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Brand Modi on test Two steps back |
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Relentless ceasefire violations
Lyrical, seasonal patriotism and elections
Male exclusive spaces promote patriarchy
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Brand Modi on test Despite high stakes, campaigning in Haryana and Maharashtra has been peaceful. There have been no communal riots or attempts at polarising society for votes at a scale witnessed in Uttar Pradesh during the Lok Sabha polls. One unmistakable feature of electioneering is that brand Modi will be tested on October 15 when the two states go to the polls. The BJP has been a small player in both states but its strong performance in the Lok Sabha elections has given it the confidence to abandon the allies and rely entirely on Modi charm. The Prime Minister has invested heavily in this election and any less-than-satisfactory outcome may dent his image. Whether voters are carried away by Modi rhetoric or are influenced by local issues and leaders will be known only on October 19 when the results are declared. The Congress government in Haryana has had two consecutive terms. There is strong anti-incumbency against it now. But it is no longer a straight contest between the Congress and the INLD. The BJP and the Haryana Janhit Congress are also in the fray, competing for the non-Jat votes. The BJP has pinned its hopes on the division of Jat votes between Hooda and Chautala. The verdict will show whether the voters reward or punish Om Prakash Chautala for his teacher recruitment scandal as well as Bhupinder Singh Hooda's questionable land deals. Hooda has got reservations for Jats and a separate gurdwara committee for the Haryana Sikhs. A weakness of the BJP is that it has no clear chief ministerial candidates in Haryana and Maharashtra. In state elections people do want to know who their chief minister would be if they vote for a particular party. The multi-cornered contests have increased the possibility of a hung assembly in both states. Post-poll coalitions may emerge to run the government. Modi, however, is fighting for same-party rule in states and at the Centre to gain majority in the Rajya Sabha. The key question to be answered on Sunday is: Will the BJP replace the regional parties as an alternative to the Congress in the two
states?
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Two steps back Gunfire
recently punctuated cross-border encounters in Jammu and Kashmir. Many civilians lost lives in the heavy shelling along the Line of Control and the international border. The ceasefire that had been in effect since 2003 has been repeatedly violated. Now another long-standing understanding between India and Pakistan to settle contentious issues bilaterally, has been wilfully ignored. Sartaj
Aziz, Adviser to the Pakistan Prime Minister on National Security and Foreign Affairs, has written to UN chief Ban
Ki-moon, to protest what he calls unprovoked Indian shelling. He has also asked for a plebiscite in the region. Aziz’s letter is consistent with the stand taken by Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif, who had, during his recent visit to New York, raised the “core issue” of Kashmir at the UN General Assembly. These actions represent a new, and more strident diplomatic offensive against India. Islamabad has been systematically fermenting trouble in Kashmir by sending in terrorists and thus violating the first condition under which any possible plebiscite could be held. It has also used the Kashmir bogey to often successfully turn the focus away from its own internal failures. India, on the other hand, has rightly maintained that the vitiated atmosphere that comes in the wake of infiltrating terrorists and sponsoring terrorism is the opposite of what ought to be done. Peaceful relations between India and Pakistan would result in a spurt in economic growth in both countries something that would certainly improve the life of their citizens. Promises of better trade and commerce have often been voiced and even the limited trade that takes place now highlights its potential. However, for all this, the prerequisite is peace, which Pakistan has been unable to deliver. Prime Minister Narendra Modi seemed keen to start with a new slate soon after his swearing in, but the situation deteriorated thereafter, with jingoistic statements of political leaders on both sides accelerating the process. Given the circumstances, and Pakistani diplomatic offensive, any improvement in relations is unlikely to happen in a hurry, which is a pity.
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Originality is the art of concealing your source.
