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Murder in cricket Horror of Nithari PDP pullback |
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No reduction in bureaucracy
The bribe
They also serve Inside Pakistan
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Horror of Nithari THURSDAY’S charge-sheet filed by the CBI accusing Surinder Koli, domestic help of businessman Moninder Singh Pandher, of rape and murder of several children is a horrifying tale of depravity and wickedness. After a two-month probe, the CBI has concluded that Koli single-handedly carried out 19 murders at his master’s bungalow. Moninder has been booked for criminal conspiracy and for using his house as a brothel. The shocking episode of missing children, their murder and subsequent recovery of skeletons from a drain in Noida prove that there was virtually no law and order machinery in Nithari. There was complete collapse of authority and the police looked the other way when children were raped and butchered, one after the other. The murders which took place between February 2005 and November 2006 suggest that the state police didn’t bother to investigate complaints of missing children filed by their parents. Had the police taken timely action, the tragedy could have been minimised, if not averted. What is particularly distressing is the heartless and insensitive attitude of the authorities. Ordinarily, reports of missing children should have led to a massive coordinated search in and around Nithari and a comprehensive investigation, both of which were totally absent. Worse, the police did not bother to investigate the case even after the National Commission for Women took it up. The NCW brought the laxity of the police to the government’s notice but to no avail. The low priority accorded to criminal investigation — as against general law and order maintenance — may be viewed as a typical attitude of the police. However, this has resulted in the total neglect of an essential function of the police — pursuing leads and solving crimes. Officers responsible for such failure and indifference should be dealt with severely and they deserve no mercy. The Uttar Pradesh government has done some shakeup in the police. The dismissed Nithari cop, Simranjeet Kaur, has now been arrested for her complicity in the crime. Welcome as these measures are, much more is needed to restore the people’s confidence in the police. The rot in the police administration is much deeper. |
PDP pullback BRINKMANSHIP is something Jammu and Kashmir can do without. But the ultimatum of the PDP demanding withdrawal of security forces from the state, repealing of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and vacation of private and public property occupied by the forces, had taken the beleaguered state by surprise. Mercifully, better sense has prevailed at the eleventh hour and the immediate threat that this ultimatum posed to the PDP-Congress coalition has receded, at least for now. Mr Mufti Mohammad Sayeed is not pulling out of the alliance, despite there being no outright assurance from the Prime Minister on the withdrawal of forces. The two parties have agreed to continue their talks. That there is no breakdown is in itself a heartening sign, considering that the hard line adopted by the PDP has already put the coalition under tremendous strain. The desire of the PDP to strike a strident pose in the run-up to the elections due in about a year is understandable, but this aspiration should not be stretched too far. What has to be acknowledged is that the troops are there to protect civilians and a legitimately elected government. Why, even Mr Sayeed and his partymen need the help of these troops to ensure their safety at the hands of enemies of the nation ever ready to let loose a reign of murder and mayhem. Such an ultimatum from a constituent of the ruling coalition sends an unfortunate signal. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has chosen to stand firm in the face of the demand. It may be recalled that some paramilitary forces have already been withdrawn from the Valley i.e., even before the PDP began flexing its muscles. While the reduction in the number of troops because of improvement in the situation is very much in order, this cannot be done under threat and ultimatums. To that extent, the PDP has only weakened its own avowed cause. The crisis that was building up has receded for the moment, but the table-thumping warnings do not augur well. One just hopes that hot words will not be translated into ill-conceived action in the months to come. |
In order to succeed you must fail, so that you know what not to do the next time. —
Anthony J. D’Angelo |
No reduction in bureaucracy
Pay Commissions are set up primarily to define the basic and guiding principles of compensation packages for government employees and to recommend scales of pay of different categories of staff when the existing pay scales are observed to have got out of alignment with the prevailing economic conditions. Accordingly, the first four Central Pay Commissions wrote extensively on the application of concepts like “minimum wage”, “basic wage”, “living wage”, “government as a model employer”, “government as a good employer”, etc, to government employees besides suggesting scales of pay for different categories of staff. By and large, reforms in administration have proceeded independently of the emoluments. While there have been five Central Pay Commissions and the Sixth Pay Commission has also been announced, about 600 commissions and committees have been set up by the Central and the state governments from time to time to look into the various aspects of administrative reforms. In a major departure from the past practices, the terms of reference