|
 |
ARTICLE |
 |
The rise and fall of Jayalalithaa
Her political career seems to have reached a dead-end
T.V. Rajeswar
 The
conviction of Jayalalithaa, the three times Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, on September 27 by a special court presided over by John Michael D'Cunha brought to an end the 18-year-old prosecution proceedings against the film star-turned-politician. The judge imposed on her a jail sentence of four years and a fine of Rs 100 crore. Her three co-accused were also convicted. In the politics of Tamil Nadu, the Dravidian parties’dominance began in 1967 with Annadurai, the principal lieutenant of an iconic Tamil Nadu politician, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, C.N. Annadurai was the first non-Brahmin Chief Minister of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Party which dominated the politics of Tamil Nadu for the next half a century. After Annadurai's death in 1969, Karunanidhi became his successor but the DMK party suffered a split with cine star M.G. Ramachandran (popularly known as MGR) coming to power in 1977. He lasted 10 years and it was during his time as Chief Minister that Jayalalithaa, then a budding actor, slowly emerged as the leading actor in films in which MGR acted as the hero. Jayalalithaa acted in 28 films with MGR between 1965 and 1972. It was MGR who brought her in Dravidian politics. With MGR’s backing and her own cine popularity, Jayalalithaa steadily rose in Tamil Nadu politics and became increasingly acceptable as the future leader. As the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Jayalalithaa, a Brahmin, cleverly and shrewdly exploited Tamil nationalism. She championed the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils and Tamil Nadu fishermen who were often taken prisoners by the Sri Lankan Navy. After the premature death of MGR in 1987 the party, Anna DMK, split with Jayalalithaa taking over as the leader of the larger faction. There was an incident in Tamil Nadu in 1989 in which Jayalalithaa, who was then the Leader of the Opposition, was manhandled. She walked out of the Assembly swearing that she would never return to the House except as a Chief Minister. She also appeared before the media and repeated the declaration. She realised her dream in 1989 and returned to the Assembly as the Chief Minister. She steadily grew in stature in Tamil Nadu politics and became “Amma” for the people of Tamil Nadu. Her dominance in the state politics was demonstrated by her repeated victories in the Assembly elections. She would have continued as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu until 2016 but for the Bangalore judgment. Jayalalithaa’s party, AIADMK, had captured 38 of the 39 Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Jayalalithaa has often been portrayed as Goddess Durga and Mother Mary by her admirers. Jayalalithaa's downfall started with her developing a fondness for farm houses, tea estates, agricultural lands and so on, not to speak of her craze for jewellery and other items of luxury like watches. Jayalalithaa made a mistake of developing a friendship with some people whom she allowed to move into her residence and be with her all the time. Sasikala, one such woman aide, also started amassing wealth and she was among those prosecuted by Judge John Michael D’Cunha. Jayalalithaa also made a mistake of adopting a grown-up young man, Sudhakaran, who was a nephew of her constant companion Sasikala, as her son and celebrated his marriage in an extraordinary manner where everything was in excess. The case against Jayalalithaa for corruption and accumulation of disproportionate assets began after Governor Chenna Reddy of Tamil Nadu accorded sanction to Subramanian Swamy, then a Janata Party leader, to prosecute her. Subramanian Swamy’s allegation was that Jayalalithaa's wealth was zero in 1989-90, but it rose to more than Rs. 38 crore by 1995. This was followed by the Principal Sessions Judge, Madras, directing the Directorate of Vigilance and the Anti-Corruption Department to register a case and start investigations. Jayalalithaa’s residence in Chennai and Hyderabad were searched and a list of properties was prepared. The Vigilance Department presented a charge sheet before the Special Court in 1997 in which Jayalalithaa was made the main accused and the co-occused were Sasikala, Sudhakaran and three others who are all relatives of Sasikala. When the trial was on, most of the prosecution witnesses were won over by Jayalalithaa. As