes, lissom lovelies lauding pan masala and shapely models describing the features of a car in terms that you use to describe feminine beauty. In the midst of all this publicity din stands that specimen of the human species, known as the common man or the consumer, in the language of the market operators. The female of the species is the target of most of this blitzkrieg. She is invited to magnify her physical attributes, almost to the exclusion of mental faculties. So there is a plethora of gadgets, potions, lotions and concoctions hurled at her, inviting her to look lovelier, slimmer and fairer. In this bewildering welter of beauty enhancing devices and advices, the dress designer stands apart in a class of his own. Fashion shows have become the order of the day in almost every big or small town, and what is bandied about in the name of fashionable wear, would make the boldest of the women in your town turn pink. These are dresses that are designed not to cover the body but to uncover as much of the anatomy of the wearer as she is willing to show. The models who don these skimpies as they walk down the ramps, attract attention with their oomphy and curvaceous contours that peep adequately from under the designer wear. There is, no doubt, a fancy price tag to all these crazy creations. But who buys them and who wears them remain mysteries worthy of a Sherlok Holmes. Go round your town and try to locate a single person wearing the kind of outfits that are hawked at these fashion shows! Yet these shows are a great success. The hall is more than full long before the scheduled time and there are more people outside trying to sneak in than the crowd inside. That the crowd is made up mostly of males is explained by the fact that those who walk the ramps are mostly ravishing females, although a spattering of male models has now started being seen. What is really surprising is that these shows are generally held in winter, and the way these scantily clad models brave the biting chill of winter should entitle them to a bravery award. Luckily, such body show has not gained popularity among the male models yet. Perhaps they are not sure of exciting any audience curiosity with the exhibition of their bare bodies. Only dancers have that privilege. There are voices pf protest from feminist activists against what they describe as exploitation of the female form. But their protests against the trend of using good-looking women to popularise various kinds of products hardly cuts any ice. They also perhaps know that there is no escape from this “commoditisation” of the female in a system in which buying and selling, given the fancy name of “market forces”, reign supreme. When they will give up this losing battle is anybody’s guess. Even the Government of India refrains from treating the citizen as a human being and calls him a piece of “human resource”, to be developed and, of course, exploited. Then why blame the trade? |
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Sticking to a plant based diet can eliminate the chances of developing coronary heart diseases, according to a research by a US surgeon. Dr Caldwell Esselstyn, head of thyroid and parathyroid surgery at the Cleveland Clinic, who was on a visit to India, questioned the efficacy of interventions like coronary artery bypass, angioplasty and stenting in treating heart diseases, saying they only treated the symptoms and not the disease. The leading killer of men and women in Western civilisations is thus being left untreated, he said. Caldwell conducted a 12-year study on 24 patients, which has been published in the American Journal of Cardiology. The study concludes that the most effective way of not only preventing heart diseases but also curing them is to follow a strict diet regulation which has only plant-based foods. It also warns against consuming dairy products and vegetable oils. “Coronary heart disease need not exist, if it does, it need not be allowed to progress and this is possible if a low fat, vegetarian diet or “plant diet” is strictly followed”, Caldwell said. “Milk is good but only for babies and calves. A diet rich in milk, milk products, oils, ghee and meat is very good if you want to live only till the age of 35. These are known to increase the risk of cancer, high blood pressure, adult onset of diabetes and heart attacks”, he elaborated.