—Franklin P. Jones
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Arms licenses in India THE "Gazette of India" contains a tabular statement showing the number of licenses for arms issued in the last five years from 1909 to 1913 in the various provinces of India for purposes of sport, protection or display under the Indian Arms Act of 1878. It is apparent that the statement of persons and cattle killed does not show the full extent of danger to life caused by the stringent administration of the Arms Act. The total number of licenses for arms issued in all India was 190,805 in 1909 and it decreased to 182,417 in 1913. The decrease has been steady and gradual but not so the total number of persons killed by wild animals, &c., which was 23,860 in 1909 and which increased to 26,210 in 1911 but decreased to 23,453 in 1913.
Indian troops BHAI Jewan Singh writes to the Globe to supplement published information about the fighting qualities of the Sikhs. He does not say anything in disparagement of others, but thinks no battle of the British against Moghuls, Mahrattas, Gurkhas or others can compare as regards hard fighting with Ferozeshah, Sabraon or Chillianwalllah. The Sikh is physically the finest man in India. In all competitions in games, &c, the Sikhs come out on top, and the Sikh regiments, in martial bearing, can stand in line with the Brigade of Guards. The records of the Indian Army ever since the conquest of the Punjab are full of the gallant deeds of this splendid race. For general service anywhere-in heat or cold, on mountains or plains, in the infantry, cavalry, or artillery-the best soldier is the Sikh. Bhai Jewan Singh recognises wherein others possess superiority and he admits that under certain special conditions he may not be quite so handy as some others.
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Relentless ceasefire violations A historical analysis of the ceasefire violations since November 2003 shows that the escalation in the number of violations has no correlation with the new NDA government coming into power in India. The escalation picked up gradually in January 2013 and then very steeply after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif assumed office in Pakistan in June 2013. According to reports, 347 violations were recorded in 2013, compared to 114 incidents in 2012. This year 334 incidents have already occurred till date. Despite much improved vigilance on the LoC, the number of cross-border infiltration attempts has also gone up in the last one year. Many Indian journalists, who have been feted by Nawaz Sharif, believe him to be the messiah of peace. But Nawaz Sharif's rhetoric on improving relations with India fails to match up with the developments on the ground. Apart from the Kargil misadventure in 1999, his tacit approval — willingly or unwillingly — to keep the LoC alive and maintain terrorist pressure in J&K cannot be missed. He and the Pakistan army have always been together on this page. According to intelligence reports, soon after taking over as Prime Minister in 2013, the Nawaz Sharif government cleared a new ‘Kashmir strategy’ and set up a ‘Kashmir cell’ in his office. The purpose of the cell was to keep track of developments in J&K. The other related fact in his current tenure is that as his political position weakens, he comes more and more under pressure from the Pakistan army, the ISI and the terror outfits of Punjab and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. After the Modi government came into power, the last week of August 2014 saw the first major ceasefire violation in which Pakistani troops resorted to small arms fire and 82 mm mortar shelling (such mortars have never been used on this stretch ever since the India-Pakistan war in 1971) of nearly 35 Border Security Force posts, from Samba to Akhnoor along the international border. This was responded to in the usual manner. After four days of firefight, para-military commanders of both sides met and agreed to maintain the ceasefire. This incident was followed by the Pakistani High Commissioner meeting J&K secessionists despite being warned by the Indian government not to do so. The Indian government reacted sharply. It cancelled the Foreign Secretaries' meeting. Soon after, Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif raised the J&K issue in the United Nation General Assembly on September 26, 2014. He earned a sharp rebuke from Prime Minister Modi at the same forum the next day. Modi made it clear that “Raising it at the UN won't resolve bilateral issues.” This is where Pakistan and its army went wrong. Without taking into consideration the Indian government's revised J&K policy and resolve, it continued with its attempt to increase pressure on the new Indian regime. In a major skirmish this time, the Pakistan army and Rangers targeted the entire LoC south of the Pir Panjal Range and the civilian population and towns along the international border. This engagement of soft Indian targets after October 2, 2014, left no