witnesses turned hostile during their disposition in the court, DMK General Secretary K. Anbazhagan appealed to the Supreme Court to transfer the case outside the state. The Supreme Court transferred the case to a special court in Bangalore, Karnataka. The disproportionate assets of Jayalalithaa amounted to Rs 65.8 crore and a case was filed. The amount of money spent on the lavish wedding of her foster son, Sudhakaran, was calculated at Rs 5.59 crore. The 18-year-old legal battle came to a close on September 27 when Judge John Michael D'Cunha pronounced her guilty. Under Section 13(1) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, under which Jayalalithaa and others were tried, the sentence, if found guilty, is not less than one year and not more than seven years. Jayalalithaa’s political career seems to have reached a dead-end. The conviction means Jayalalithaa’s disqualification for six years will begin from the date she completes her four-year jail term. While she had risen like a phoenix earlier from serious setbacks, in the present instance the future prospects of Jayalalithaa's political career appear dim indeed. Jayalalithaa rose from humble origins. Her mother was a small-time actor and she was introduced to the cine world by her mother when she was 16. Being in power, she apparently concluded that no one could question her about her political or personal life. The judges have repeatedly cited the dictum, “Be you ever so high, the law is above you”. Will Jayalalithaa, in her present state of forced rest, reflect on her life and mistakes which brought her to her current fate? Only time will tell.
 |
|
|
MIDDLE |
|
‘Life is precious, so are diamonds’
Mahesh Grover
 It
was a flawless morning, when you would expect everyone to have a song on his lips and a flight to his gait. As I cheerfully cycled my way, the happy flutter in my heart gave way to mortal fear, as a screeching car came from the opposite side and hurtled uncontrollably towards me.The monstrous object swayed violently from one side to another with me trying to avoid an unseemly disaster. The car, by now, inches away from me, rammed into the parapet where it rested heavily. I stood there rooted to the ground with oodles of adrenaline racing through me raising my hackles to unexpected limits. The car driver emerged, as Michael Schumacher would, to survey a crash that had sent him spinning out of reckoning in a Grand Prix. I confronted the driver angrily, but he ignored me, and peered into the car, unfazed. A crowd that had collected was baying for his blood, while the police came too, looking serious. Finding myself unscathed, I left the site, leaving the offender to his fate and the cops to their duty. Accidents are horrid. The dead don't live to see or tell their tales but an injured person gets the sympathy, attention, and often an earful of advice. An uninjured survivor, however, does not even get a sympathetic ear, though he is equally traumatised as the injured. Reaching home, I anxiously rushed to my wife — the only one who I thought would sympathise with me and ungrudgingly grant me an audience err — at least this once. She was sleeping, blissfully unaware of the dangers that had befallen her husband. I shook her gently and said, “I survived an accident”. “A cat has nine lives. Haven't you already exhausted all?” she mumbled. “I mean I have just come back from the jaws of death”, said I. “Have you been visiting your relatives (read her in-laws) early in the morning?” she murmured. Undeterred by her sarcasm, I gave an explicit account of the morning’s events and paused to see the impact. “People do not even know how to ram the car properly”, she said in a muffled voice, leaving me wondering, if I had heard her correctly, but I ignored it and said, “I think I was saved because of someone's wishes and prayers.” At this she got up with alacrity and said, “Of course, it is because of all the ‘Karva Chauth’ fasts, I have observed, that you got this gift of life. So now it is payback time. Your life is precious and so are diamonds.” While she gazed at me expectantly, I looked back at her nonchalantly, but alas, held that look a tad longer than necessary and what followed is protected by the law of privacy but suffice it to say, I had to fight off a second trauma of the day. In hindsight, I realised, that possibly, good wishes of your loved ones enable you to emerge from perilous situations unscathed. So next time she fasts for your well-being, salute and reciprocate her sentiment.