(PTI)
Logging ban Twenty years ago, when Sor Lyngkhoi, set up the first saw mill at Nongstoin in the West Khasi hills of Meghalaya, Kong B Jyrwa opened a small jadoh stall (an eating joint) beside it to cater to the log workers. Within a few months, she expanded her shop and employed four girls to run her thriving business. “I used to cook 10/15 kg of rice every day and still would run out of food”, she said. “There were so many people around doing so many things”. Looking at Jyrwa’s tremendous success, others also opened up food and tea stalls. Then came up garages, a small medical store, a petrol pump. The whole area turned out to be a hub of timber activities. “At least 200 truck loads of timber used to go out of Nongstoin everyday,” said Lyngkhoi, who made money from the thriving logging business and learnt the tricks of the trade. Suddenly came the Supreme Court ban and the entire chain of activities collapsed. Kong Jyrwa recollects: “There was no work in the saw mills, garages, shops etc. Hundreds of young people went out of jobs. Many people closed down the shops and left the place.” She, too, had to trim down her business and run the shop alone to look after her family of five. Kong Jyrwa was among 20,000 families in the West Khasi hills of Meghalaya who were completely immobilised by the ban. But how did it happen? Why were the people in the West Khasi hills so badly affected by the ban, when over 90 per cent people owned a patch of land or forest? A recent study, sponsored by the Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, on the impact of the logging ban on people’s livelihood in Meghalaya’s West Khasi hills district, suggests that the loss of livelihood and human sufferings that followed the logging ban actually stemmed from a deeper issue of development problems, rather than the sudden collapse of the booming timber trade in Meghalaya.
(Grassroots)
New slogans for Florida Florida: If you think we can’t vote, wait till you see us drive. Florida: Home of electile dysfunction. Florida: We count more than you do. Florida: If you don’t like the way we count then take I-95 highway and visit one of the other 56 states. Florida: We’ve been Gored by the bull of politics and we’re Bushed. Florida: Relax, Retire, ReVote. Florida: What comes after 17,311? Florida: Where your vote counts and counts and counts. Florida: This is what you get for taking Elian away from us. Florida: We don’t just cheat in football. Florida: We’re number one! Wait! Recount! And ... Palm Beach county: So nice, we let you vote twice. Palm Beach county: We put the “duh” in Florida. Sign on I-95 highway: Florida this way, no that way, 5 miles, wait, 10 miles. |
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Bigger role for Advani A rather unnoticed development after the Prime Minister's knee surgery has been a subtle change in the power structure at the Centre. Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee is still in full command, and nothing can move without his consent. Yet part of the functional responsibilities are being quietly passed on to the Home Minister, Mr L.K. Advani. Some of these arrangements have been formal — like managing the parliamentary party of which Mr Vajpayee is the elected leader. Of late, Mr Advani has also been carrying out other responsibilities which Mr Vajpayee has been keeping under his domain for quite some time. This virtual reality might have been unthinkable even a couple of months back. After the BJP's Chennai session, Mr Vajpayee had made it a point to assume all powers, including the BJP's organisational matters, for himself. Visiting state leaders and aspiring position-seeker in the party had to seek appointments with the PMO to get things done. The Ashoka Road headquarters of the BJP was reduced to the role of a subordinate office. Media persons were encouraged to highlight the Prime Minister's supreme role in organisational decisions, including crucial appointments. The illfated imposition of Mr Ram Prakash Gupta as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh was one such proclaimed personal choice of Mr Vajpayee. Even Mr Advani, whose organisational antenna is sharp, was known to have held strong reservations on that hasty decision. Had he chosen not to press it further, it has been to avoid any room for the backroom boys around the Prime Minister to raise doubts about his intentions. It was at the peak of the ‘‘Chennai spirit’’ characterised by the total concentration of all powers — both of the government and the party — in one person. The Prime Minister's camp was citing the success of the ‘‘Indira model’’ to doggedly defend the one-leader concept as an insurance against the emergence of parallel centres of power. In certain cases, even party President Kushabhau Thakre — like Mrs Indira Gandhi's D.K. Barroah — came to know about the party