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A judge’s tears Bonus on wheat MSP |
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Budget and banquets The cess is a welcome idea For the past few years there has been a considerable increase in the number of marriage palaces, banquet halls and lawns for holding social and other functions in Haryana, Punjab and elsewhere. As a result, power consumption goes up substantially particularly during the marriage season.
Opportunity in
B’desh
No connection
Revamp the DRDO Speaking the truth
in Turkey – quietly Chatterati
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Bonus on wheat MSP Instead
of enhancing the minimum support price of wheat, the Centre has opted to pay a bonus of Rs 100 on the MSP. That is because the bonus is for one year only, and if the wheat prices fall, the government would not have to scale down the MSP, which is politically inconvenient. However, the MSP plus bonus is still below the market prices of wheat. Hence, the belated announcement falls short of farmers’ expectations. Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal had demanded an MSP of Rs 900 a quintal while farmers’ associations had expected it to be above Rs 1,000. The farmers should remember that what the government announces is only the minimum price. There is no upper limit. Private traders may again mop up wheat stocks this year by paying a little higher price than what is offered by the government agencies. This is what had happened last year. As a result, the government could lift only 92.26 lakh tonnes of wheat against the target of 126 lakh tonnes. Traders took advantage of the shortage as the government was forced to import wheat. The higher price paid for imports attracted criticism for the government and the story is set to repeat. As part of the steps taken to contain inflation, the government has banned futures trading in wheat and extended the deadline for wheat imports on zero duty until the year-end. The Prime Minister and the Finance Minister have pinned hopes on fresh supplies of wheat and other food items to bring down inflation. However, it is not yet clear how much production loss has been caused by the recent rain and hailstorm. Even if the production targets are met, the government agencies may not be able to lift the required quantities of wheat and imports may again become inevitable. In the long run, wheat productivity will have to be raised to global levels and only attractive returns will make farmers grow it. |
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Budget and banquets For the past few years there has been a considerable increase in the number of marriage palaces, banquet halls and lawns for holding social and other functions in Haryana, Punjab and elsewhere. As a result, power consumption goes up substantially particularly during the marriage season. Other infrastructural facilities are also affected. The imposition of a cess on their use in Haryana through its budget for 2007-08 is a welcome move. This will not only add to the state’s revenue earning but also lead to saving of power, which is already in short supply in Haryana. If there is a need to generate more power, it is also necessary to lay more emphasis on conserving it. This purpose will also be served by the decision to provide tax relief on compact fluorescent lamps (CFLs) and other such energy-saving devices. Punjab also should follow in the footsteps of Haryana and slap a tax on wasteful use of power. Haryana Finance Minister Birender Singh in his budget speech on Friday hinted at the government’s plan in the coming days with regard to indirect farm subsidies like that provided on fertilisers. But, as he pointed, this was possible only when “the principle of a reasonable profit margin over the actual cost of production is accepted and the market for farm produce is assured”. As a first step, the government may remove all subsidies on agricultural implements and seeds. The state, where at least 75 per cent population still depends on agriculture, is faced with the problem of declining farm productivity. It has to handle it by introducing a change in the cropping pattern, diversification and other such ideas. The budget shows that the government is alive to this necessity. But overall it is a cautious budgeting exercise. There is very little to attract new investment in areas like information technology. The budget is almost silent on special economic zones (SEZs). Even if it is for tactical reasons because of the prevailing atmosphere not being conducive to promoting SEZs, the cause of industrialisation cannot be served without courageously handling the problems which have come in the way of having more and more SEZs. Industry’s demands for redefining the VAT system and eliminating the regime of multiple taxes deserve to be given special attention. |
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Remember, a statue has never been set up in honour of a critic.