choice with India except to retaliate with force. The Modi government could neither afford dilution of its policy nor be seen giving in to pressure of violence. After analysing earlier incidents of ceasefire violation, it had already given greater autonomy and escalation dominance/control to local military commanders. The forceful response was evident on the ground as well as in the political rhetoric. Pakistan was shocked by the massive retaliation. It had failed to appreciate the new Indian government's strength in public and Parliament, and that of its armed forces. Even more importantly, the change in its leadership! Such failures can be a fatal flaw in any armed conflict. The important lesson from Kargil had been forgotten. What can we foresee in the coming days? Will the Pakistan army give up needling India on the LoC or in J & K? I do not think so. As long as it is in the driving seat without being accountable to the public and political leadership, it will continue with its anti-India programmes without pushing it to the level of a war-like situation. With further weakening of Nawaz Sharif domestically, the Pakistan army will enjoy greater autonomy. Attempts at cross-border infiltration and 'tension' on the border can be expected to go up further. The Pakistan army would also be looking to the strategic advantage when the US troops leave Afghanistan, which would enable it to use its 'strategic asset' (militant groups) in larger numbers. It would also push the Pakistan government to raise the J&K issue in all global forums. Will the November 2003 ceasefire come to an end? Unlikely! The governments in India and Pakistan do realise that the ceasefire, which remains ‘on sometimes and off sometimes’, is better than not having one at all. There is much pressure from the civilian population on both sides. That notwithstanding, the Indian government needs to consider safer habitat for people living close to the international border and the LoC. India will have to remain alert on the border/LoC without closing its window(s) for purposeful negotiations or allowing the dilution of its revised policy. It will have to remain prepared for increased contingencies along the LoC and cross-border terrorism. The government must ensure that the synergy among all relevant stake-holding institutions — the joint services, ministries concerned, intelligence agencies, the NSAB, the NSCS, and within the CCS — remains high.
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Lyrical, seasonal patriotism and elections The rickshaw spewed black smoke, making the presence of its diesel engine felt, but that was inconsequential. It stuck to my car's back-- skin-to-skin - no, not bumper to bumper. To my left, a white Bolero forced me to fold the rear-view mirror for its closeness. With a cluster of loudspeakers balanced atop, it was reminding a sea of helpless humanity, trapped within vehicles, the promise held by the contesting MLA who was holding a pressure cooker. The symbol showed lack of imagination in the given situation. No one wanted another blast, not even a whistle! I was stuck between Kalka and Pinjore. This is election time and in the absence of a statutory warning attached on the consequences of venturing out, victims of democracy were jostling to find just enough space to come out of this mess. Intermittently, after the pressure cooker holding contestant was glorified to the skies, the Balero blasted Mere desh ki dharti sona ugle. One more candidate's car was playing Ye desh hai veer jawano ka from a distance, joining the cacophonic chorus of patriotism. The atmosphere was charged, alas, not with patriotism. If people could, they would get out of their vehicles to grab the collar of drivers coming from the other direction, by now occupying the entire road. There was no LOC and if people could, they would treat each other like enemies, from across the border. God only knows what is meant by democracy in our country. For once, in the middle of this chaos, I could witness a specimen of a truly socialist democratic republic. Each vehicle was a republic in its own right in a truly socialist manner, either you drove a Merc or peddled an unsteady bicycle, this was one time when you felt a surge of equality and actually envied the less privileged bicyclist for his greater manoeuvrability. To my right, the guy in his brand new Honda City, almost on the verge of having a heart attack, was constantly wiping sweat from his forehead, swearing right and left at everyone in an attempt to save his baby's glistening skin. I fail to understand this seasonal lyrical patriotism that erupts periodically on Republic Day, Independence Day and at times on Gandhi Jayanti. The "bandwallas" playing Ye desh hai veer jawanon ka and Mera rang de basanti chola at weddings may still make sense, warning the bride and the groom of the martyrdom of matrimony, but to play these songs at election time! Whose martyrdom is involved anyway? Politics has produced more billionaires than any other industry ever could!
