The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

EDITORIALS

Gujarat stays with Modi
Himachal saves Congress from ignominy

After the Gujarat verdict, one issue that will be hotly debated in the days to come is: Will Narendra Modi be the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate in 2014? The decisive win has certainly strengthened his case, though he himself is silent about it and the BJP too refuses to squarely face the issue.

As for the Congress, since Madhavsinh Solanki’s 148-seat victory in 1985, the party has not been returned to power in Gujarat. So disappointment, if any, was expected. The Congress has been saved from utter humiliation by a surprise win in Himachal Pradesh, where opinion polls had predicted a close contest. The drubbing it had got in the Uttar Pradesh and Punjab assembly elections had so unnerved the national leadership that it did not risk testing a new, younger leader in Himachal and chose to rely on the old warhorse, Virbhadra Singh, to lead the battle. Its calculations have paid off.

In Gujarat it was all about Modi, who has demolished the myth of anti-incumbency voting. Gujaratis have voted for him overwhelmingly because he is a good administrator providing largely corruption-free, efficient governance, believing in minimum government. The state economy grew at an average rate of 10.3 per cent in the past seven years. He has ensured 24-hour power supply. Agriculture has grown at the rate of 10 per cent for about a decade because of advances in irrigation and rainwater harvesting. Though Gujarat has always been industry-friendly and growing fast, Modi has marketed it better and taken the credit.

Given a chance, Modi, say his admirers, would transform India too. But Gujarat is not India. If urban Gujaratis appreciate the authoritarian streak in Modi and his Hindutava agenda, outside the state this may well become his weakness. In a country as vast and diverse as India, a leader has to carry the minorities along. In coalition politics a leader has to be accommodative and a team player. If certain traits of Modi attract votes for the BJP in Gujarat, his divisive nature and questionable role in the 2002 Muslim killings could turn voters away elsewhere. Regional leaders may feel uncomfortable with Modi. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has already made his discomfort clear. Besides, power struggle and infighting in the top echelons of the BJP as well as uncertainty about the RSS role in selecting the party leader for the post of Prime Minister are factors Modi may have to contend with.

Why the Congress has lost in Gujarat is not hard to guess. It has no leader of stature matching Modi. Barring Shankersinh Vaghela, few state Congress leaders are known outside Gujarat. Modi’s appeal initially was limited to urban Gujaratis, but the Congress could not exploit disillusionment in rural Gujarat. The caste combination of KHAM (Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) has not favoured it. The campaigning was between the national leadership of the Congress and Modi. The issues the party raised – water shortage, law and order, farmers’ problems and housing – did matter but Gujaraits perhaps got swayed by Modi’s larger-than-life image portrayed through 3D campaigns and his oratorical skills, making fun of top Congress leaders.

National issues did not figure in the two state elections. For much of its term UPA-II had distinguished itself by non-performance. September onwards it resumed governance. If corruption charges, inflation, diesel price hike and a cap on gas cylinders were to weigh on voters’ mind, then the Congress would have lost in Himachal too. The voters in the hill state did not care about graft charges against the UPA or Virbhadra Singh. Despite a late start, Virbhadra Singh, aged 77, has worked hard for the win, and reached out to dissidents, including Vijay Mankotia. Being from the state’s upper region has helped him. The big question now is: Will he become the Chief Minister for the sixth time?

The BJP, on the other hand, reaffirmed its faith in the leadership of Prem Kumar Dhumal, who sought votes in the name of development. The Himachal voter, who has kept up the recent tradition of voting out a government, has not accepted the BJP claim. Factionalism in the BJP has debilitated it. The Dhumal-Shanta Kumar feud had its effect on the poll results. A few leaders quit the BJP to form the Himachal Lokhit Party. There were allegations of land allotments to “outsiders” on the pretext of setting up educational institutions.

Thursday’s Gujarat and Himachal poll results leave the Congress and the BJP evenly placed as the two national parties prepare for the assembly elections in 2013 and the general election in 2014. There is no clear trend either way. It is clear voters do get carried away by charismatic, strong local leaders and do not seem to mind re-electing them even if they are tainted.

ARTICLE

After ruinous Rehman visit
India must rue invitation to him
by Inder Malhotra

IF the government's objective were to damage India-Pakistan relations rather than improve them subject to the neighbouring country's appropriate and effective action against the masterminds and perpetrators of 26/11 — which most certainly is not the case — it could not have done better than to invite Pakistani Interior Minister Rehman Malik to Delhi. Two other factors compound this folly: the invitation's provenance and the visit's timing.

