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Signs of
overheating Nandigram
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MiG
mystique
Security
on the downslide
Jharkhand
I know
50 years
of the European Union Army
initiative empowers Kargil women France’s
maverick candidates
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Nandigram and after THE Nandigram deaths in police firing, the consequent stalling of Parliament and disparate political forces coming together against the Left Front have sent the scheme of special economic zones, at least in West Bengal, for a toss. The competitive politics of one-upmanship has overwhelmed economic sense that should be guiding the SEZ policy. The question that arises is whether there is any policy at all on which SEZ is based, for if there is a policy then it follows that there would be a set of rules and guidelines, which in turn are not in evidence. As a result, an economic initiative for encouraging investment, industrial development and employment generation has got derailed. The issues on which SEZ has run aground in West Bengal are acquisition and allotment of land and compensation to the landholders. While SEZs have moved ahead painlessly in quite a few states, in West Bengal they have drawn blood. And the casualty, apart from the lives lost in the police firing, is industrial development. For decades, there has been capital flight from the state and only recently have investors returned for setting up new ventures. Yet, even before being seeded, these ventures are frustrated. This explains CPM general secretary Prakash Karat expressing deep regret over the killings in Nandigram but, at the same time, stating that there would be no SEZ anywhere in West Bengal until there is clarity on the rules governing SEZ. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself has come out in favour of common rules and guidelines for development of SEZs. If industrial development is not to be retarded further, then the Centre must lose no time in setting out policy guidelines. Until this is done and all states adopt a uniform approach, SEZs, instead of becoming hubs of development and employment, will only be turned into sites of political contest. This is something the country can ill-afford if economic reform, including foreign investment in permitted sectors, is to achieve the objectives of growth and employment. |
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MiG mystique FOR pilots and others who work closely with aeroplanes, it is almost impossible not to develop an emotional attachment to metal birds over the years. As the Indian Air Force phases out the MiG-23 MF interceptors, it marked “the end of an era”. While planes like the Mig-25 Foxbat (another recent phase-out) are truly special, there is something about all MiGs that makes them occupy a special space in the aviator’s imagination. The MiG squadrons have been at the forefront of the IAF strike force for a long time, and its Cold War era origins do give them an aura of being far removed from the 21st century. The swing-wing, supersonic MiG-23 was the first to be equipped with Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles, and became for a long time the key to “intercepting” enemy intruders into Indian airspace. While the MiGs have a bad reputation due to numerous crashes, they have their aficionados, who will talk enthusiastically about everything from their manoeuvrability to their high rate of climb. But they are indeed becoming costly to maintain and operate, and most of the MiG fleet is now beyond any viable life extension. The IAF is already looking beyond the MiGs. In fact, going by the recent order for 40 Sukhoi-30s, to add to the 50 already with the IAF, and the 140 to be assembled by HAL, not to mention the talk of collaboration with Sukhoi for a fifth-generation fighter, the IAF appears to have thrown in its lot with the Sukhoi design bureau. Of course, the MiG bureau is notionally in the race for the projected 126 aircraft order for the IAF, and the Indian Navy will be flying the MiG 29 Ks off its retrofitted Admiral Gorshkov. With the series of phasing-outs, IAF’s depleting squadron strength is a definite source of worry, and the government should move fast on acquisitions. In the near future, the first lot of the Hawk 100 Advanced Jet Trainers will put a smile on the flyers’ faces. |
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We do not experience and thus we have no measure of the disasters we prevent.
