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After victory, the challenge Fresh start in Haryana |
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Modi wins amid storm signals
In love with good things of life
When development needs direction
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After victory, the challenge THE Modi-Amit Shah team has carried forward the BJP's Lok Sabha win to Maharashtra and Haryana, the states where the party had no significant presence or leader to depend on. Modi staked the prestige of his office in the elections and has emerged with his honour intact. Prime Ministers usually do not campaign that vigorously in state elections. But the BJP has no leader other than Modi who could pull it off. The party's decision to go it alone has paid off in Haryana but Maharashtra has shown that allies too are required. People have voted out the corrupt governments in Maharashtra and Haryana, and rejected the politics of hate pursued by Raj Thackeray and of vindictiveness for which the Chautalas had earned notoriety. The victorious BJP, however, has landed in a tight spot in Maharashtra. A coalition with the Shiv Sena means letting Uddhav Thackeray get away with all the below-the-belt remarks he made about the Prime Minister. A compromise would make the BJP government vulnerable to Shiv Sena blackmail. That would not go well with Modi's assiduously built reputation of being a strong leader. Modi will have to prove that he does not lack Vajpayee's skill of managing the nitty-gritty of coalition politics. In case the BJP accepts the offer of support of the NCP (Modi repeatedly called it "Naturally Corrupt Party" during the campaign) to form a government, it would mean going easy on allegations of corruption made against NCP ministers in the previous Congress government. There are a few other interesting takeaways from the election result. Though the voter has punished the Congress and the anti-Congress mood has continued, the party's vote share in Maharashtra has slipped only by 3.1 per cent. Secondly, since the BJP does not have any Muslim MLA as its ticket was not given to any member of the community, the new government will be keenly watched for its treatment of minorities. Finally, as Modi has aroused high expectations, he will have to deliver now. The electoral victories will help the BJP gain majority in the Rajya Sabha and there will then be no excuse for non-performance.
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Fresh start in Haryana Haryana has given a clear verdict, which is good because of the obvious benefit that comes from a stable government that can take decisions. As for any dissensions within the BJP over positions — something that Hooda battled all through his 10 years — they are not likely with a strong leader like Modi watching. In hindsight, it is also clear that among the three major parties that were in the fray, it was difficult for anyone other than the BJP to gain a clear majority. The Congress had the sheer incumbency baggage of 10 years, and the INLD was too caste-based to find a larger appeal with so many serious contenders in the fray. Apart from all other political machinations that the BJP employed — as did other parties in the caste-obsessed state — it was the Modi factor that worked for it. His presence helped the party overcome caste barriers among all communities of the state, except the Jats. This reduced the contest to two vote banks, Jats and non-Jats, with the latter left with little option other than the BJP if they wanted change. How much of the Congress' loss was because of anti-incumbency and how much because of the corruption taint is anyone's guess, but now they have ample time to reflect on the latter. A victory for the INLD would have meant vindication of the cynical politics of the Chautala clan, with the patriarch promising to take the oath in jail. It has now been reduced to a few districts. A distinct advantage the BJP has in Haryana is it comes with a blank slate, never having been in power in the state. Good or bad, the reputation will be built over the next five years. Haryana saw reasonable development under Hooda too, sports being among one of his major achievements. What did the Congress in was the temptation the high worth of real estate in the state offered. Will the BJP investigate the various scams or just join the party is what people of the state would be watching.
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Thought for the Day
I don't think my wife likes me very much, when I had a heart attack she wrote for an ambulance.