of the Fifth Pay Commission set up in April 1994 required it inter alia to examine the work methods and work environment as also the variety of allowances and benefits that are presently available in addition to the pay to government employees and to suggest rationalisation and simplification thereof with a view to promoting efficiency in administration, reducing redundant paper work and optimising the size of the government machinery. The commission entrusted 19 studies to research institutes of excellence; nearly two-third of the studies related to matters connected with the promotion of efficiency in administration. The members of the commission held detailed discussions with these institutes, studied the matter during their visits to Malaysia, New Zealand, Canada and the United Kingdom and exhaustively dealt with the subject of public services management upfront in Part II of the commission’s report (January 1997) immediately after the introductory Part I. This was the first occasion that a pay commission had taken recourse to consultancy services. The report of the Fifth Pay Commission ranged over the entire gamut of issues relating to public services management from what the government should or should not do to know what needed to be done should be done. More specifically, it recommended exit of the government from non-essential activities, abolition/realignment/merger of certain government ministries/departments, optimising the size of government machinery and right-sizing of ministries/departments dealing with subjects that should be with the state governments, discontinuing a large number of the Centrally sponsored and Central sector schemes, enhanced delegation of powers to the ministries/departments, etc. It also made specific recommendations for the promotion of openness and transparency in administration, insulation of civil services from extraneous considerations and pressures, improvement in work culture and environment, reduction in the number of days of casual leave admissible to the staff, and accountability, productivity and responsiveness of the administration. For optimising the size of government machinery, it visualised a 30 per cent cut across the board in 10 years working out to an annual reduction of 3 per cent, that matched the normal attrition rate due to retirements, resignations, deaths, etc. The commission emphasised that its recommendations relating to all aspects needed to be viewed holistically, and the inter-connectedness of the various elements of its report should be kept in mind while taking individual decisions. It entered the caveat that the size of the bureaucracy had to come down drastically and the public servant had to be much more productive and accountable. A consolidated report card on the implementation of the recommendations is not readily available. It is, however, known that the government has reduced the number of days of casual leave admissible to the staff from 12 to eight in a year. Several other recommendations like assured career progression linked with both the promotion of staff morale and introduction of the revised scales of pay have also been followed up. The position cannot be said to be as flattering in relation to the pivotal recommendation of the commission regarding optimising of the size of the government machinery. The number of Central government employees, other than those of the Ministry of Defence and the Central Police Organisations (excluded for obvious reasons), mentioned in the commission’s report was about 29 lakhs; the corresponding number for which provision was made in the Central government budget for 2006-2007 was more than 25 lakhs. But the reduction in the size of the government machinery is illusory since after the Fifth Pay Commission nearly four lakh employees have also exited from the government system consequent upon the formation of Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd and Prasar Bharati and are borne on the staff of those organisations. The Railways also has corporatised some of its services like catering. Accordingly, there does not appear to have been any significant reduction in the size of the bureaucracy. The Sixth Pay Commission notified in 2006 has again been mandated to make recommendations for transforming the government organisations into modern, professional and citizen-friendly entities dedicated to the service of the people, and to work out a comprehensive pay package for the staff that is linked to promoting efficiency, productivity and economy through the rationalisation of structures, organisations, systems and procedures with a view to leveraging economy, accountability, responsibility, transparency, assimilation of technology and discipline. It has invited suggestions for making reduction in and redeployment of staff, reduction of paper work, better work environment, economy in expenditure, professionalisation of services, better delivery of services by government agencies, etc. An Administrative Reforms Commission is currently examining the issues related to the organisational structure of the Government of India, citizen-centric administration, ethics in governance, transparency, refurbishing personnel administration, strengthening financial management systems, promotion of e-governanace, etc. There is some “commonality” (this word has been deliberately used to avoid the pejorative connotation associated with words like “duplication” and “overlap”) in the terms of reference of the Sixth Pay Commission and those of the Administrative Reforms Commission. There is no doubt that the compensation package, the size of the bureaucracy, work environment, productivity, service delivery, etc, are inter-related issues, but as the Sixth Pay Commission gets down to its task, it