|
|
|
OPED
— States |
|
North-East: Accepting the idea of India
Sanjoy Hazarika
When
the North-East of India comes up for discussion in a public forum or figures in media coverage, the stock phrases used in conversations or dialogue usually give the impression that the entire region is engulfed in strife and confrontation. I am willing to bet that a majority of stories would be inspired by phrases such as “ethnic tension”, “racial discrimination”, “trouble spot”, “conflict zone”, “insurgents strike again”, or road blockades and bandhs. The grievances are both genuine and imagined, not to forget the annual floods which disrupt movement, life and commerce for three to four months.
 |
| HRD Minister Smriti Irani holds a Garo warrior sword while campaigning in the Meghalaya assembly elections. The media does not portray the varied culture of North-Eastern states. |
As a result, the region which we call the North-East rarely gets space on its own as a place of interest, with remarkable stories and fascinating people, both ordinary and extraordinary, beyond either the conflict, corruption, disaster or tourism themes. These themes basically coalesce into the “Terrible North-East” or “Incredible India” silos. Looking beyond nuances
The Shillong Choir performs on KBC. Youth from the North-East accept the idea of India. |
One reason which militates against a more nuanced approach in columns, articles and news stories is the real challenge of explaining and dealing with the daunting complexity of the region: Over 220 ethnic groups. located in eight states. Barring three states – Manipur, Assam and Tripura, which have a history of kingdoms going back several centuries – the other states are new, created between 1963 (Nagaland) and 1986 (Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh). Yet, communities in all states – barring migrants from Bangladesh, Nepal, Tibet and Myanmar — have continued to live in broadly the same areas for hundreds of years. In addition, there’s the issue of physical location: The region’s borders with four other countries take up 96 per cent of its land frontiers. Many have cross-border cultural, linguistic and ethnic connections such as the Kukis, Chakmas and various Naga tribes like the Konyaks. To understand some of these “conflicts” which media pundits harp upon, we need to understand that it was the entry of colonial rule in the 19th century which placed defined political borders along ethnic lines. Colonial ideas
Complex
region
 Over 220 ethnic groups are located in eight states in the North-East.
Barring three states —
Manipur, Assam and Tripura, which have a history of kingdoms going back several centuries — the other states are new, created between 1963
(Nagaland) and 1986 (Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh).
Yet, communities in all states — barring migrants from Bangladesh, Nepal, Tibet and Myanmar — have continued to live in broadly the same areas for hundreds of years.
There is also the issue of physical location. The region’s borders with four other countries take up 96 per cent of its land frontiers. Many have cross-border cultural, linguistic and ethnic connections such as the
Kukis, Chakmas and various Naga tribes like the Konyaks.
|
Exasperated with the manner in which hill tribes (from today’s Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland) conducted raids on the British commercial interests, (especially tea plantations) and seized captives and property from the plains, army expeditions were sent to quell the marauders. Lines and borders were drawn up to limit their activities. The collision of colonial ideas of what people should be was resisted, sporadically. Indeed, there is a spillover effect and the genesis of some of the post-Independence revolts or struggles against the Indian State can be located in that resistance. We cannot also dismiss the huge pressure that large societies and states wield on smaller groups, which have strongly held notions of self-esteem and separateness. These may not have been well-articulated in the past. No longer. With growing levels of education, research, improved income levels, better opportunities and communications, scholars, civil society activists and commentators in this region are able to communicate their ideas and experiences with greater confidence, vigour and rigour than before. The new generation The large outflow of youth, especially to metros and states perceived as “peaceful” or presenting employment and education opportunities is another significant sign of changing perceptions and priorities. While an earlier generation – be it in Nagaland or Manipur and Mizoram and even Tripura and Assam — may have fought vigorously for Independence or greater autonomy, their children have accepted the idea of India, if not embraced it. The lakhs of young people from the region who migrate across India in search of jobs, education and livelihoods are an example of people voting with their feet. Part of this has come out of the fact that today there is a greater public and political investment or interest in keeping and maintaining peace in areas which were known as trouble spots. Again, large