decisions after they were made. There seems to be a perceptible atmospheric change in the post-surgery phase. In politics, lack of self-assurance breeds suspicion. Mr Advani's extremely cautious responses with regard to his claim for the deputy's post and ever ready cooperation to Mr Vajpayee seem to have helped the new process. After Breach Kandy, almost all delicate organisational operations seem to have been transferred back to Mr Advani. It was Mr Advani who broke the deadlock in UP where everyone except Mr Ram Prakash Gupta wanted a change of leadership but no one could agree on a replacement. Each serious contender objected to the choice of the rival as Chief Minister. Mr Rajnath Singh has been Mr Vajpayee's preferred choice but the decision was delayed due to a ganging up of all others against the former. For months, the crucial decision was kept in cold storage even as the BJP's support base has been eroding due to maladministration and lack of cohesion. Finally, the task fell on Mr Advani who swiftly moved last month to break the deadlock. Instead of going in for more consultations and persuasions, he recommended the least evil. The appointment of Mr Rajnath Singh has been a decision by the top two. No doubt, it has been a true Congress-style highhanded imposition on an unwilling BJP state Legislature Party. Still worse, the final decision was taken without consulting others like state BJP President Kalraj Mishra and Murli Manohar Joshi. Mr Joshi, who normally plays an important role in UP affairs of the BJP, was informed at a later stage. Mr Kalraj was summoned to the Prime Minister's residence and told to simply comply with the decision. Even those who have been earlier opposing him tooth and nail finally fell in line without making much of a noise. Mr Advani could effortlessly manage a full endorsement by the state Legislature Party and the dozen recalcitrant allies. The utterly authoritarian means adopted apart, Mr Advani alone could have undertaken such a arduous task. Apart from the Goa operation which was marked by induced defections and giving ministerial rewards to the political sinners, Mr Vajpayee was forced to assign the difficult work of installing the BJP Governments in the two new states to Mr Advani. He did both with remarkable deftness. Party President Bangaru Lakshman, who was going round the country giving his routine bhashans, was not even aware of the intricacies of the bargains struck at Delhi with the quarrelling claimants of the respective states and the political compensations offered to them. In Uttaranchal, Mr Advani has been working on a formula that might have brought in Mr K.C. Pant as Chief Minister. When it misfired due to a premature leak — allegedly from the Prime Minister's camp — he tried for another package. Mr Advani's role was more direct in the case of Jharkhand. Initially, there was some mess-up and the leadership went ahead with the hope that an audience with Mr Vajpayee would do the miracle with JMM leader Shibu Soren. It was then realised that the old magic no more works when it comes to the lust for chief ministership. Within the BJP, Mr Kaira Munda had to be hoodwinked and then pacified. Significantly, credit for shooting down a defection-driven power grab in Chhatisgarh should go to Mr Advani. Not on moral ground but due to the hazards of depending on leaders like Mr V.C. Shukla. The restoration of ministership to Mrs Sushma Swaraj and the rehabilitation of Ms Uma Bharti also have to be seen as a gain for Mr Advani. The decision, of course, was of the Prime Minister. But it marked Mr Advani's increasing role in the decision making process. Both Ms Uma Bharti and Mrs Sushma Swaraj were widely acknowledged as being close to Mr Advani. He was unhappy when the two had to leave the Vajpayee Ministry under different circumstances. Some had linked Mrs Sushma Swaraj's angry criticism of the party and government policies at the Nagpur session to Mr Advani. The truth about this apart, his voice certainly counted when the issue of reinstating Mrs Sushma Swaraj came up. Similar has been the case with Mr Madan Lal Khurana. Mr Advani's imprint is visible in the arrangement, though uneasy, among the quarrelling Delhi leaders. Mr Advani is being assigned an increasingly dominant role in organisational matters, especially where trouble-shooting is required. ‘‘Management’’ of the BJP MPs has more or less gone over to Mr Advani. This has been a post-surgery development. In the absence of Mr Vajpayee, Mr Advani conducts the meetings of the BJP Parliamentary Party and delivers the customary homilies which are otherwise the preserve of the group leader. On his part, Mr Advani grabs every opportunity to prove his dexterity and expertise in handling whatever Mr Vajpayee assigns to him. This week, he displayed his delegated authority by castigating party MPs for the