The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

India-ASEAN ties
Look East policy paying off

That the India-ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) summit has been held for the first time in New Delhi is bound to add to the stature of India in the comity of nations. The two-day meeting of prime ministers and presidents, which concluded on Friday, finalised the long-awaited Free Trade Agreement encompassing investment and services. This may help in achieving the bilateral trade target of $100 billion by 2015. If the two sides continue to take as much interest in promoting economic partnership as they have been doing so far, it is not impossible to take the bilateral trade to the level of $200 billion in 10 years, as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh wants. Both sides see considerable growth opportunities in strengthening their engagement in different areas.

This is, no doubt, the result of India’s Look East policy launched in the nineties. The policy evoked well-deserved appreciation from the participants in the Delhi summit. In the coming few years, the world will see the dream of physical linking of India with its ASEAN neighbours becoming a reality. The participants in the summit in one voice expressed their commitment to speedily implement two ambitious highway projects —— the India-Myanmar-Thailand road with its extension to Laos and Cambodia and the India-Myanmar-Laos-Cambodia-Vietnam highway. Once the two projects become functional, these will not only give a new dynamism to bilateral trade but also increase considerably cultural and educational exchanges between the two sides.

India, however, has to be more proactive in East Asia and the surrounding areas. The first requirement for this to happen is the upgrading of India’s status in the ASEAN scheme of things. India has to work for strategic partnership with ASEAN so that it can play a greater role in economic, political and other spheres. This does not mean that India should appear to be competing with China in regional affairs. India has to only play its rightful role, as is being sought by the ASEAN nations, which can work as a balancing factor. India’s greater involvement in regional matters will add to the comfort level of the ASEAN members and other countries in the area which are scared of China’s aggressive style of conduct.

Shaming men
Khaps change their tone

From banning mobile phones and jeans for girls to blaming the government for spurt in crimes against women for its decision to grant equal rights to them in property, khaps have done everything to keep women mute and backward. By doing so they were denying a reality staring them in the face — that women’s social status has changed. These all male, self- appointed social bodies have done everything in the past to earn the ire of the judiciary and progressive forces for their unabashed support for male and higher caste superiority. They have throttled voices of women and lower castes in every possible way, which gave certain sections of society an unwritten licence to behave in an outrageous manner, especially towards women. Finally, under the unprecedented public anger triggered by the gruesome gang-rape of a medical student in Delhi, khaps are jolted out of their misogyny and are accepting the changing social reality.

The decision to boycott anyone accused or convicted of rape or molestation by Chaubisi khap of Meham has come very late. Still, it is a welcome move towards preventing young men from indulging in such crimes for fear of social boycott and shame. But, the khaps would do better if they prepare young men to face and accept the fact that educated, independent women, with a mind of their own can’t be wished away by any number of unrealistic diktats. Such diktats only widen the gulf between genders, and will only breed retribution. For a society moving towards progressive values of equality between genders, all sections will have to adapt to the changing social order.

Also, the realisation should now dawn that women do not need protection from men, they need equality. Unfortunately, despite education and so-called social evolution, men still treat this world as their rightful place, which they fear will be usurped by women if they are allowed equal opportunities. This perception breeds insecurity at several levels and triggers violence. Male privilege is an obsolete idea and hence should be dropped likewise.

Thought for the Day

Flowers always make people better, happier, and more helpful; they are sunshine, food and medicine for the soul. —Luther Burbank

ARTICLE

Has Panchayati Raj failed?
The factors that require attention
by Ash Narain Roy

True democracy,” Gandhiji said, “can't be worked by twenty men sitting at the Centre. It has to be worked from below by the people of every village.” When Parliament passed the 73rd and 74th Constitution Amendments in 1992, it hoped to mark a new chapter in the governance paradigm where empowered local communities would take control of their own destiny. The Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) were envisioned not only as the third tier of government but also as the first tier of democracy. The new avatar of Panchayati Raj sought to make women, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes new stakeholders of the democratic polity.