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Male exclusive spaces promote patriarchy
The exclusive all-male spaces in the Haryana region are noticeably thriving. These masculine spaces where men congregate more commonly than women, provide men a distinct advantage regarding the deployment of power, which extends from home to the outside public domain encompassing the village, community and wider society. Reserved and used almost exclusively by the male population, these are the spaces where legitimacy of masculinity is cemented and displayed. This masculinisation of space means an access to and control over resources of various kinds; material, socio-cultural, political and ideological. Exclusive male spaces connote sharpening of certain aspects of masculinities like male bonding, group solidarity, swearing, drinking, fighting and using aggressive and sexually explicit language with abundant use of female body related abuses being freely exchanged. Women are extremely vulnerable in these spaces as inviting attention, ridicule, sexual harassment and even greater violence. Indeed, all such male gatherings act as means of controlling women. The existence of 'male spaces' is a good index to the measure of strength and extent of patriarchy in a given region and society. Identity assertion Spatially, men dominate the village which they declare to be, 'hamara gaon' (our village). In strong patrilineal societies like that of Haryana, the village and its land is taken to belong to the male descendants of ancestors who originally settled in the village. This usage effectively excludes the women of the village, whether the daughters or the daughters-in-law. Basing their claim on patrilineay men claim that it is they who are 'indigenous' to the village, i.e. born and grown up there. All women are 'outsiders': the betis (daughters), who are born there, go away from the village after their marriage making them essentially 'temporary members'; the brides who marry-in are not born in the village; they are 'outsiders' to the 'biradari' (community) or bhaichara (brotherhood) which controls the village affairs. It is significant that the village biradari or bhaichara are in essence 'male' concepts as women stand excluded from them. For cementing this male collectivity the overarching ideology of 'izzat' or 'honour' is used; fundamentally a male concept permeates every aspect of Haryanavi life and is basic to its culture. It is regulated and enforced not infrequently through the use of violence in relation to individuals or family or a group or even a community. Gendered geography This emphasis on the acquisition of a baithak exclusive of ghar (living quarters), and the gher (place for cattle) underlines the idea of men as negotiators with the extended world and women as custodians of domestic culture within home. A man's maximum part of the day is spent here where he entertains, transacts business, does other agricultural and market related work. As this space assures the material and symbolic survival of the family it becomes the source of resources and prestige and hence superior to the domestic. Exclusion of women leads to minimizing the interaction between men and women and depriving the latter of discussing, rationalizing, questioning, partaking or influencing the decision making process of the men in any way. This geographical segregation of sexes gets an extra edge as men are weary of staying too long in the ghar; they fear the risk of being feminized. Even the unemployed male youth, who constitute a very large proportion of men in Haryana, do not wish to spend time in the domestic sphere lest derogatory charges are levied against them which treat them as feminized. Loafing about in the streets they act as if the street belongs to them. They can also be violent or aggressive in their use of sexually explicit language and abuses especially towards those women who may wittingly or unwittingly breach the unwritten code of space and time socially recognized and observable for them in the streets. By focusing on 'danger' of these spaces for women they not only reserve this privileged space for themselves but also emphasize women's space at home. Chaupal is the public extension of the baithak. If baithak is the power centre of a household the chaupal is the heart of the village. Traditionally, chaupal like the baithak has been a reserved space for males. Although considered a joint property of all the villagers, women can lay no claims to its usage. Women are very rarely called or allowed in the chaupal, unless they are summoned or are a part of an official delegation or official panchayat etc. One of the most important bastions of male space and power is the institution of traditional panchayat. In this a large collection of males come together for a certain specific purpose, to solve disputes relating to property rights or inheritance, or caste and inter-caste matters, transgressions in marriage or otherwise and other sundry disputes which threaten the peace of the village or the immediate region. On many occasions, one of the concerned parties is not even present or is too thinly represented. Women are not even allowed to enter the panchayat premises although, more often than not, the decision involves them in important ways. More recently, in view of the large scale media and civil society criticism the Khap panchayats have attempted