will look into the report card on the implementation of the recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission and other committees/commissions that have gone into similar issues, particularly the issue of optimisation of the size of the government machinery. There may be a message in such a report card. The expectation of the Fourth Pay Commission regarding the reduction of staff remained a pious hope. The 30 per cent reduction of staff on which the recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission were heavily predicated and the subsequent recommendation of the Expenditure Reforms Commission for a 10 per cent reduction of staff did not materialise. The recommendations of the pay commissions have a cascading effect on other jurisdictions like the state governments and the government autonomous bodies, which generally adopt the scales of pay prescribed by the Central Government. While there may be some down-sizing of the government machinery at the Central level or at least a halt to further expansion, the states have their own approach. Punjab is reported to have currently 14 officers of the rank of the Chief Secretary. It, perhaps, needs to be recalled that the Third Pay Commission had, as far back as 1973, frowned upon the proliferation of posts at this level merely to provide promotions to senior officers when an officer lower in the seniority list is appointed as Chief Secretary.n
The writer is a former Deputy Comptroller and Auditor-General of India. |
The bribe
It was called General English and all undergraduate students had to pass it to get their degrees. It was a one-year course and the exam, on the surface, appeared to be simple enough. The only trouble was that many students came from one-horse towns with their experience of English limited to memorising essays on “A Rainy Day” and “Diwali” and reproducing them in the exams. They were confronted on the first day of the course with Somerset Maugham’s “The Luncheon” and had to cope, not only with the intricacies of a language beyond their ken, but also with alien entities like champagne and asparagus. No wonder there was a backlog of 23,000 candidates waiting to pass this exam in order to claim their degrees. Two months before the exam I was approached by one of these chronic failures, a tough looking Pathan from Malihabad, for help in the course. I was touched by his earnestness but when he came to me just twice in five weeks I knew this earnestness was a farce. But why had he come? The question became urgent over the next few weeks. First he left two sacks of peanuts. I had no way of getting in touch with him. The sacks took up most of my tiny verandah and after three weeks of crawling over them every time I wanted to use the toilet, I got rid of them. I spent the major part of a week handing out bagsful to anyone who would take them. Next he left six scrawny chickens. I had no fridge so had to give them away immediately. I felt that he must think I had set the paper and would slip him a copy at the appropriate time. I could think of no other reason for his largesse. But the exam came and went with no further approach from him. I was left as confused as before. The answer came when I was marking my share of the answer scripts. One of them was completely blank with a message in Hindi scrawled across the first page. “I hope you enjoyed the peanuts and the chicken.” Though I admired his initiative and enterprise in finding out two months before the exam, that I was going to correct his paper, I could give him no marks. The results were declared, the university reopened with its usual hustle and bustle. He cornered me outside the library, grabbed me by the scruff of my collar and said. “B......, you ate my peanuts and my chicken but did not pass me.” The crowd that had collected was clearly in sympathy with him: any moment now I could be lynched. A car screeched to a halt. It was one of my colleagues. The Malihabadi was giving the crowd details of my perfidy. I broke loose, dived into the car, screamed “Run” and so made my escape. Discretion decidedly, was the better part of valour, in this case.n |
They also serve Away from the headlines, in various places in Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh, ANI correspondents come across shining examples of harmony in diversity where communal differences do not matter, and communities come together to celebrate and cherish one another’s religion and culture Jaipur — Boundaries of religion or caste simply don’t exist for 24 Muslim artisans in Jaipur, especially when it comes to building a temple for Hindus. Six years ago, a non-resident Hindu family showed their faith in these Muslim artisans from Rajasthan’s Makarana and Kishangarh region and gave them a contract to build a temple. The beautiful white marble temple is now ready and idols of Lord Krishna and his consort Radha adorn the sanctum sanctorum. Right from the carvings on the wall to the making of attractive idols of the presiding deities, everything has been taken care of with utmost dexterity and precision by these artisans of a different faith, reflecting communal harmony at its best. “There is no such feeling of difference in our heart. It doesn’t matter if one is Hindu or Muslim. We all are Indians first. We are brothers. We don’t believe that there is a difference between a mosque and a temple,” said Naimuddeen, one of the Muslim artisans. Praise has also come from Hindu devotees, most of whom say that the Muslim artisans’ dedication goes beyond the narrow confines of religion and sets an example for unlocking the chain of “Everyone has worked like family here, no matter whether he was a Hindu or a Muslim. The temple was constructed with a lot of cooperation and love over six years. Today, it’s