— Jean Sibelius |
Opportunity in B’desh The
news from Bangladesh is more than encouraging, heralding a possible new spring internally as well as in its troubled relationship with India. This should be good news for South Asia, too, on the eve of another SAARC summit that could bring about a long-awaited turnaround in the fortunes of an organisation that has yet to discover its potential. The opposition alliance led by Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League fought doggedly to prevent the ruling BNP from fixing the scheduled general election by manipulating who should head the caretaker government constitutionally mandated to provide impartial administration during the three-month run-up to the poll. Khaleda Zia got her own man in position and blocked efforts to secure a revision of what was widely perceived to be a dubious electoral roll. However, the people rose to prevent gerrymandering in order to perpetuate a corrupt and illiberal regime in danger of drifting into the hands of criminal and fundamentalist forces that would have buried the spirit and values that inspired the liberation movement. New dates have yet to be announced for the polls but the interim period has been well used to clean the Augean stables. Corrupt politicians and officials have been removed and the Army has shown admirable discipline and restraint and has extended full support to caretaker Premier Fakhruddin Ahmed’s housekeeping reforms. There is a regional lesson here. Bangladesh has demonstrated that radical reforms are possible given the will. It is true that a caretaker government has no electoral stakes, but governments that act decisively may discover that voters support good governance. Whoever wins in Bangladesh, it will be difficult for the new government to resume the bad old ways. The people have mobilised and new political forces are abroad as witnessed by Mohammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate, throwing his hat into the ring. He might not win, but his entry signals a yearning for a new kind of politics. Pranab Mukherjee visited Dhaka recently and said the right things. There are other straws in the wind. The commander of the Bangladesh Rifles has assured his counterpart in the BSF of cooperation in cooling cross-border tensions. A train service is to be inaugurated on April 14 between Kolkata and Dhaka, though it will for the moment run directly only as far as Joydevpur, 25 km from the capital, until the last section, now metre gauge, can be broad-gauged. India has announced overdue measures to modernise and upgrade at least two shoddy border trade posts with Bangladesh at Petrapole in West Bengal and Dawki in Meghalaya. This will remove a major irritant and help trade facilitation. Significant textile tariff concessions are being bruited and will mark a step towards opening up the Indian market more liberally to Bangladesh exports. Border trade, suspended by Bangladesh in 1972, could be resumed to mutual advantage and there is scope for establishing certain productive growth bilaterals between given sub-regions on either side, Tripura/Mizoram-Chittagong and Sylhet-Meghalaya among them. Beyond that, India must work towards a new beginning with Bangladesh. Awaiting resolution are 6.5 km of remaining undemarcated boundary, drawing the maritime boundary, exchange of enclaves in adverse possession and completing India’s part of the Tin Bigha settlement that has quite disgracefully been kept pending for 30 years. These problems are essentially simple but have been complicated by negative mindsets and petty politics. The influx of migrants from across the border remains a prickly issue. The answer lies in helping promote the development of Bangladesh so that expanding employment opportunities acts as a check-dam against a further overflow into India, more effective than border-fencing. A work permit system could meanwhile be put in place to permit legitimate movement for recognised jobs that should help shield the Northeast from further untoward demographic and political impacts. Opening up the Indian market to Bangladesh more generously, with safeguards to protect the latter’s nascent industries, would cost us little but could be a great boon to our neighbour. Likewise, Bangladesh could supply the Northeast with a range of goods and services, with reciprocal safeguards. Revival of surface and inland water connectivity and both inter-country and intra-country transit would also yield huge dividends all round. Building on the Ganges Treaty to conclude a larger protocol for sharing and joint management of the Ganga-Brahmaputra-Barak system remains incomplete. This could comprehend flood moderation, navigation, augmentation and energy cooperation. There are huge dividends to be reaped here. Agreements on Teesta sharing and consultation on the proposed Tipaimukh multipurpose project on the Barak and its possible joint operation could be usefully discussed. Bangladesh is still unable productively to utilise lean season Ganges Treaty flows from Farakka with silting of the Gorai outfall above Khulna. An Indian-assisted Ganges Barrage that Bangladesh desires to overcome the Gorai “hump” could also be the starting point for joint consideration of diverting Brahmaputra floodwaters to the Ganga. These issues need to be revisited, looking holistically at the future. Given an overall transformation, the problem of Indian insurgent groups seeking sanctuary in Bangladesh (or vice versa) would be automatically resolved. Is India preparing to seize this new
opportunity?