Nobody has contradicted widespread reports that the Ministry of External Affairs was opposed to the visit but Union Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde was insistent on playing host to his Pakistani opposite number. His reasons for doing so are not known, but shouldn't the Prime Minister have intervened to prevent a visit that was clearly unnecessary and has proved to be so offensive, indeed ruinous? The truth is that Mr Rehman virtually invited himself. The new visa agreement between the two countries — undoubtedly beneficial to the people on both sides — was due to be signed by the two home secretaries at their meeting in Islamabad in September. At the last minute the ceremony was cancelled and Mr Rehman announced that he would personally sign the agreement, together with the Indian Home Minister, in New Delhi. Apart from this, there was no other item on his agenda although, as has eventually turned out, he had planned to be rude and rough to India ostensibly to earn brownie points from his mentors back home.

It is in this context that the timing of the Rehman visit became doubly inappropriate, which also underscores how casually Indian policy makers take their decisions. For, Mr Rehman landed in Delhi a day after this country had observed the eleventh anniversary of the terrorist attack on Indian Parliament for which Jaish-e-Mohammed, a Pakistani outfit, has accepted full responsibility. Had the original schedule been adhered to, Mr Rehman would have been in Agra on December 11 to celebrate his birthday and in New Delhi on December 13, when this country was paying homage to the martyrs of the Pakistani terrorist attack on Parliament.

What he would have said about this outrage would not be known. But he spared no effort to dismiss this country's strong feelings over the barbaric terrorist attack on Mumbai on November 26, 2008, and pooh-pooh the demand for action against its mastermind, Hafiz Saeed, who is strutting around Pakistan, delivering the most venomous speeches against India, and advocating terrorism targeting it. The "information" provided by India did not add up to "evidence sustainable in a court of law" was his unchanging theme.

He then wallowed in adding insult to injury, equated the demolition of Babri Masjid with the monstrous Pakistani crime in Mumbai and then tried to backtrack unconvincingly. He also brought in the explosion on Samjhauta Express into this discussion. And then, excelling himself, on his last day in Delhi, he blamed Indian intelligence as much as the Pakistani one for failing to prevent the attack on Mumbai! The Pakistani state, he asserted, had nothing to do with it. As for the non-state actors, he added, the intelligence agencies should have detected and deterred them. This apparently annoyed even Mr Shinde who otherwise was all smiles to his guest. But there was no restraining the visiting minister. Yet, surprisingly, the Mr Shinde waited until Mr Rehman's departure before contradicting the latter's false statements.

The list of his deplorable remarks is too long to be cited here but two of these merit a mention, if only because of their brazenness. He declared that Abu Jundal — the man extradited to India from Saudi Arabia who has revealed that on 26/11 Hafiz Saeed was in the "control room" in Karachi directing the Pakistani terrorists in Mumbai — was "an operative of an elite Indian intelligence agency". The Union Home Secretary, R. K. Singh, was constrained to describe this as "ludicrous".

Secondly, what the Pakistani Interior Minister said about Kargil martyr Captain Saurabh Kalia was nothing short of abominable. The Pakistan army had handed over to the Indian side the slain soldier's badly mutilated body. Yet, Mr Rehman said blandly that there was no knowing whether the captain was killed by "a Pakistani bullet or inclement weather", as if bad weather could have inflicted deep wounds on the captain's body. Having said this, he had the temerity to want to meet Captain Kalia’s infuriated parents.

Those holding high office in this country who were shocked or even surprised by the foul taste and high anger Mr Rehman has left behind must blame only their own naivety. They ought to have known that he is a former police officer. Much patronised during Benazir Bhutto's time, he went in self-exile to escape accountability at the hands of the Musharraf regime. Under the presidency of Ms Bhutto's widower, Asif Ali Zardari, he has been Pakistan's Police Minister.

Only ignoramuses would believe that he would ever act against jihadi terrorists belonging to organisations like the Lashkar-e-Toiba that Pakistan's notorious agency, ISI, founded and nurtured for use against India and, together the Haqqani network, against Afghanistan.

Leave alone India and Hafiz Saeed, Mr Rehman and his cohorts haven't punished yet the killers of the American journalist, Daniel Pearl, who was mercilessly slaughtered a decade ago. Omar Sheikh, the main accused, is known to be close to Brigadier Ejaz of the ISI. Five years on, nothing has happened even to those suspected of being involved in Benazir Bhutto's murder!

To explain why no action would ever be taken against Hafiz Saeed, let me repeat here what many Pakistani sources, including my liberal friends, had to say to me in August 2009 when I was in Islamabad and Lahore last, and the wounds of 26/11 were still very raw. Almost everybody repeated the standard line that action would be taken as soon as India provided evidence that would hold in the court of law. At a group discussion, an old friend asked: "Why are you concentrating on just one man?"