— Frank Carson
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The Budge-Budge enquiry THE enquiry into the whole set of circumstances connected with the ill-starred Komagata Maru opens at Calcutta on the 22nd, and it is understood that, after recording evidence in Bengal, the Committee will also come over to the Punjab. The appointment of the Committee itself is strong evidence of the large-hearted solicitude of His Excellency the Viceroy and His Honour Sir Michael O' Dwyer towards the men of the Komagata Maru. Sir William Vincent's appointment as President of the Committee has been welcomed everywhere. Sardar Daljit Singh, besides being a member of the Imperial and Provincial Councils, and Secretary of the Punjab Chiefs' Association, is an ex-President of the Sikh Educational Conference and a Sikh leader whose name was mentioned for a non-official enquiry. He should prove an interpreter between the Government and the men and safeguard the interests of his community. Education of children IT is the fashion of the day to adopt European systems of education in India whether or not we have here all or most of the economic, social, moral and material conditions of those countries. Consequently numerous faults are found in our scholars and the achievements of many are discounted. It is yet to be ascertained to what extent these imperfections are due to the faulty adaptations of European models in India. What is called the Montessori system of education is sometimes pointed out as a new model both for Europe and every other country. Because it enables each student to have free play for his faculties and for his individual aptitude without mutilating his genius by forcing him through the State-made educational mould. |
Modi wins amid storm signals NOT unexpectedly, as forecast, Modi has won the elections. But it has not been a famous victory. The BJP has a clear majority in Haryana but must partner with the Shiv Sena, with which it broke, in Maharashtra. The Congress has been swept away. Anti-incumbency, in-fighting, corruption, lack of leadership and arrogance brought about its downfall. The verdict is a crushing commentary on the utter non-performance of Rahul Gandhi, who has been propped up by Sonia Gandhi despite his proven incompetence. The Congress will die if the duo continues. The cry to bring in Priyanka has already been heard. But dynastic politics has no future and the tainted Vadra is a millstone around her neck. Now that Hooda is no more there to protect him as Haryana's Chief Minister, the man probably will be arraigned on the serious charges of malfeasance levelled against him. The political field has changed. In Maharashtra, tricky coalition and leadership talks will begin. The Congress has become so petty as to have removed Shahsi Tharoor as a party spokesperson for accepting Modi's nomination to be a "champion" for Swachh Bharat or Clean India. He is said to have praised Modi, and not for the first time. Normal civilities should never be abandoned and no Opposition party or critic should damn the government irrespective of the merits of the issue in hand. The Hudhud cyclone was handled pretty smartly with mass evacuation of vulnerable populations. If post-cyclone relief was tardy, especially in and around Vishakapatnam, the epicentre, this was partly because of the unprecedented wind velocities. There are lessons to be learnt about post-disaster management as climate change is going to produce severe aberrant events. But there are other storm signals too and it is here that Modi will be tested. He has promised development and reform and is entitled to full support for worthwhile initiatives. But he has to walk his talk of dealing with all Indians equally as Prime Minister. The madness of love-jihad appears to be dissipating now that the polls are over and charges brought forward have been repeatedly disproved as a pack of lies and malicious plants by an anti-minority Hindutva lobby. The latest round of atrocities has been against young Northeasterners in Bangalore and Gurgaon. These racist attacks by illiterate and unemployed youth have been widely condemned; but investigation and punishment have been inadequate and tardy. More stringent laws are required. Racism is blood brother to communalism, casteism, fear of loss of identity, economic insecurities, loss of habitat and petty regionalism/chauvinism. There is inadequate understanding of the fact that India's racial composition includes Mongoloids and Negritos in addition to Aryans and Dravidians and that this is what makes for our vast cultural and social diversity. Our education has failed to teach us this and many of us live in enclaves of the mind. The foremost among these exclusivist forces is the Hindutva-Sangh Parivar that Modi embraces. Talented, English-speaking Northeasterners are seen as "stealing" jobs from native unemployed youth in much the same manner as the Shiv Sena defends the original rights of the "Marahatta Manoos" . In parts of the Northeast, Hindi-speakers are seen as "outsiders" and driven out while J&K and Sikkim have state subject laws. Jobs for the boys is an understandable aspiration. The problem arises only because population growth has outstripped development opportunities linked to investment and skills. We need to create 10 m new jobs net every year just to absorb the swelling workforce. This is a Herculean task in any circumstances but is rendered impossible by dilatory administrative clearances and by environmental conservatism based on loss of "forest", submergence and poor resettlement and tribal rights. The latest expert group on tribal rights in development led by Prof Virginius Xaxa is a no-no document. The tribal is so over-protected as to become a