During the two decade-long journey, things haven't worked quite that way. Some would say, the panchayat revolution has gone sour. Today, panchayats are like a baby seal being lampooned from different directions by disapproving parents, jealous critics, outraged activists, UN agencies and all manner of right-thinking people.

Is the reality that bad? Panchayats draw their manpower from the same pool and suffer from the same failings as our national democratic institutions. The PRIs reflect all that is wrong in a society. Our Panchayati Raj and democratic decentralisation in many other developing countries are founded on the notion that democratisation and empowerment of local government institutions will create institutions that are more accountable to local citizens and more appropriate to local needs and aspirations.

In the absence of adequate mechanisms to ensure that benefits of devolution reach the intended beneficiaries, decentralisation often ends up empowering the local elites. This is precisely what is happening in large parts of the country. In other words, what is needed is to improve the ability of the marginalised groups to gain access to resources provided by the bureaucratic state. Such assets and entitlements would include land, land tenure, formal property rights, and full rights of citizenship. Only societies in which the distribution of assets and entitlements is relatively equal will produce more effective and accountable forms of governance.

The functioning of the PRIs is a mixed bag of some outstanding successes and equally significant reverses. Thanks to the reservation of seats for the historically disadvantaged sections of people, governance is today deeper and extensive. Reservations work to the advantage of the disadvantaged groups. At the same time, placing elected representatives of these groups in positions of power hasn't necessarily made them holders of political power.

As the mid-term appraisal of the Panchayati Raj by the Ministry of Panchayati Raj some years ago says, “Because of the affirmative actions of this Act, SCs are occupying leadership positions in local bodies. However, their leadership has yet to achieve significantly the social acceptance, as envisaged in the spirit of the Constitution.”

It further says that “caste-based identities and practices still continue to exclude them from exercising their leadership roles. Socio-economic vulnerabilities limit their capacities and to act upon their claims and concerns.” But is it not true at the parliamentary level? Why do we look for lily-white purity among panchayat representatives while we tolerate errant behaviour of our representatives in state assemblies and Parliament? While we blame sarpanches for lack of accountability and tardy implementation of developmental funds, it is bureaucrats who are messing up the grassroots revolution. According to one report, out of 534 block development officers in Bihar, as many as 181 are currently facing misuse and misappropriation of fund meant for Indira Vikas Yojna. The story couldn't be very different elsewhere.

On deeper analysis, it becomes clear that PRIs haven't delivered not because something is wrong with the institution; it is the state governments and bureaucracy that have throttled them. Take for instance, the devolution of funds, functions and functionaries. Except for Kerala, no other state government has transferred all the 29 functions as stipulated under Article 243G. Very few states have linked the formal devolution of functions to the means for actualising such devolution of functionaries and finance.

It is not uncommon to hear the grouse against the quota system. There is nothing wrong with the quota system for women and other disadvantaged sections. It is globally accepted that quotas empower women and others, making governance more inclusive and accountable. Around 40 countries have introduced gender quota in elections to national parliament, either by constitutional amendment or changing the electoral laws. In other 50-odd countries, major political parties have voluntarily set quota provisions in their own statutes.

A series of policy interventions may be required to improve inclusion and spread benefits more equitably among village populations. Currently, gram panchayats are largely dependent on a poorly informed and insufficiently skilled set of functionaries. State governments recognise the need for a massive training exercise, but they are faced with financial and training capacity constraints. Of course, political will is missing too.

Levels of education have been shown to greatly improve the capacity of panchayat members to deliver better and to participate effectively in panchayat activities. Research clearly shows a significant positive correlation between better education/ training and better performance. The rationale for empowering women and other disadvantaged groups is compelling: it promotes growth, reduces poverty and leads to better governance. Besides, equity (including gender equity) is not a question of numbers but of democratic principle. The higher presence of these groups in PRIs has given them confidence to claim their rightful role.