"Because he is the mastermind of the unspeakable barbarity", I replied. This touched off a chorus about credible evidence until someone I had met for the first time, spoke up: "Let me tell you why no action against him will ever be taken. The man is very popular. He has the best of relations with Nawaz Sharif, and he has 10,000 armed and dedicated followers in Lahore alone. Touch him, and the whole of Punjab will go up in flames."

MIDDLE

Game point
by Seema Sachdeva

I have always believed that I can balance my family life with a full-time job. I try my best to give enough time to my children. A recent incident, however, shook me out of this illusion.

My son's birthday was approaching and I asked him what gift he would like. No sooner had I suggested this than he came out with a huge wish list he had already prepared. My heart skipped a beat when I saw that the list included expensive gadgets like an iPad, XBox, Nintendo, a Swatch watch... and it went on and on. Of course, he was generous enough to tell me that he would be happy even if he got one of these.

Politely, but firmly, I told him that these were too expensive for an 11-year-old. So I advised him that rather than these material things, he should be practical and go in for gifts which were of use to him.

When I threw in some suggestions, which included buying clothes and shoes, he made a long face. He flatly refused this offer saying that this was what he got on each birthday anyway. This time he wanted something different. The next option was pens and books but these too didn't find favour with him.

Finally, I succeeded in persuading him to buy a pair of badminton rackets as a birthday gift. Though he didn't like the idea much, he reluctantly agreed to check these out. After a recce of the markets, he finally selected a pair of rackets. I was quite satisfied at having got him a 'useful' gift, though he kept cribbing that none of his friends would play with him.

To instil the spirit of the game in him, I suggested that I could play with him after I got back from work. And so began our late evening badminton sessions. Soon he developed an interest in the game and he no longer would have to be pulled away from his laptop game. In fact, he would look forward to my return from office so that we could play.

I was pretty happy with myself for having inspired him to keep his PC games aside and get some exercise in the fresh air. After one such session, I asked him, "So, are you happy now that you got badminton rackets as a birthday gift?"

To this, he replied in the affirmative. Not letting an opportunity to guide him pass, I said jokingly, "You can thank mummy for getting you such a good game!"

His reply to this casual remark brought a lump to my throat. He said, "I would like to say thanks to you not for buying me these rackets, but for sparing time to play with me". I was left speechless. I simply kissed him on his forehead and went back for another serve.

OPED The Arts

Long historical yarn of Indian cotton
In an article of commerce published about 2,000 years ago, Greek and Roman authors referred to mulmul as Gangetic muslins. At one time Indian cotton was treated as a luxury good in cities of the ancient world and was preserved as heirloom
Jasvinder Kaur

The history of Indian cotton is long and goes back to the Indus Valley Civilization (2500-1500 B.C.) In the early 20th century, the ancient city of Mohanjo-Daro was discovered in the lower reaches of the Indus river. Among the archaeological finds from the ruins of Mohenjo-Daro were found some fragments of cotton cloth, along with terra-cotta spindles and bronze needles.

In 1928 these fragments were analyzed as madder-dyed which had been treated with mordant. This led to the conclusion that this civilization not only grew cotton, spun threads, woven cloth but also knew skilful dyeing techniques.

Samples of printed cotton from Geneva of Switzerland Printing industry that was inspired by Indian printed cottons(L) 19th century(R) 18th Century

Cotton has always been one of the staple products of India. Although some of the cotton used in Abyssinia (modern Ethiopia) and Sudan was spun from local strains, it was influenced by the Indian cotton. Indian cotton was introduced at a fairly early period to the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.

Alexander's soldiers and cotton

Herodotus a Greek historian of 5th Century BC mentions Indian cotton as "a wool exceeding in beauty." When Alexander invaded India, his soldiers started using cotton clothes instead of woollens. Throughout the classical period most of the cotton used in the Mediterranean countries was imported from India although the extent of exports is uncertain.

It was cotton cloth especially fine mulmul or muslin which was admired by the Romans. The manufacture of mulmul was firmly established as an article of commerce at least 2000 years ago. Greek and Roman authors referred to them as Gangetic muslins as these coveted Indian luxury goods were exported to the cities of the ancient world. In Rome they were known by romantic names as nebula, mist, vapour, woven winds etc. close parallels to the names used in Dacca 1800 years later. From 9th century AD onwards travellers visiting Eastern India from Arab countries, China and Europe left accounts of the rich merchants of Bangalla( Bengal) and its importance as a trade article.

Dacca (Dhaka)weavers unquestionably occupied a place unmatched by anyone else. It is said that a whole piece of muslin could be packed in a hollow bamboo tube, lacquered and gilded. After being taken in a procession through the town it was sent to Delhi or Agra to be used in the imperial household. This delicate muslin for the king earned the name of mulmul khas. Other names associated with mulmul were Abrawan (running water), baft hava (woven air) and shabnam (evening dew).