hapless prisoner of abstruse virtue that leaves him/her impoverished at the end of the day. These reformers do not look down the road to see what will the tribal condition be a decade or two from now. The state has dramatically failed to improve tribal lives and administration. They have been isolated and left to stew in their own juice. True, there has been exploitation from all sides without redress. The problem is now seen as callous neglect and the need to protect these communities from left-wing extremism through "packages". The existing legal and constitutional structure under the Fifth Schedule has been by-passed and we are today in no-man's land. Only a leaked summary of the Xaxa report is available and we must in fairness therefore wait to see what redeems it. Corporate partnership, as prescribed by the Supreme Court's Samantha judgment and sought to be implemented in the Vedanta case, has been proscribed or stymied. A good, independent study of the Vedanta development experience in Lanjigarh-Nyamgiri in Orissa could be instructive. The project has been rudely stalled and tens of thousands of jobs, and downstream benefits and the multiplier effect resulting therefrom have been thrown away. What is the tribal condition in that desperate region minus Vedanta? What is the state's record and what has a busy-body like Rahul done? What and where is Modi's policy, though the BJP rules in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh? Modi's so-called diplomatic coup in getting SAARC leaders to attend his swearing-in in Delhi, never well planned but tom-tommed endlessly, is now in tatters. We are now in confrontation with Pakistan and China on the border, with the BJP having drummed up the idea of a "strong, no-nonsense leader", stirring chauvinist cadres and commentators to frenzy, squeezing electoral mileage out of this. Neither Pakistan nor China is an innocent abroad and the two have probably joined to drum up the latest border tension. None of this augurs well for peace and neighbourhood cooperation. www.bgverghese. com |
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In love with good things of life There was bereavement in the family. The bhog was at a gurdwara in Mohali. On Sundays gurdwaras pack a tight schedule. One lot comes out beaming after the marriage "pheras". The next lot heading in could be in a sombre mood. The earlier function may not be over, necessitating a wait outside. Somebody tapped me on the shoulder from behind. I looked back and saw a frail elderly 'Nihang Sikh' with a flowing beard wanting to talk to me. I found it strange that he spoke in chaste Hindi and only a smattering of imperfect Punjabi. What he said was certainly not flattering. "Aap itne budsoorat kab se hogaye? Pehle jab aap chhutti aate the to vardi me kitne achhe dikhaayi dete the". I realised the person feeding my ego was Mohammad, the Bihari gardener who had worked in our house many years ago when we lived in Mohali. When and why he chose to join the "Akaal purakh di fauj" was not my concern. What was immediately important, and I thanked "Vaheguru" for that, was that my wife was not within a hearing distance when the tribute to my fine looks and appearance was paid. What Mohammad said made me do some soul searching. His plain speak was tragi-comic. "Aaina mujhse meri pehli si soorat maange". Genetically, ours is a family of heavy weights. In addition, freed of the exacting physical standards which the Army demands, post-retirement, I had let myself go. Love for the good life especially after sunset had taken a toll and I ended up putting on weight. When undergoing an annual medical examination many years ago, the Army doctor, after seeing a few lab reports and the blood pressure, asked: "Since when have you been drinking and how much do you drink?" If I had answered truthfully, he would have referred me to a psychiatrist. I went to school during the fountain pen era. While my academic performance was nothing much to write home about, I still carried four pens to school. One contained ink and the other three, whiskies whacked from my father's well stocked cellar. As to the question how much? The truth was "kabhi yun hi to kabhi tol ke pi hai maine. Mudda yeh, ke jee khol ke pi hai maine. Naar e dozakh (fires that burn in hell) se daraata hai mujhe eh vaaiz (preacher), Aag paani mein bahut ghol ke pi hai maine". Since retirement from the Army in 2009, the corporate hospitals chain that the tricity boasts of, have dipped their hands into the ECHS (a health scheme for the retired Armed Forces personnel) till with gay abandon. An angio, a pacemaker, a CPAP and treatment for several other self-inflicted miseries later, and with the health no better, I have realised that the devil lies within. I now follow a saner routine and look forward to meeting an admiring Mohammad Singh singing hosannas to my looks. |
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When development needs direction THE urban morphology of Amritsar has remained similar in texture and pattern over the centuries. In the heart of the walled city is located Sri Harmandar Sahib within the pool of nectar. Several decades, or not so long ago, the Amrit Sarovar sat seamlessly — just as the heart sits seamlessly in a body. The shrine was not separate from the fabric of the city. The defining edge of the shrine was fluid — formed by the waters of the sarovar. The heart exists and hence the body exists. The rhythm of the heart as the Guru envisioned was the community, and the community guarded the site with its entire existence. History has several instances where the community rallied around the site to protect its sanctity and symbols of value as defined by the founding fathers of the faith.
