SPECIAL COVERAGE
CHANDIGARH

LUDHIANA

DELHI


THE TRIBUNE SPECIALS
50 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

TERCENTENARY CELEBRATIONS
O P I N I O N S

GUEST COLUMN
Modi, a man with baggage 
Suspicions about his motives and ideology linger, however much he changes his tactic from batting for Gujaratis to padding up for all Indians, including Muslims and other minorities.
S. Nihal Singh
A
striking aspect of Narendra Modi’s convincing win in the Gujarat election, his third in a row, is that the focus of attention is not so much on his record in the state but on his chances of fulfilling his ambitions at the national level. Judging by the projections of his acolytes, the size of his victory might be somewhat disappointing, two fewer seats than the last time around, but there is no doubting the stamp the Modi brand has imprinted on Gujarat.

FIFTY FIFTY
Women’s security must figure before all else
We must try to understand this rising aggression in Indian society — especially among disenfranchised young men. They are obviously frustrated and angry, poorly educated and in need of sensitisation towards women.
KISHWAR DESAI
I
t’s been a very long time since I have taken public transport in India. At least 20 years. But I do this routinely in London. In fact, since we have a bus stop right outside our house, I often feel this is like my own private double-decker limousine. I usually sit right on top, gazing out at London’s many scenic delights, feeling perfectly safe regardless of how late I return home. Even though my husband is a Member of Parliament, he gets no special transport, and he too prefers to take buses and tubes, as they are often the most convenient, and well connected.


SUNDAY SPECIALS

OPINIONS
PERSPECTIVE
PEOPLE
KALEIDOSCOPE

GROUND ZERO


EARLIER STORIES

Figuring it out
December 22, 2012
Gujarat stays with Modi
December 21, 2012
More banks expected
December 20, 2012
RBI keeps its word
December 19, 2012
Sensitive issues
December 18, 2012
Broken hearts
December 17, 2012
Shift to presidential form of democracy
December 16, 2012
Fast-tracking growth
December 15, 201
2
Politics of quota
December 14, 201
2
Gujarat test begins
December 13, 201
2
Stalemate on quota Bill
December 12, 201
2


Ground Zero
The grand old man of the hills
It is evident there is much to be done in Himachal and Virbhadra Singh has clearly indicated that despite his age he is the man for the job. 
Raj Chengappa
It’s 9 am on December 20 and the election results of the Himachal Pradesh Assembly elections are beginning to trickle in. We are seated with Virbhadra Singh, a former Chief Minister of the state and till recently a Union Cabinet Minister. He has a house atop a hill that overlooks the Ridge in Shimla and he is referred to reverentially by his supporters as “Raja Sa’b”. Virbhadra Singh looks unperturbed by the initial results showing the BJP ahead on the five seats for which the results are available.





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GUEST COLUMN
Modi, a man with baggage 
Suspicions about his motives and ideology linger, however much he changes his tactic from batting for Gujaratis to padding up for all Indians, including Muslims and other minorities.
S. Nihal Singh

S. Nihal Singh A striking aspect of Narendra Modi’s convincing win in the Gujarat election, his third in a row, is that the focus of attention is not so much on his record in the state but on his chances of fulfilling his ambitions at the national level. Judging by the projections of his acolytes, the size of his victory might be somewhat disappointing, two fewer seats than the last time around, but there is no doubting the stamp the Modi brand has imprinted on Gujarat.

Modi’s problem is that having lauded Gujarati pride and dignity to the skies, how does he make the transition to appeal to Indians, instead of those hailing from a particular state? He made a beginning by delivering his victory speech in Hindi, rather than his favoured Gujarati. But adept as he is, as any astute politician, at being something of a chameleon in changing his stripes, he comes with a considerable baggage: the 2002 pogrom of Muslims, the size of his ego, the enthusiastic espousal of middle class prosperity to the relative neglect of the rural sector, and his authoritarian ways.

Sections of Muslims in Gujarat might have made peace with Modi, but there is no love lost between the community and him at the national level.
Sections of Muslims in Gujarat might have made peace with Modi, but there is no love lost between the community and him at the national level. PTI

At the broader level, Modi faces two kinds of hurdles, one from his party and the Parivar and the other from his sectarian image. In the latter case, sections of Muslims in Gujarat might have made peace with him because they felt they had no alternative, but there is no love lost between the community and Modi at the national level. The Parivar is an even knottier problem because paying formal obeisance to the RSS while going his own way is contrary to the outfit’s obsessive concern with its members obeying its edicts without questioning.

Modi has not only stood the RSS logic on its head, but has also hijacked the BJP by installing himself as the party’s unquestioned leader. It is almost comical how many of the party’s leaders have been individually endorsing him as the party’ prime ministerial candidate, some of them perhaps to diminish his chances. As opposed to Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who outmanoeuvred the RSS in his own gentle way, Modi’s is a frontal assault on the organisation that nurtured him.

Indeed, Modi has proved to be a remarkable politician. As a man who rose from the ranks in the Parivar fraternity, he was sent to Gujarat after a stint at the central level, a practice the RSS has adopted for long to place its men in key political positions in states ruled by the BJP in order to ultimately achieve the objective of Hindutva. Modi proved to be a good pupil, and after waving the Hindutva flag, switched to emphasising sectarian pride while giving a boost to industrialisation and manufacturing. The fact that he brooked no dissent meant that decision making was quick and he had developed a loyal efficient team to add manufacturing to the famed Gujarati metier of trading and commerce.