non-serious manner in which they conducted themselves in the House. Often when the combined Opposition was grilling the government, a large number of BJP MPs remained absent. This could not go on, he warned them. He would make available enough data and material for them to defend the government. There has been large absenteeism even at the parliamentary party meeting. Many came for the meeting when it was half way through. He chided the MPs for such lapses. Later, some individual members were called to warn them about the leadership's displeasure. Of late, a notable trend has been that some of the decisions being announced in the name of Mr Vajpayee, have in effect been made by others. Take the case of the unilateral declaration of the Ramzan ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir. The real author of the so-called ‘‘Vajpayee offer’’ has been the Home Minister who had to strive hard for over a month to put it in shape. When the suggestion first came personally to Mr Advani from a Sarvodaya activist and a Kashmir leader, the first reaction was to dismiss it as highly tricky. It called for consultations beyond the Home Ministry. The Defence and External Affairs ministries had to study its implications in detail. After getting Mr Vajpayee's initial consent, the Home Minister went ahead with consultations with the officers of the paramilitary forces, intelligence wings and armed with their endorsement, he sounded others. There were also doubts about an adverse public response in view of the illfated Lahore bus trip which led to the Pakistani deception in Kargil. Even at the Cabinet Committee on Security the Army had expressed certain reservations. Dr Farooq Abdullah was also taken into confidence. Notably, Mr Advani's authorship of the ceasefire could be discerned from his persistent defence of the move and his subsequent interpretations to the initiative. The peace offer, he theorised, should be viewed as an extension of the Lahore initiative. An offshoot of Mr Advani's direct involvement has been the rather muted response from the RSS parivar. Unlike the Shiv Sena, the RSS has not yet gone public against the offer. Certainly, the inertia that has set in in the post-surgery Vajpayee establishment may have helped Mr Advani to wrest the initiatives. The process is still slow and halting, and the interest groups within the narrow circles may resist it. Yet Mr Vajpayee's waning stamina and a tendency to leave decisions to colleagues seem to be having its effect on the otherwise once powerful PMO. The idea of coordinated policies and actions by the ministries are giving way to individual whims. The PMO bothers less about the way the ministers are working at cross-purposes. Everyone seeks to score points through media leaks. No Prime Minister could have allowed the kind of ‘‘trade unionism’’ by the ‘‘laid off’’ junior Ministers. They boldly come out in the open to seek ‘‘jobs’’ and cabins to sit in. This itself has been the result of frequent reshuffles and portfolio changes to meet the pressures from within the BJP. Those who have met the Prime Minister come out with the impression that he is becoming a pale shadow of an energetic Mr Vajpayee of the first year. The hangers-on within the BJP are the first to sense the changes. They have already begun the finetuning. |
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The most disturbing part of man's nature is his desires, ever-craving, never satisfied. In fact the more they are gratified, the fiercer they grow. —An Advanced Text book of Hindu Religion and Ethics, chapter VII *** Sweep out the sphere of your mind; Make a place for loved one to sit. Dust out all thoughts of this world So that His throne may be fit. A million desires engulf you, A million ambitions and aims; How can you make room for His presence Unless they vacate His domain. —Swami Shivananda, Mind: Its Mysteries and Control, chapter 21 *** Man verily is desire formed; As is his desire so is his thought; As (his) thought is, so he does action; As he does action, so he attains. —Brihadarnayaka Upanishad, IV, IV.5 *** Desire, anger and delusion, when these three are completely destroyed without a trace, then the pain of samsara is no more. —The Tirukkural, 360. *** The soul itself is immortal, a Princess of Royal blood, as it were. Its unhappiness lasts only so long as it is under the control of the mind. It is the company of the mind that has reduced it to the position of a "slave girl". Therefore, bring it under control of the Word or the Shabad, to liberate it from the thraldom of the demon mind. Go within and connect your consciousness with Nam, so that you may be elevated out of this sphere of births and deaths. Thus will you achieve Eternal Salvation and Bliss. —Maharaj Jagat Singh,
The Science of the Soul, chapter I. |
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