When Rajiv Gandhi introduced the initial draft Constitution amendment, he coined two slogans — ‘power to the people’ and ‘maximum democracy and maximum devolution’. Twenty years after the historic constitutional amendments, India is still chasing the chimera and shifting goal posts. The only saving grace is that the panchayat revolution has still not become a dystopia. When Rajiv Gandhi sought to amend the Constitution to give a potent instrument in the hands of the poor, the oppressed and the under-privileged, several opposition leaders ridiculed it as a 'foolish and hasty endeavour'. Today there is broad consensus among the political class that inclusive growth goes hand in hand with inclusive and decentralised governance.

The writer is Director, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi.

MIDDLE

No more brainless oxen!
by Ravi Gupta

Before the advent of modern orthopaedic surgery, bonesetters were mainly blacksmiths and farmers, and in India we called them pehelwans. One of the forefathers of orthopaedic surgery, Hugh Owen Thomas, in 1887 recorded the need for "10 large and heavy men (carters) to reduce the shoulder dislocation."

Making fun of orthopaedic surgeons has been a good pastime for other doctor colleagues. In one of the hospitals in Europe, while an operation table was being repaired by a mechanic with a mallet, an anaesthetist humorously remarked: "Typical orthopaedic surgeon — as strong as an ox, but half as bright."

The description given to orthopaedic surgeons in ancient times, as reported by Dr DS Barrett in a British Medical Journal article, was: "The men of massive bulk and strength with a low hairline, who communicate with their colleagues in a series of grunts while proceeding along the hospital corridor in a succession of ape-like bounds, and as they walk, their fingers trail in the dust". Dr Barrett, however, exclaims that this image is, of course, unfair to orthopaedic surgeons, who are deeply sensitive people, are kind to animals and help old ladies to cross the street.

Dr Barrett, probably in an attempt to payback the comments of his surgical colleagues, further states in the same article that orthopaedic surgeons operate not in a pool of pus and bowel contents as do general surgeons but in ultraclean operation theatres with aesthetically pleasing shiny joint replacements.

During my stint in Australia in 2002, an anaesthetist enlightened me with the new definition of a double-blind study as "Two orthopaedic surgeons trying to study a chest X-ray."

Another popular joke that I came across in the US was: The reason orthopaedic surgeons danced on the funeral of their orthopaedic colleague was that the cause of death was a brain tumour, thus exhibiting evidence that the brain existed in orthopaedic surgeons, too.

An animation on YouTube, titled "Orthopaedia vs anaesthesia" that describes orthopaedic surgeons as "over-enthusiastic to repair the fracture of the bone even though the patient is no more alive", has been so popular that it has already got 8,30,897 hits.

But now in the era of science and evidence, orthopaedic surgeons have all the reason to cheer because a prospective study by Whipps Cross Hospital, Leytonstone, London, published in British Medical Journal in December 2011, has proved that these surgeons not only had a statistically and significantly greater mean grip strength of the hand (47.25 kg) than the other specialist doctor groups (43.83 kg), but also had statistically greater mean intelligence test score (IQ)of 105.19 compared with 98.38 for the other specialist doctor groups.

OPED defence

Economic ties can overcome strategic constraints
Several factors restrict India from playing a more significant role in the changing geostrategic environment. The only way to emerge out of this cauldron is to concentrate on building comprehensive national power with marked emphasis on economic and trade relations
Air Marshal R.S. Bedi (retd)

In the near absence of an indigenous military-industrial complex of its own, India is largely dependent on foreign vendors for its security as well as nuclear power needs. Lately, India has emerged as one of the leading nations in weapon procurements from abroad. Major powers that rely heavily on weapons trade vie with one another to secure these multi-billion dollar contracts. India thus finds itself subjected to devious influences and pressures from the competing powers.

The Indian Navy’s US-made Boeing P-8I maritime surveillance aircraft.