Modi’s strategy is to woo the middle classes and urban youth to project a Gujarat model of development for prosperity. Implicitly, he is contrasting his plan with that of the Congress, mired as it is in a division of power at the heart of the government inasmuch as the Prime Minister not being the more important member of the duo, with Congress president Sonia Gandhi holding the reins of power.

Despite the grave reservations of the BJP and the RSS, Modi’s march to being declared the prime ministerial candidate seems unstoppable. He has packaged himself skilfully, using modern technology and social network to advance his cause, with Modi masks being only one aspect of his eye for the unusual in capturing public attention. Often, RSS stalwarts hark back to the past to project India’s future. Modi has successfully demonstrated that modern technology can be harnessed to a message, however antique it might be.

If Modi achieves his ambition of being nominated by the BJP as its prime ministerial candidate for the 2014 general election, as seems likely, he will present a loaded question for the country’s voters. Can a man who has seen the Gujarat pogrom on his watch ever be a leader of a country of great religious and cultural diversity? India needs a leader all Indians can look up to as a symbol of the country’s diversity. The narrow view of the RSS in trying to mould tribals in parts of the country into the Hindutva jacket is an ominous sign which militates against the very idea of India.

For many Indians, the answer to Modi’s suitability as the country’s Prime Minister would be a resounding ‘no’. Suspicions about his motives and ideology linger, however much he changes his tactic from batting for Gujaratis to padding up for all Indians, including Muslims and other minorities.

The writer is a Delhi-based political commentator

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FIFTY FIFTY
Women’s security must figure before all else
We must try to understand this rising aggression in Indian society — especially among disenfranchised young men. They are obviously frustrated and angry, poorly educated and in need of sensitisation towards women.
KISHWAR DESAI

KISHWAR DESAIIt’s been a very long time since I have taken public transport in India. At least 20 years. But I do this routinely in London. In fact, since we have a bus stop right outside our house, I often feel this is like my own private double-decker limousine. I usually sit right on top, gazing out at London’s many scenic delights, feeling perfectly safe regardless of how late I return home. Even though my husband is a Member of Parliament, he gets no special transport, and he too prefers to take buses and tubes, as they are often the most convenient, and well connected.

(In India, this would be unheard of because most of our legislators think that taking public transport is beneath their dignity — and they would rather travel in an air-conditioned ‘lal batti’ car. This has led to a complete disconnect between them and the ‘aam aurat’ who is demanding security today. Most legislators, in any case travel with a posse of SPG commandoes and have no clue what these women are complaining about.)

…This is not to say that molestations, knifing attacks and sexual assaults are unknown in London. However, fortunately, the buses are all equipped with CCTV cameras, and the driver can monitor what is happening on the bus at any given time. The communication between police stations and public transport is usually swift. Thus in most cases, barring a handful, if a miscreant gets on board and misbehaves, there is every chance that he will be caught. If it is a case of sexual violence, it usually becomes extremely high profile — and the British tabloids (bless their loud and demanding headlines) often undertake the onerous task of getting justice. The basic fact is simply this: while evidence from CCTV cameras is available, London bobbies move fast because there is enormous embarrassment in store for the government if police apathy or poor policing comes to light.

The courts too are quick to reach a judgment, and if required, hand out convictions. All this means that there are severe deterrents for anyone attempting rape or murder.

Another plus point with the public transport in London is that many of the drivers are women, which is very reassuring when one is travelling on one’s own. The interesting part is that all drivers (of buses and black cabs) actually undergo training and sit for examinations before they are allowed to sit behind the wheel. Obviously, a database is maintained on all of them.

In Delhi, the recent horrific rape case has proven once again how poorly public transport (including contracted vehicles) is monitored, and what little care is taken in the selection of drivers and other staff. Given the lack of security on the streets of urban (or rural India) and no delivery of speedy justice, there is a huge demand to make an example of these six men by chemically castrating them or handing out capital punishment. This appears to be powered more by public anger and frustration, than any rational thought because often rapists are allowed to walk free, while the victims are humiliated both by the police and in the courts. However, if the punishment meted out were swift and severe enough, even the current law would send out a stringent message.

Yet, since the number of rape cases and attacks on women are increasing, obviously there is a need to deter any potential molester. Perhaps other methods of naming and shaming known offenders can be tried, which could make their lives uncomfortable even if they are let out on bail or given a shorter jail sentence. For instance, there could be a system of putting electronic tags on them, as is done for terrorists abroad, and they could be under surveillance even when out of jail.

Dealing with sexual offenders is something the whole world is struggling with. But it is important that at least the police must maintain a database of known sexual offenders. Yet, punishments and increasing security are simply not enough. We also need a complete and radical social change. We must try to understand this rising aggression and violence in Indian society — especially among disenfranchised young men. They are obviously frustrated and angry, poorly educated and in need of sensitisation towards women.

What has been disappointing this time is that neither the champions of ‘civil society’ movements have stepped forward to launch a ‘fast unto death’ till the law dealing with sexual offences is passed, nor have any of the so-called political ‘youth icons’ in the country even stepped forward to talk about this volcano of violence that needs to be contained.

Unless the government (and how many times must we repeat this?) puts the issue of gender equality and justice in front of everything, and is seen to provide security and help to women to lead a normal life in public spaces, without fear of molestation, this situation can only become worse.

As I said, it is a long time since I took a bus in Delhi. And I suspect it will be still longer before other women will feel safe enough to take one.

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