numbers of those who fought against the State have fallen, withdrawn from combat, or are engaged at the negotiating table, in peace camps or jail. Draconian measures Of course, these conditions, for the main do not hold. Armed/political movements, though some leaders may still believe in these ideas, have morphed into intimidatory, extortionist and brutal groups, which harm the very people they claim to represent. That does not excuse the brutal strategies and methods used by the State and its security forces — mostly in the past but which occasionally come to our notice even these days — to “soften” up or target the movement by violent conduct that impacts civilian populations. There are many tragic events of innocents getting hurt beyond measure at the hands of security forces in the past, events that would not be countenanced today: burning of villages and homes, rape, large-scale beatings and detentions and killings with impunity because of the protection of laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. A significant new factor is emerging, be it in Nagaland or Manipur and Mizoram and even Tripura and Assam. A major factor is that the younger cadres are not regarded with the respect accorded to earlier generations of ‘national workers’: they are seen as extortionist, intimidatory gangs and violators of rights and dignity. Movements are growing against extortion openly in places like Nagaland. This is an extraordinary phenomenon which cannot be appreciated enough. In places where none would dare to speak against the underground, anti-underground/extortionist marches and protests and strikes now take place on a regular basis. Each conflict situation different Yet, there is much official frustration over the complexity of the region which makes problem solving even more complex: thus, what works, for example, in Mizoram cannot be applied to Nagaland or the Naga peace process; the Bodo imbroglio is seen as unique and no one is paying attention to the Garo National Liberation Army in Meghalaya which has been running amuck. While each conflict situation is different, there is a common thread running through them all — each one thinks theirs is a “unique problem” or challenge. Thus, it is hardly surprising that the region has turned out to be a graveyard of ceasefire resolutions: An agreement maker is set upon as a “betrayer”, its leaders and cadres targeted while the dissident claims to be the “true” representative. Often, both sides collude with sets of political groups or individuals especially at the state level, in what I define as the process of “manufactured consent”, in closed rooms, behind shut doors, in a opaque and fragile process, created for elites or wannabe elites. This has happened repeatedly, giving the feeling that political interest in settling problems is is not as much as priority as enablingthe continuance of unsettled conditions where the contractor, businessman, middle man, ‘ug’ (underground), official-and-politician nexus benefits. The Mizo accord But this is not to say that there are no examples of peace making actually working. The best is that of Mizoram, from 1986. This is a remarkable experience that few contemporary scholars have researched at depth, nor has the media even bothered to look at it (the peace accord completed 25 years in 2011 and by my reckoning, there was only one event outside of Mizoram to reflect on it and honour it. And that was organised by the Centre for North-East Studies at Jamia). As far as I am aware, no Central Government institution, Ministry or leader thought of commemorating it, although the media and many research groups went gung-ho on how the British public regards the Battles of Kohima and Imphal as the most decisive battles of their military history! Yet, one could argue that the Mizos, especially the civilian population, suffered more than any other part of the country in a situation of conflict
with the State. Air Force attacks on civilian settlements, (the insurgents left as soon as these began), razing of villages, displacement of 220,000 out of a district of 280,000 and marching bewildered and frightened villagers to new sites for settlement without considering the long-term consequences and trauma or even how such regrouped villages would survive in the future. That many of them have done so is no tribute to the Indian State or the security operations of the time, which were protected (and continue to be) by the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act.One doubts whether the word “compensation” was even used in the aftermath of the 1966 uprising. Yet, the Mizo accord has lasted; there has been no looking back for the Mizos. It should be showcased and celebrated. And whether it is the new Government at the Centre or any other entity, it would be worth looking at why it has worked and others haven’t, those midnight, shotgun marriages, and why other efforts are so long in the making. — The writer is Director, Centre for North-East Studies and Policy Research at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. He is among the most respected commentators, writers and researchers of the North-Eastern Region.
|