India, however, is quite conscious of the sensitive nature of the problem and tries for decisions that are entirely merit based. The endeavour is to maintain equitable relationships without showing bias towards any one of them. For, it is not only the military hardware that India needs from these powers but also their wider cooperation in furtherance of its national objectives. This has come out clearly in India finally choosing the French Rafael fighter aircraft against heavy pressures from the Russians and the Americans in favour of their MiG-35 and F-16 respectively.

Defence relations between India and Russia have a historical perspective. The cooperation is not only limited to a buyer-seller relationship but also extends to joint research and development, training and joint army, navy and air force exercises. The last joint naval exercise was held in April 2007 in the Sea of Japan and air borne exercises in September 2007 in Russia. Similarly, a joint army exercise was held later in October 2010 in Uttarajkand.

Stress in ties with Russia

However, the cozy bilateral relations seem to be drifting apart lately. Russia cancelled joint army exercises unilaterally and turned back the Indian flotilla of five warships from Vladivostok in 2011 without carrying out any manoeuvres or exercises. Apparently, elimination of the MiG-35 from the $12 billion medium multi-role combat aircraft (MRCA) competition in 2011 seemed to have upset the Russians. They could not perhaps reconcile to the fact that despite meeting India's strategic needs for decades, they have been left out from this crucial deal. However for India, it was a decision based on merit, as also assertion of its autonomy.

Notwithstanding this, India and Russia have several major joint military programmes that include development of the fifth generation fighter aircraft, multi-role transport aircraft, BrahMos cruise missile and the SU-30 MKI programme. Besides, India has purchased/leased military hardware that includes T-90 tanks, Akula-II nuclear submarines, T-22 bombers, $900 million upgrade of MiG-29s, 80 Mi-17 helicopters and some IL-76 aircraft for the purpose of airborne warning and control system (AWACS).

Indian pie in the global arms bazar
In the backdrop growing security challenges, both in the convectional as well as the sub-conventional domain, and the Indian military-industrial complex struggling in the doldrums, the import list of the armed forces is huge, running close to a hundred billion dollars. Despite being the world’s largest importer of military equipment, the procurement process is tedious and often bogged down in bureaucratic delays and allegations of corruption, leaving the services deficient of critical requirements.
Earlier this year, the government approved the 15-year Long Term Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP) that would form the basis of weapons purchase for 2012-2027. The LTIPP is compiled from the government’s assessment of current and emerging threat scenarios and the capabilities the armed forces should have. It identifies the types of weapons systems, ammunition, surveillance equipment, logistics measures and support paraphernalia that need to be procured. It also lists the capabilities and output that the Defence Research and Development Organisation and industry should develop.
The Indian armed forces are in the global market for acquiring combat aircraft, heavy and tactical transport aircraft, helicopter gunships, refueling aircraft, heavy-lift and light utility helicopters, artillery guns, submarines, recce and surveillance aircraft, helicopter-mounted early warning systems, battle tanks as well as small arms and personal equipment. In addition are a series of projects underway for the modernisation and upgrade of fighter aircraft in collaboration with foreign vendors.
With a large defence budget and ever growing needs, India makes for a lucrative market for military hardware and allied services, with scores of foreign companies setting up shop here. The offset policy mandated by teh government also offers opportunity for the Indian industry.

Indo-Russian relations have also come under stress for another reason. The nuclear plant at Kudankulam and the Sistema telecom row pending in the Supreme Court are behind this dispute. Russian Sistema holds 56 per cent stakes in Sistema Shyam Teleservices, whose all but one licence along with scores of other people's licences were cancelled by the Supreme Court in February on grounds of arbitrary allotment by the Telecom minister. Russia feels that the Indian government is not doing enough to resolve the issue.