— J. K. Galbraith |
Security on the downslide DR Manmohan Singh’s appointment as Prime Minister in 2004 was welcomed internationally. He was acknowledged as the architect of the economic reforms that had led to accelerated economic growth and evoked international and regional interest in India as an economic partner. He was respected as a person who observed the highest standards of financial probity in public life — an attribute in short supply in today’s India. But with the passage of time, there is an impression that given his lack of a personal political base and the “compulsions of coalition politics”, Dr Manmohan Singh does not wield the political authority of his predecessors. As an astute corporate Mughal remarked, Dr Manmohan Singh is the “Executive Director” and not the “CEO” of “India Inc”. The centre of decision-making in India is no longer the Prime Minster’s Office. Most objective analysts agree that the July 18, 2005, Indo-US agreement on peaceful uses of nuclear energy was a well-crafted document. It signaled that after three decades the US was prepared to work with India to end international sanctions on its nuclear programme. Dr Singh, however, failed to caution Parliament and people in India that passage of this “deal” by the US Congress was going to be fraught with complications. He was also initially unwilling to assert that any provision that sought to restrict our nuclear weapons programme or place extraneous conditions on fuel supplies for our reactors would be rejected. The manner in which India voted in the IAEA on Iran’s nuclear programme raised misgivings that the “nuclear deal” was being used to pressure India to fall in line with US global priorities. It was only after a sustained effort by the country’s eminent nuclear scientists, pointing out the serious implications of India accepting the proposed US legislation that the Prime Minister was forced to yield to public and political pressure and unambiguously state in Parliament that any agreement with the US that did not guarantee fuel supplies for the lifetime of reactors, or sought to place unacceptable conditions on plutonium reprocessing, or bilaterally restrict our right to test nuclear weapons, if needed, would be unacceptable. Relations with major centres of power like Russia, the European Union and Japan have developed satisfactorily under Dr Manmohan Singh. Attempts have been made to build links with members of the European Parliament. The visit of the Prime Minister to Tokyo at a time when Japan has in Mr Shinzo Abe a particularly India-friendly Prime Minister, presents opportunities for forging a new strategic partnership with Japan in the emerging strategic architecture of the Asia-Pacific. India’s Look East policies are maturing with our participation in the East-Asia Summit. India is today one among a small group of countries invited for meetings with the G-8 at a Summit level. Given the growing appreciation of its democratic credentials and economic potential, India was elected to the UN Human Rights Council by a thumping majority. But the fiasco of nominating Mr Shashi Tharoor for the high office of UN Secretary-General proved a diplomatic disaster, which sullied India’s reputation and largely nullified the diplomatic gains from earlier victories in elections to UN bodies. It also exposed the fact that in undertaking such ill-advised diplomatic initiatives, Dr Manmohan Singh yields all too easily to domestic political pressures. The Manmohan Singh government has shown little understanding of issues of national security. It lacks a comprehensive strategy on how to respond to China’s maritime encirclement of India through its “string of pearls” policies in the Indian Ocean, extending across Thailand, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, the Maldives and Seychelles. It has worsened the internal security situation by the revocation of POTA, the ceasefire with ULFA at a time when the Army had ULFA on the run and by the disastrous ceasefire with Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh. The Prime Minister has severely eroded the effectiveness of our counter-terrorism strategy against Pakistan by ill-advised moves and statements like his equation of India and Pakistan as “victims of terrorism”. By his ill-considered and hasty decision to set up a “joint mechanism” on terrorism with Pakistan, without giving any prior thought to even what the terms of reference of the group should be, he has allowed Pakistan to put us in a position wherein by participating in this ludicrous “joint mechanism,” we are tacitly accepting that terrorist violence in Jammu and Kashmir is a “freedom struggle” and not “terrorism”. The Prime Minister’s blunders on dealing with the issue of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism should be evident from the fact that while he empathises with General Musharraf as being a “victim of terrorism”, Benazir Bhutto proclaims: “Why is it that all terrorist plots