to get some women to be a part of this all male assemblage. The co-opted women have essentially a token presence and are brought in, for all intents and purposes, to quieten the rising criticism against these traditional bodies. There is absolutely no evidence of rewriting the male-only-rule of the panchayats. Places for pleasure Due to the popular association of agriculture and other productive work with men and not women, who toil harder and longer, men can be seen to have ample leisure time in the rural areas. A common sight in the villages is a group of men smoking hukka while playing cards, surrounded by a couple of young boys peering over the players' heads to watch them play. Other leisure activities include sitting round the fire in winter, or drinking alcohol. Places where alcohol is sold or where drinking takes place are exclusive male spaces. In such spaces men's community and power is displayed unabashedly. Alcohol is well known to be consumed even by school going boys, being available in small pouches or in glasses priced at Rs. 2 and 5 and sold in the vegetable and tea shops. The ever increasing numbers of sharab ke adde (liquor joints) and dhabas (local eateries), have enlarged the nuclei of male assemblage in the public spaces. The constant presence of so many men reinforces the ideology of segregation of sexes and control of female mobility. Another pleasurable activity enjoyed by the Haryanavi males, is that of sports. Popular sports that have traditionally existed in this region are located in combat and contact games like Kushti (wrestling), boxing, kabaddi, lathi ghumana (staff-wielding) and athletics, all of which require strong physique and strength. Among these it is wrestling, considered a way of life that symbolizes masculinity at its best. By working on their bodies the wrestlers gain in status which is high in masculine barometer of physical judgment. Importantly, the basic hegemonic ideology of sport has been defined by scholars as 'male'. It supports male dominance by naturalizing a connection between masculinity and the skills of sport: aggression, physical strength, success in competition and negation of the feminine. The history and spaces of sport even in the west have been considered predominantly male and sport ground has been identified as a 'traditional space of masculinity'. Similarly in Haryana, although some women have made their mark in the national and international arenas leading to the developmental support of women's sports by the government, there continues to exists a lot of uneasiness and widespread condemnation, especially for wrestling and boxing for sportswomen. All the women icons from Haryana have publically bemoaned the abusive derision of themselves and their family members by fellow villagers for being trained in 'men's sport'. My field work threw up a lot of criticism about female wrestlers who are accused of 'building their muscles' by lifting weights, 'wearing kachchas' (underclothes) exposing their bodies to the public and indulging in wrestling with boys. The same opinion is held towards boxing for women. Their opinion is summed up in 'who will marry these girls?' As in the west, this negative opinion shows 'threatened masculinity' in this region as well. Resisting change Unwillingness on the part of men to modify their all-male spaces in villages or accommodate women for instance shows an endeavour to maintain the structures of power in changing times. They tend to view change or adaptation as a sign of weakness. These exclusive masculine spaces are maintained to exercise most cogent control on those who are left out of these spaces, women particularly, and curb their democratic and human rights. What can be done to change the exclusivity of such spaces? The answers are difficult. Masculine spaces are reflective of the society that produces them culturally and then sanctifies them. As symbols of that society can they change without society being changed? Can we hope to change society by changing the symbols of that society? On the other hand if women do not even have access to these symbolic spaces how do we expect changes in the social structures and conditions? It cannot also be denied that as power relates to control of both symbolic as well as material goods, they are strongly interlinked. A change in the exclusive nature of these spaces has the possibility of encouraging a change in the desired direction and be potentially gender-transformatory. An attack on the culture of all-male exclusive spaces which seeks to normalize asymmetries as natural and inevitable would be an attack on all-male power and patriarchy itself. The writer has authored several books on gender issues including The Veiled Women: Shifting Gender Equations in Rural Haryana and Gender Discrimination and Land Ownership. Entering the
all-male clubs
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The private sphere consisting of the household is a highly gendered space. In most households of the landowning caste groups the popular ground plan has at its heart a dominant masculine space, called baithak (sitting room). Located in the frontal portion of the house, baithak is the most imposing part and extends to the street-the public space outside-linking the two spaces. Baithak is where power is wielded and it may rightly be called the nerve centre of the household where all decisions are made.