Besides, under the prevalent circumstances, the government of India does not consider it prudent to grant nuclear liability law waiver to the Russian manufacturers for units 3 and 4 of the Kudankulam nuclear power plant, although it is legal under a 2008 inter-government agreement. The government is already facing public protests and litigation in the Supreme Court pertaining to units 1 and 2 of the power plant. The Russian government is so upset with India's stand on these issues that to India's utter surprise, President Putin pulled out of the India-Russia summit meeting scheduled for November 1 at the last minute. To avoid embarrassment, the government of India had to coax the Russian to re-schedule the summit meeting for December.

Notwithstanding this, India's relationship with Russia continues to remain significant considering that a number of defence related agreements have been signed in recent times, though trade between the two countries has not progressed significantly despite efforts. However, India cannot afford to allow relations with Russia to deteriorate unduly, considering that the Russians have all along been an asset for India in the past.

Strengthening Indo-US bond

The US too was unhappy when it was also denied the multi-billion dollar MRCA contract, especially in the light of progressively improving defence relationship and frequent joint military exercises being held between the armed forces of the two countries. Also, Indian restrictions on US defence and home land security investment in India is another sore point with the US. In its view it inhibits trade, investment and joint manufacturing between the two countries. This notwithstanding, the US aerospace and defence companies have been able to garner defence contracts worth billions of dollars in the last few years that include $4.1 billion contract for ten Boeing C-17 Globemaster strategic airlift aircraft, $2.1 billion deal for eight Boeing P-8I maritime patrol aircraft, and $1 billion contract for six Lockheed C-130J cargo aircraft. Negotiations for six more C-130J and additional P-8I patrol aircraft are already under way.

Realising the trade and economic potential, the US secretary of defence has ordered an export reform and defence procurement review to jump start the Indo-US defence trade. The US willingness to sell military hardware to India, unlike in the past, also suits India's policy of diversification or acquisitions while accessing cutting edge technology from the US. This new found relationship is of great advantage to India.

However, US' attempts to bolster India are not without reasons of its own. Although, it knows that India cannot become its official military ally that would support its politico-strategic agenda in Asia, especially vis-a-vis China, it still prefers to work with India as its strategic partner. India too values this relationship. US investment in India is critical to its economic development. So is its presence in Asia that would help countervail Chinese influence in the region. China's assertive policies and arrogant display of military might vis-a-vis its neighbours is a challenge to reckon with that India alone cannot meet.

Building national power

South East Asia also looks at rising India with its growing politico-military potential as an asset that could help moderate the Chinese aggressiveness. The US too expects India to play some significant role in the Asian context. But India has its own strategic constraints that inhibit it from doing so. First, as a matter of principle, India has always been against alliances. It does not want to be seen as ganging up against any other country. Second, it feels that such an alliance will be counterproductive when it is having serious border dispute with China. As it is, China is unhappy with the growing Indo-US relations which it feels are directed towards it. India is in fact, presently caught in a strategic conundrum.

The only way to emerge out of this situation is to concentrate on building comprehensive national power, with marked emphasis on economic and trade ties. This will be an effective peace time deterrence against any outside adventure. Two of the world's fastest growing economies, India and China, despite their long pending border dispute over which they even fought a war, have realised the importance of following the path of bilateral trade and economic cooperation. They have gone ahead and even signed a Strategic Economic Dialogue in order to give further boost to their economic ties. Its significance lies in the fact that India is the second country in the world with which China has signed this Strategic Economic Dialogue. A mere $10.84 billion trade in 2004 hit a record $73.9 billion last year. It is expected, in all probability to cross the set target of $100 billion by 2015.

Besides, India's repeated assertion that there is enough space for both India and China to grow peacefully, especially in the Asian context, has now been tacitly acknowledged by China. China may continue to keep the border dispute alive for some strategic reasons but would not resort to any provocation that may lead to any armed conflict. It is aware of the serious implications of such a conflict, however brief it may be. India needs to pay similar attention on building trade and economic relations with other powers too, including Pakistan, so as to obviate conflict situations and concentrate on nation building.

The writer is a former Director- General of Perspective Planning, Government of India