to Madrid, to London, to Mumbai seem to have roots in Islamabad? Pakistan’s military and intelligence services have for decades used religious parties for recruits. Political madarsas — religious schools that preach terrorism by perverting the faith of Islam — have spread by the tens of thousands”. On March 15, Mr Pranab Mukherjee said: “While terrorism is perpetrated by non-state actors in most parts of the world, in India militants and terrorists are also sponsored and aided by agencies across our borders.” By firmly proclaiming that there can be “no change in borders” Dr Manmohan Singh has now got General Musharraf to respond with a set of proposals that constitute the beginning of a practical basis for evolving a framework for resolving the Kashmir issue over a period of years. While moving in this direction, we should insist that what we are discussing is a “permanent” and not an “interim” solution. Statements by Dr Manmohan Singh suggesting that a withdrawal from the Siachen was impending and that he would show “zero tolerance for human rights violations,” without a word of praise for the dedication and restraint of our armed forces in defending our territorial integrity have only confused and demoralised them. At the same time, the nuclear establishment has grave misgivings about the Prime Minister’s commitment to the development of our nuclear deterrent and the growth of our indigenous fast-breeder nuclear power programme. During his tenure as Finance Minister Dr Manmohan Singh was unsparing in cutting the defence budget and being parsimonious in allocations for nuclear power. We soon lost the strategic edge we had in the 1980s, thereby tempting Pakistan to embark on its Kargil misadventure. Even those who support the Prime Minister’s efforts to expand cooperation with the US are worried about what is perceived as his readiness to accept US prescriptions on conducting relations with Pakistan. One hopes Dr Manmohan Singh will allay these concerns in the second half of his tenure as Prime
Minister.
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Jharkhand I know FOR Christmas and New Year I travel to Jharkhand. To people, places, flora, fauna, languages wiped clean off what goes for history, geography, the so-called mainstream cultural topography. Wiped clean off the Constitution, off mainstream consciousness as it is peddled by media and academia alike. I travel to lands — not of caste, jaati, varna; to lands not of desis riddled with gora-gori, fair and lovely obsessions, but to a land black and tan, green, blue, a flaming red for all to scan. I travel to lands not of namaste-namaskar, to a land not Hindu of any variety or aberration ... but to land Sarna, Christo .. a land of plateaus, mountains, jungles, rivers, waterfalls, a unique design of primeval agro-forestry incomparable. I travel to a land of khaandani zamindars, of veteran soldiers, painters, potters, blacksmiths, weavers, of Khadi long before M.K. Gandhi dreamt of it. I travel to lands of drummers, dancers, jazz bands, of rice, alas, not ice-hockey or topshots of tarnished brass. I travel for Christmas and New Year to lands not of blender’s pride, bacardi of tharra-theka sharab desi-sarkari ... but to lands of Jharra, Madgi, Taari, Rassi, to a land of a cocktail called Mama Mia Mahua my baby, my darling. And what do I see, what do I smell, hear, touch and feel in Jharkhand for Christmas and New Year? Travel as I do its jungles, homes and fields. I see it is they, not naxals, who are giving short shrift to land, life, environment and ecology. It is them, not naxals , who are converting organic agriculture into toxic factro-industrial production. It is them, not naxals, who are digging mines into protected reserve forests. It is they, not naxals who are converting rice fields into not-so-real flats, apartments, estates. It is they, not naxals, who are throwing poisons into water, soil, air. It is they, not naxals who are levelling, dynamiting our lands for golf courses and cantonments masquerading as military stations. It is they, not them, who are torturing, breaking bones in police stations. It is they, not naxals, who are using, misinterpreting laws to break laws. It is they, not naxals, picking up innocents, then raping and murdering them in military-parapolice encounters. It is they, not naxals, who have committed constitutional and academic genocide on millions of Oraon-Munda-Santhal-Kharia-Naga-Kuki-Mizo-Bhil-Gond-Baiga-Muria-Maria ... and others who find no mention in history or constitutional recognition as distinct races, tribes and communities. My journey to Jharkhand feeds me matter for thought, deed, action, re-education, personal transformation. My journey confirms it is they who are the greater menace; the naxals a lesser misnomer within an outdated Indo-Hindu-Bharatiya nationalism unaware of its evolutionary roots of origin, of its direction, destiny and
destination. |
50 years of the European Union The