Do plans for interventions in sites of immense cultural significance such as the Golden Temple take into consideration the physical attributes that contribute to understanding the values of the site? Do the urban infrastructure and design guidelines recognise the distinctive relationship between the city and the sacred precinct? I am afraid not. In the absence of proper articulation of these principles or of any guidelines for planning, the planners and architects are oblivious to these. Who is to be blamed here — the planners or the site managers or the political system that does not provide a platform for dialogue and undermines the academicians and specialists alike. Evolution of the city Harmandar Sahib has evolved through three distinctive periods. Guru Ramdas envisioned the sarovar — the waters. Guru Arjan Dev added the floor of the parikarma and the steps of the sarovar were built of Nanakshahi bricks. The material palette was modest, in the spirit of the faith. End of the 18th century saw the introduction of materials for embellishments. It was under the patronage of Maharaja Ranjit Singh that decorative features were introduced by way of cut stone floors, pietra durra on the walls of the shrine with embossed gold sheets above. Frescoes and other plaster-based rendering using coloured glass, mirrors and gold leaf were introduced into the interiors of the Prakashsthan (the self-illuminated space which houses Sri Guru Granth Sahib). The work of the karkhanas or the workshops in Harmandar Sahib was run with the resources contributed by the community — both poor and the rich. The decorative floors in the 19th century were confined to the chhoti parikarma, and the plaza in front of Sri Akal Takht Sahib and the farther portion of the outer parikarma. The outer edge of the complex in the 18th and the 19th century came to be defined by the mansions of the misls, the bungas. The spaces between the bungas were the streets of the city. Distinct physical character The distinctive physical character of Harmandar Sahib comes from elements of spatial planning, its architecture, visual character, recitation of Gurbani — the sound scape, life and activities within the precinct — with the Guru at the centre in the sanctum sanctorum of the shrine. The precinct is located in the lowest part of the city. This un-gated sacred precinct gives refuge to all in all times. The sound scape of the bani is a constant reminder of ‘oneness in diversity’. The buildings that form the edge with the stepped profile of verandas and terraces were introduced in the middle of the 20th century after the creation of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee in 1925, which enabled the Sikh community to once again look after its sacred sites (that had come under the management of the District Administration, under the British after Punjab was annexed in 1849). The uniformity in design — the typology with rooms with verandas in front, are put to use for the activities related to the shrine and were created as a defining edge — a ‘buffer’ between the city and the sacred precinct. While the complex evolved the defining principles for the transformation were consistent through the ages and were not compromised. The dense urban morphology with its narrow maze of streets and architecture in brick and lime converge at Harmandar Sahib and is in sharp contrast to the character-defining elements of the sacred precinct. Incongruent change The city grew over time. Amritsar came to be recognised as a city of spirituality and productivity. The contribution of people of Amritsar through the ages as an empowered community has left an indelible mark on the conscience of the nation. It is extremely evident that the character has changed in Amritsar in the recent times, in tangible as well as intangible ways. The city is choked with traffic. The walled city has an immensely degraded environmental quality with polluted air and water. There is immense noise, fumes and visual clutter in what remains of the historic city in the immediate vicinity of Harmandar Sahib. In the absence of an effective storm-water drainage, the monsoons of 2014 saw the parikarma getting waterlogged! Waste water flows in open surface drains. Not only are the 19th and the early 20th century buildings of heritage value in the walled city of Amritsar being demolished to make way for new buildings, these new buildings with dominant hoardings are being built with a material vocabulary of steel and glass and gaudy colours that are completely in contrast to the essential character of a historic city. Amritsar was rich in its craftsman in brick buildings and produced pioneers such as Bhai Ram Singh — the architect builder of the Khalsa College and several