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No connection A foreigner came to my office for extension of her visa which had expired two days earlier. She went to Leh and according to her she did not remember the exact date on which the visa was to expire; she only knew that it was to expire at the end of the month. I said I could extend her visa only in case of some exigency and not in case of such a lapse on her part. As per the law I should arrest her without delay, produce her before a court and get her prosecuted. I said since she had come for extension I could at most suggest her a way out. “Go to the government hospital and get a certificate of illness, I can extend your visa on that ground.” She said that she was really suffering from some kind of kidney-related ailment and she produced a heap of medicines from her bag. I said: “Okay, I appreciate that but you should get a medical certificate from the local hospital.” I nursed a vague odium for such hippies and druggies. I thought these buggers employed as fitters, mechanics, and library assistants are paid so much that they tour the whole of globe; and we the top civil servants are paid barely enough to visit our home state once a year. Till now the only personal question I asked her was where she was from because unlike other foreigners she was quite fluent in English. She replied, “From Britain”. For a moment I gloated that a descendant of former ruler was under the mortal fear before a descendant of the ruled. She started giving all kinds of argument for extension and reasons why she cannot go to the hospital. She wanted to know from me how far Manali was from here, how much the taxi fare was from that place, could she make a call to the local hospital from my office telephone, how far was the hospital etc. She continued and I had to answer all those, thinking that I should not look stern to a foreigner visiting India. But I wondered how I would have responded had an Indian tourist dared to ask the same questions. Finally she left for the hospital and came after an hour with a medical certificate. She filled the application form giving her particulars for the extension of the visa. When I was to sign this application granting her extension I was taken aback by her details. She had all the right qualifications for getting her visa extended. Her father was of Indian origin, teaching in a university many of us would aspire to study, she herself was a civil servant working in London, she was staying in Delhi with a very powerful person! But she referred to none of them. She simply pleaded the genuineness of her case, showing stacks of medicines which did not make any sense to me. I thought how foolish is this lady! We Indians will drop a deluge of connections even for a small thing like challan of our vehicle by a traffic constable, and this British national was sitting dumb with so many right qualifications even when she was under definite possibility of arrest! In that way, I thought we Indians are quite smart, aren’t
we! |
Revamp the DRDO For
a long time, it has been the contention of the armed forces that all is not well with the DRDO. There has been a demand for a science audit of its working. If you are a self-respecting and a proud Indian then at every Republic Day Parade your national pride must take a dip, because almost all of the military equipment on display – after over five decades of effort at self-reliance, indigenous development and production – is imported. A thorough revamp and review of DRDO has finally been ordered by the Government. The credit for bringing this much delayed action must go to the Parliamentary Committee on Defence. The sad story is that even after 58 years of effort, the state of the Defence Technology and Industrial Base is such that indigenous development of weapons and equipment capability continues to elude us and India remains the largest importer of defence equipment in the world. We import even low technology equipment such as rifles (1,00,000 in 1993-94 and even later) snow clothing items, bullet proof jackets, and of course UAVs, tanks, guns, aircraft, anti-tank missiles, a range of other missiles, radars – the list is endless, because the efforts by the DRDO to develop these have been unsuccessful. The DRDO budget has been 5 to 6 per cent of the defence budget with allocations for major projects such as LCA, Arjun tank, Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP), Advanced Technical Vehicle etc being over and above this budgeted figure. Much of this amount has gone into lavish civil works, seven star messes and foreign tours. There is absolutely no accountability in this organisation. While various projects have shown little or no progress, the project managers have continued to move up the promotion ladder. There has been little understanding and mutual confidence between the DRDO and the users – the defence services. The DRDO has never spelt out its technological status in relation to the equipment to be developed or any of the necessary defence technologies. With the result the GSQRs (General Staff Qualitative Requirements – features and performance parameters of the desired equipment/weapon system) is prepared without proper interaction with the DRDO, and consequently is pitched higher than the latter’s technological potential. The DRDO never sought the scaling down of the GSQRs to a level which it can handle, in the full knowledge and belief that the project can be dragged on endlessly and that no one will be called upon to account. Once the GSQR is in its hand, a closed-door activity commences with no further interaction with the users. This lack of interaction with the user during the developmental