complete. The Muslim workers have also come here as devotees and are attached to this temple as much as Hindus,” said Mahima Paul, a devotee. The temple has been built at a cost of Rs 25 lakh and the artisans just want people to have faith in them and their work. Banda (Uttar Pradesh) — Over two centuries have gone by, and yet the family of Vasant Rao carries on with a tradition of looking after an Imambara dedicated to Hazrat Imam Hussein in the tiny hamlet of Banda in Uttar Pradesh. A Hindu family, the Raos describe themselves as being free from rigidly drawn boundaries of religion. Vasant Rao’s ancestor Ramaji Rao, a Maharashtrian Hindu serving in the Maratha Peshwa’s army, built the Imambara in 1750. Ramaji was a staunch devotee of the Imam and the Imambara is also referred to as “Ramaji ka Imambara” in his memory. This venue is a unique example of communal amity where, even after 257 years, the tradition of offering prayers by the Muslim way still continues. The original structure of the Imambara has been maintained as it was 250 years ago. The pictures on the walls of the “Choti Kothri (small room)” and “Bari Khothri (big room)” are the same as the original design, only fresh colours have been applied to preserve them. The Rao family lives in the Imambara. One of the rooms houses a Hindu mandir, which serves as the private prayer room of the family. The temple entrance has a green curtain, the colour symbolic of Islam, highlighting the spirit of religious harmony that exists within the family. After offering prayers at his temple, Vasant Rao begins his duties at the Imambara. Be it reading the “Fateha” or making an offering, Rao performs all Islamic rituals himself. “This tradition was brought here 250 years back by our ancestor Ramaji Rao. Since then, this ritual has been on here in Banda. My family takes care of all duties, including the monetary matters of the Imambara. We pray here. We are Hindus and celebrate our festivals our way. For instance, we offer all customary prayers during the Navratras. Similarly, we worship Imam Hussein, but according to Muslim traditions,” says Vasant Rao. Word of the Rao family’s devotion to the Imambara has spread across the country, and it is no surprise that the venue is often crowded with people from across the country, and belonging to other faiths. “Indeed, this family must have been blessed by Hazrat Imam Hussein since they are entitled to perform rituals here. Whether he is a Hindu or of any other origin or faith, it doesn’t matter at all,” says Javed Ali, a Muslim devotee. “We have come here from Varanasi. We come here to offer prayers whenever our wishes get fulfilled,” added Manikanta a Hindu devotee. This tradition indicates acceptance of differences, including those of religion, tolerance and a synthesis of the Indian way of life. Jagdalpur (Chhattisgarh) — A visit to the town in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar district reflects the oneness of God, for here religious shrines have been demolished to encourage civic sense and beauty. For residents of this town, comfort, sanitisation and cleanliness are paramount and religious affiliations must take a backseat. Jagdalpur is unlike any other town in India, where the destruction of a religious institution can lead to public demonstrations and a stalling of the administrative machinery. In Jagdalpur, several temples have been razed to the ground and the boundaries of churches have been shifted to widen roads. “We have shifted the boundary wall on our own for the beautification of the city and also for the widening of roads,” said Reverend P. C. Paul, the pastor in harge of a church. Those in charge of the local administration are, however, careful about respecting sentiments related to faith. Heads of various religious bodies are informed in advance before planned development is activated. “We went to each spot and the superintendent of police also accompanied us. We took them into confidence and sought their consent in razing parts of construction to facilitate the widening of roads. At least, four or five temples were completely razed to the ground. We have re-located some of the temples, the ones which we could,” said G.S. Mishra, district collector of Bastar. The locals, who are for the beautification of the city, have welcomed this one of a kind action. Gajandhar Prakash, a Hindu priest, said such efforts should be encouraged to ensure that the growing population does not choke a town or a city. “We should support the administration. You see, the population is booming and looking at the problem of commuting, the government has taken a very good step because in the coming years, the problem could get out of hand,” he said. Jagdalpur is the headquarters of Bastar district and was once the capital of the erstwhile princely state of Bastar. It is known for its planned infrastructure. This place boasts of an early 20th century architectural design by a British Colonel, which is on the lines of a planned city back in England. It seems the cementing of religious bonds apparently adds beauty to a place. Pipra Basant (Uttar Pradesh) — Eclipsing divisive notions based on faith, Hindus and Muslims of this tiny hamlet of Pipra Basant in Uttar Pradesh’s Gorakhpur district have been living in absolute harmony since time immemorial. Recent incidents of communal trouble in the neighbouring areas have failed to disturb the calm that prevails in Pipra Basant. “We even did not realise that some communal tension was occurring outside. Everybody was together as always. There is always an atmosphere of communal harmony in our village,” said Chandi Upadhyay, a resident of the hamlet. The hamlet is home to about 2,000 people of different faiths, and who willingly share the joy of participating in each other’s religious festivals. “This year too, we all, be it Hindus or Muslims, observed Moharram with peace and in full Communal unity in this village comes out loud and clear. Here, Hindus look forward to providing monetary assistance to the mosque, while Muslims happily take care of the local temple. “We have a harmonious atmosphere here. No one boasts of the supremacy of his or her religion. We take part in all Muslim festivals. Likewise, our Muslim brethren contribute to our festive occasions. On getting to hear of our problems, Muslims come forward to help,” says Kaishala Prasad with pride. Pipra Basant presents a perfect example how people can transcend the boundaries of faith to strengthen bonds in a world that is increasingly becoming polarised on communal lines. |