character-defining brick buildings of Lahore. But not only are the brick buildings of the walled city being demolished now, those built by Bhai Ram Singh are also under a threat. These include the old office of the Deputy Commissioner, the ITI building adjacent to the Hall Gate and the Saragarhi Gurdwara. Are these inadequacies impossible to address given that Amritsar attracts the attention of governments and political bodies in power who endow the city with resources for development? Off-track planning The current planning and development paradigm undermines the voice of the collective. The need of the community is understood only at the level of the gross — as only confined to the need of the body. Over the past two decades Amritsar has seen the launch of several programmes for development and upgradation of infrastructure. While the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission brought in the elevated road into the city leading into the walled city and a multi-storeyed car park, a recently introduced large white-marbled forecourt to Harmandar Sahib with a basement visually competes with the pristine visual character of the sacred precinct. The water fountain in the forecourt as a visual element of design too will compete with the water as an element of the sacred precinct. Water in the walled city was only in the sarovars and has always had a special meaning. The fountain in itself is associated with entertainment which doesn’t fit in with the sacred ambience of the shrine. Is this the most appropriate design intervention in the forecourt of Harmandar Sahib? On the other hand pedestrian and vehicular circulation in the areas outside the shrine for the anticipated increased footfall continues to be choked. Are the needs of the walled city with Harmandar Sahib understood properly by the planners? The approach to demolish the existing fabric and replacing it with wider roads and more car parks will certainly not address the ever-growing demand for space. It is evident today that the current approach of providing augmented infrastructure without regulatory policies will not address the needs of the city. Long-term threats The increased capacities of buildings with increased users only induce more demand on the infrastructure. Constructing larger and taller buildings like the recently built SGPC building adjacent to the Saragarhi Gurdwara to house more pilgrims in extreme proximity to the Golden Temple may provide more accommodation to the pilgrims. But this is certainly not based on an understanding of sustainable development principles, especially around sacred sites worldwide. It is easy to recognise that what may appear informed by noble intentions, the very increase of ‘infrastructure’ and augmented facilities for the visitors and pilgrims will pose a threat in the long term. Time to wake up The modern concepts of development in India today are far removed from the notion of the collective. Compromising the defining principles of sites of significance and their setting leads to irreversible loss of heritage, both tangible and intangible to the community. Can political and administrative decision makers allow for a dialogue between the academicians, community and planners to inform the planning and conservation processes? Can an agreed vision inform development in heritage cities, more specifically Amritsar? Amritsar is important. The year 2017 will see the people of Amritsar celebrate 440th year of the founding of the city. Can the community — local, regional and global — play a role in the future development of this city. With the newer schemes for development in the pipeline (Amritsar as a SMART city) and projects and programmes for the conservation or heritage of Amritsar for an integrated development of the city as a cultural tourism destination under the aegis of the Government of Punjab with the support of Asian Development Bank (IDIPT 2014-2020), there is a window of opportunity once again, and let’s not miss it! Amritsar deserves integrated thinking by an empowered community once again. Much-hyped projects Over the past two decades, Amritsar has seen the launch of several programmes for development and upgradation of infrastructure, especially aound Harmandar Sahib. Some of these are: *
Elevated Road project leading to the walled city was undertaken under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission . *
Multi-storeyed car park to decongest areas in the vicinity of the Golden Temple *
Marble forecourt at Harmandar Sahib with a basement * Water fountain in the forecourt — The writer is Director and Principal Conservation
Architect, Cultural Resource Conservation Initiative (India) Pvt Ltd |
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