stage is best illustrated in the case of tank-tracks for the Arjun tank. The head of the then DRDO was a specialist in metallurgy and insisted on fitting the Arjun with an aluminum alloy track; perhaps with a view to reduce the weight. Now even a grade 3 tank driver would have told him that a 50 ton (Arjun turned out to be nearly 60 tons) tank with a 1400 HP engine moving at high speed and taking sharp turns in rough terrain will rip open an aluminum alloy track. But we wasted more than 3 years and incurred much expenditure before this simple realisation dawned and finally a steel alloy track had to be imported. There are innumerable other examples of such disconnect between the users and the DRDO. There have been efforts to develop systems where DRDO had no expertise whatsoever. Engines for the Arjun tank and the LCA are ready examples. In the case of Arjun, the development of the engine could have been outsourced to one of the country’s leading diesel engine manufacturers, instead of doing years of experimentation at a huge cost, ending in complete failure. The DRDO in stand-alone mode has achieved little and will not be able to meet the future needs of the armed forces. It has shown little capability in even reverse engineering of comparatively simple equipment. It needs to have a strategic tie-up with the R&D of some advanced country. This realisation dawned on the government and it formed an inter-governmental commission for military technology cooperation with the Russian government and later with some others for joint development of cutting-edge defence technologies. Cooperation in military technologies between two or more entities is the business of sharing and building on strengths of each other. Given the present state of talent in the DRDO, it will turn out to be a one-sided affair ending in, essentially, transfer of technology and the attendant cost. Perhaps down-sizing and restructuring of DRDO has become unavoidable. If the newly formed committee for recommending changes in DRDO is to make a positive impact on the future indigenous development of defence technologies, production of defence equipment within the country and export of defence equipment, it need to consider these measures: Close down those establishments of DRDO which are busy re-inventing the wheel, and those whose tasks can best be done in the private sector; down size the DRDO and retain only the best talent. Offer VRS to the dead wood with which the DRDO is packed to the brim; do away with most of the Defence Ordnance Factories. Restructure the MoD as an integrated organization consisting of bureaucrats, defence services staff, scientists and financial experts for better coordination, cutting out duplication and triplication of work, improved efficiency, speedy decision making, integrated defence planning and defence technology development. Implement the Arun Singh Committee report as accepted by the cabinet and adopt the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) system. Place DRDO with the CDS for mutual confidence and better interaction with the services; bring about accountability at every level; where required, get foreign technical experts to work in India; make service in the DRDO really attractive. |
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Speaking the truth in Turkey – quietly It is, I hasten to add, only one chapter in my
book about the Middle East, but the fears of my Turkish friends were being
expressed even before the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink was so
cruelly murdered outside his Istanbul office in January. And when you read
the following, from their message to my London publishers HarperCollins,
remember it is written by the citizen of a country that seriously wishes to
enter the European Community. Since I do not speak Turkish, I am in no
position to criticise the occasional lapses in Mr Osman’s otherwise
excellent English. "We would like to denote that the political
situation in Turkey concerning several issues such as Armenian and Kurdish
Problems, Cyprus issue, European Union etc do not improve, conversely getting worsened
and "Most probably, this
political atmosphere will be effective until the coming presidency elections
of April 2007... Therefore we would like to undertake the publication quietly,
which means there will be no press campaign for Mr Fisk’s book. Thus, our
request from [for] Mr Fisk is to show his support to us if any trial [is] ...
held against his book. We hope that Mr Fisk and HarperCollins can understand
our reservations." Well indeedydoody, I can. Here is a publisher in a
country negotiating for EU membership for whom Armenian history, the Kurds,
Cyprus (unmentioned in my book) – even Turkey’s bid to join the EU, for
heaven’s sake - is reason enough to try to sneak my book out in
silence. When in the history of bookselling, I ask myself, has any publisher
tried to avoid publicity for his book? Well, I can give you an example. When
Taner Akcam’s magnificent A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the
Question of Turkish Responsibility was first published in Turkish – it
uses Ottoman Turkish state documents and contemporary Turkish statements to
prove that the genocide was a terrifying historical fact – the Turkish
historian experienced an almost identical reaction. His work was published
"quietly" in Turkey – and without a single book review. Now I’m
not entirely unsympathetic with my Turkish publishers. It is one thing for me
to rage and roar about their pusillanimity. But I live in Beirut, not in
Istanbul. And after Hrant Dink’s foul murder, I’m in no position to
lecture my colleagues in Turkey to stand up to the racism that killed Dink.