Inside Pakistan Waziristan is again in the news because of fighting among militants. Azam Warsak - where foreign (Uzbek) and local (Taliban) militants were ranged against each other early this month -- was witness to a major exchange of fire between them on Tuesday and Wednesday. There was also firing among these groups in Pir Makan in Kankot, near Wana, on Thursday. In all, 132 casualties (mostly Uzbeks) were reported. “There is a tribal uprising against Uzbeks. The tribesmen are saying that Uzbeks are no longer required,” South Waziristan administrator Hussainzada Khan was quoted in Dawn as saying. The official claim shows that Islamabad’s policy of driving foreign militants out of the Pakistani areas bordering Afghanistan is paying off. But the situation is not as simple as it appears. According to Daily Times of March 22: “Once again the government says that the Uzbeks are in the picture. One (official) version is that the Uzbeks have been challenged by the local tribesmen on the issue of law and order. The other version (unofficial) is that the Uzbeks killed an Arab belonging to Al-Qaida, but the local tribesmen loyal to Al-Qaida and not to the government have killed them in revenge.” It is generally believed that the government has succeeded in creating a rift between the local and foreign militants. Reports also have it that money has been used to separate the Taliban and their local supporters from Al-Qaida. As Daily Times commented, “Contrary to what the world believes, Al-Qaida has been greatly put off by the ‘deal’ Pakistan has made with the Waziristan warlords. The deal has been interpreted by Osama bin Laden as a betrayal of Al-Qaida by the Taliban. “He has also been most upset by the fact that the top leader of the Taliban, Mullah Umar, had okayed the deal and thus gained a lot of Pakistani help in the shape of weapons,” Daily Times added. The News pointed out in an editorial that what has happened in the Azam Warsak area of South Waziristan “is perhaps part of the government-sponsored strategy to get the local tribesmen to drive the foreigners out. “From a purely tactical and pragmatic point of view, this makes sense since moving regular army troops and have them fight pitched battles could have alienated the local population.” Media under attack again The media, both print and electronic, earned accolades for its courageous role in highlighting the judicial crisis in Pakistan. Had it not played its duty without fear or favour, the Musharraf regime would have been more ruthless in terrorising into silence the lawyers who opposed the fresh efforts of the government to subjugate the judiciary. In such a situation, an attack on the media was not unexpected. The government’s ire this time was directed at the Geo network of the Jang group, which also owns English daily The News, as it was on the forefront of exposing the government’s brutalities on the legal fraternity. As Shireen M. Mazari wrote in The News, “As if the physical abuse of the CJ was not enough of a national disgrace, we saw the police run amok in what was clearly a preplanned and officially ordered --- at what level is the real question --- assault on the Geo and The News offices.” The reaction to the foolish act made the government lick the dust. Yet no heads have rolled yet, “although in any civilized and decent society, the interior and information ministers would have resigned”, the writer laments. Happily, however, “there has all along been a special self-awareness in the media of being the only effective torch-bearer of truth. From the early years when larger-than-life personalities like the great poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz took up journalism to assume this responsibility to the present day, there has been a continuous tradition of trying to live up to this high calling”, as retired Foreign Secretary Tanvir Ahmad Khan pointed out in his article in The Dawn on March 19. Once again, it has been proved that the media can empower itself “from a critical look and not from compliance with the line given by official spokesmen”, as Tanvir Khan says. Missing Basant With the judicial crisis refusing to come to an end, the official machinery in Lahore and elsewhere has, perhaps, little time to focus on preparations for Basant. The cultural festival, also called Jashn-e-Baharan, seems to have ceased to be one of the priorities of the government as had been the case in the past during this period of the year. If the situation remains unchanged, Basant enthusiasts are bound to feel disheartened. Lahore, known for its Basant celebrations, will be a loser financially, too. Jashn-e-Baharan has been helping generate revenue running into crores of rupees every year. A Daily Times report, however, says that preparations to celebrate Basant in Rawalpindi from March 31 to April 7 are on in full swing. Pindi Food Street will be the centre of attraction during the week-long festival. |
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