From the 10th century onwards Indian cotton trade extended from Fustat (the first capital of Egypt under Arab rule) in the west to Java in the east. Historical sources mention the pivotal role Indian textiles had in maritime trade.

Cotton for maritime trade

Cotton printed in Italy Mezzaro Italian head dress print inspired by Indian Palampore pattern 18th century All pictures courtesy- Muse'es d'at et d'histoire ,Geneva Switzerland

Marco Polo mentions trade textile export from present day Gujarat to Egypt. The earliest substantial finds of Indian cottons come from Egypt as climatic conditions made the survival of this fragile organic matter possible there. Few references exist of cotton being produced in Egypt and texts of the Abbasid period only talk about linen. However, from 12th century onwards cotton production undoubtedly took place, although linen remained the chief textile product of Egypt. From 11th century onwards increasing documentary evidence points to large quantities of Indian cottons being imported into the area.

During the first several decades of the 12 the century numerous block printed cotton textile fragments surfaced for sale, particularly in Cairo, where they were connected with the site of Fustat. The fragments were identified as Indian by the textile scholar R.Pfisher who related them in particular to archaeological ornaments of Gujarat in India. In 1936 he dated majority of these as printed or painted fragments from 12th to 15th centuries. These pieces are commonly known as Fustat textiles.

From riches to rags

Subsequent studies have also corroborated the fact that most, if not all of the Fustat fragments were made in Gujarat. Pfisher used design similarities as a guide to dating these fabrics. The Kelsey Museum, Michigan, acquired many of these fragments from Cairo dealers during 1930s and 1950s and in 1993 held an exhibition researched and organized by Dr Ruth Barnes 'From Riches to Rags'. The quality of weave and print made it quite certain that these cottons had a utilitarian rather than ornamental purpose.

In 1978 Donald Whitcomb from Oriental Institute, Chicago, started archaeological exploration of the Egyptian Red Sea port of Quseir al-Qadim. The site had been used as a trading post in Roman times and again in the 13th and early 14th centuries at the time of Mamluk. Among the textiles found were 68 fragments that bear direct relation to the Fustat textiles, both in design and technical details. It confirms that block printed resist dyed textiles were traded from India to Egypt by the 13thcentury.

These textiles were patterned with block prints, using either resist or mordants and occasionally with hand painted details. Some of the patterns of 13th century finds of Quseir al-Qadim have exact parallels in certain large textiles from Sulawesi (eastern Indonesia), geographically at opposite end of the trade network. Representations of geese are commonly found in textiles from Sulawesi and those found in Egypt. The cloths served different functions in these two separate destinations. While they were utilitarian in Egypt they took to a ceremonial role in Sulawesi and were preserved as heirlooms.

The largest exporter of cotton

By the end of the 17th century India became the largest exporter of printed cottons and by the18th century it was exporting to both East and the West. When Indian chintz reached Europe they seemed like remarkable fabric. In comparison to wool and linens of Europe, they certainly had some advantages. They were light in weight, washable and had bright colours. To the European buyer, the main appeal of chintz was its brilliance and durable colour. At this time India practiced what came to be known as 'true art of dyeing' which was unknown in Europe. In Europe cottons were printed with a single block using black pigment. Additional colours were added later. None of these were washable. Indian cotton colours on the other hand were fast. As more and more Europeans started using Indian cottons, there was some resistance in England, France, Netherlands and Switzerland. In order to protect its silk industry France declared a total prohibition of calicoes and banned their import.

From the end of 17th century many attempts were made in Europe to imitate Indian cottons. A London calico printer, William Sherwin took out a patent and from there the printing industry spread to Berlin, Bremen, Frankfurt, Neuchatel (1688), Lusanne (1698) and Geneva (1691). Indian printed cottons influenced the printing industry of Europe. Initially they copied Indian techniques and designs but slowly the European printing industry developed. Industrialisation brought in newer techniques which were much faster in production bringing down the manufacturing cost and reverse trade started. Thus our handloom industry suffered.

The sheen can be saved

Today almost all the cotton grown has long staple which is more suitable for high speed processing. Our traditional varieties were rain fed and cloth was made near the area where cotton was produced. This changed with times. Some states are working towards putting this concept back in place. L. Kannan, a mechanical engineer from IIT Madras has developed a micro spinning machine which can be taken to cotton producing areas. Because cotton is not 'brutally' pressed the yarn produced is of very high quality. This puts the whole process of cleaning, twisting, drawing, spinning and weaving back in the village. The malkha fabric (between mulmul and khadi) is one such high quality cotton fabric.

Malkha cloth has become a high fashion fabric. This model can be eplicated in Punjab so that the small scale farmer can benefit and revive our handloom industry.

The writer is a textile researcher who has worked at The National Museum, New Delhi and Muse'es d'at et d'histoire ,Geneva