While I’m sipping my morning coffee on the Beirut Corniche, Mr Osman could
be assaulted in the former capital of the Ottoman empire. But therea problem
nonetheless. Some months earlier, my Turkish publishers said that their
lawyers thought that the notorious Law 301 would be brought against them –
it is used to punish writers for being "unTurkish" – in which case
they wanted to know if I, as a foreigner (who cannot be charged under 301),
would apply to the court to stand trial with them. I wrote that I would be
honoured to stand in a Turkish court and talk about the genocide. Now, it
seems, my Turkish publishers want to bring my book out like illicit
pornography – but still have me standing with them in the dock if right-wing
lawyers bring charges under 301! I understand, as they write in their own
letter, that they do not want to have to take political sides in the
"nonsensical collision between nationalists and neo-liberals", but I
fear that the roots of this problem go deeper than this. The sinister
photograph of the Turkish police guards standing proudly next to Dink’s
alleged murderer after his arrest shows just what we are up against here.
But real history will win. Last October, according to local newspaper
reports, villagers of Kuru in eastern Turkey were digging a grave for one of
their relatives when they came across a cave containing the skulls and bones
of around 40 people – almost certainly the remains of 150 Armenians from the
town of Oguz who were murdered in Kuru on 14 June 1915. There are hundreds
of other Kurus in Turkey and their bones, too, will return to haunt us all.
Publishing books "quietly" will not save us. By arrangement
with The Independent |
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Chatterati As
the Municipal Corporation of Delhi polls approach, there is excitement and tension within all political parties. A change worth noting this time is that a large number of professionals like doctors and lawyers have applied for tickets and they will be given priority this time. The Congress will be facing an anti-incumbency factor. The symbols allotted by the State Election Commission are traditional leitmotifs, like pineapple, bangles, ring, gas burner (chulha), purse and such everyday items. Conspicuously missing are modern gadgets like computers, microwave ovens, washing machines, fridges and air-conditioners, which are frequently used by most households in the city! Looking good Politicians are dressing smart and getting a tailor (or say fashion designer) in the plush South Avenue area. The BJP has made it an easy task for its workers. Representatives of three “khandani tailors” are permanently at the BJP head office. Not only are they selling cloth like khadi, they are also promising delivery of dresses in two days flat. According to Mushtak Ali, a representative, their families have been in this trade for centuries and their customers belong to political communities and royal families only. The Congress still patronises Khadi Udyog Bhawan or bandgalas from Karol Bagh. The high-funda ones go to Rohit Bal for designer shades and shoes. Big, ugly weddings It is as an Aam Admi of this large democracy that I am interested in these high-funda weddings that our media creates such a frenzy about. It has been impossible not to watch the Liz Hurley/Arun Nayyar wedding from Bombay to Jodhpur, which was attended by many Indian celebrities who did not even know the couple. Now, these celebrities were not wannabes. They are well read, sophisticated people of the world and of course highly intelligent. The lavish weddings and parties one witnesses in our metros or even the celebrations or birthdays by our politicians do somehow leave a bad taste in the mouth. Is it because some of us do feel, see and are in touch with the ground realities that the majority of our fellow countrymen go through? We have heard of weddings where crores have been spent in getting film stars to perform, food for thousands, chefs flown from abroad with the ingredients, and flowers from Holland. But what can be done? Guests are desi and they will eat, drink, dance, come out and criticise. Why then do we do it? It must be the basic need to show off your money, which may buy you some space in some magazine or newspaper if the celebrations are over the top. Celebrity marriages may come and go where we are all dancing to their tune. Doors are shut, our cops are bashed up by the security guards, our locals are insulted. I think it is time the government took stern steps and stopped this vulgar display of money. |
With a discriminating intellect as charioteer and a trained mind as reins, they attain the supreme goal of life to be united with the lord of love. — The Katha Upanishads Ishwara loves traits of goodwill, love, truthfulness, purity and kindness in your character. — The Vedas Death is at any time blessed, but it is twice blessed for a warrior who dies for his cause, that is, truth. — Mahatma Gandhi |
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