European Union will celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome this weekend. Here is a take on its achievements:
By arrangement with |
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Army initiative empowers Kargil women The
ceasefire that came into force on the borders of Jammu and Kashmir in November 2003 has heralded positive changes in the lives of the people of the border region of Kargil. After having faced the trauma of war and displacement, life is returning to normal for thousands of Kargil residents. As the peaceful Shia population dominating this extremely conservative land-locked district now enjoys the peace brought by the ceasefire, they remember to pray for the longevity of this “fragile peace”. Located at an altitude of 2,704 metres, 204-km from Srinagar in the west and 234-km from Leh in the east, this district, adjoining the Line of Control in Ladakh, suffered much devastation during the 1999-Kargil conflict. Since then, many developments have taken place in the region. The IT revolution has touched lives, evident from the mushrooming Computer Centres and the expanding network of Army Goodwill Schools (AGS) in the entire district. The most prominent and positive change visible in this orthodox region is amongst its conservative Shia girls and women, who are coming out in large numbers for economic empowerment. As a bright sun rises over the beautiful, barren hills of Kargil town along the banks of the gushing Suru river, Razia Bano, a young Shia girl from Wakha village, treads her way to the Women Empowerment Centre situated in the heart of Kargil town, head properly covered with a scarf. So do dozens of other Shia Muslim girls who have also been caught up in the winds of change sweeping Kargil. A class 12 pass-out, Razia Bano was not permitted to go to college for higher studies. Educating their girls is not encouraged by the conservative community in Kargil, since it implies stepping out of the house. After sitting at home for a couple of years, this once brilliant student succeeded in persuading her parents to allow her admission at the Women Empower Centre (WEC), set up in Kargil town a few years ago under Operation Sadhbhavana (Goodwill) of the Army. She enrolled herself for a one-year diploma course in DTP at the WEC, which boasts an infrastructure of six Internet connections. What was merely a dream to Razia Bano, Zakiya Bano (who travels 21 kms everyday from Kumbathang to Kargil to attend computer classes) and many other girls, has today became a reality in this far flung region. For the last seven years, since the Kargil conflict broke out, the newly set up 14 Corps of the Indian Army has undertaken extensive developmental works in the entire Ladakh region. In a region where the temperature touches sub-zero (up to - 60 degree C) and the state administration is practically non-existent, the Army has done much for the people of Ladakh. With the objective of winning over the hearts and minds of the people, Operation Sadhbhavana involves a number of initiatives such as Women Empowerment Centres that have started yielding good results. The WECs not only empower women by training them in knitting, weaving, tailoring, embroidery, carpet weaving etc. and making them self reliant, but also pay the trainees during the period of training. The women are not only able to generate additional income for their families but partake in decision-making at village level. For the six months’ period of winter, when the Zojila Pass, the gateway to the frontier region of Ladakh, gets blocked due to heavy snowfall, the Women Empowerment Centres and Adult Literacy Centres help the local women considerably. In addition to picking up vocational skills and selling their products like shawls, sweaters, balaclavas etc at the Centres, they also learn how to read and write. Women can weave a small carpet or do embroidery over a shawl that can fetch them anything from Rs 150 to Rs 1000. Besides, the WEC products like mufflers, gloves, balaclavas and woolen socks are purchased by the families of the soldiers and officers. These are also put on sale in the Cooperative melas organised by AWWA (Army Wives Welfare Association). Many trained women have successfully turned entrepreneurs and are gainfully employed. Through the Empowerment Centres, they are trying to make a living and educate their children. Several have set up their own businesses. — Charkha Features |
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France’s maverick candidates PARIS – Many countries talk about political opportunity, but France delivers, allowing 12 candidates, including four women, a 32-year-old postman and an anti-globalization sheep farmer, onto April’s presidential ballot. Eight fringe candidates, ranging from the extreme left to the extreme right of French politics, were included on the candidate list announced Monday by France’s Constitutional Council. They could claim enough votes to seriously wound the mainstream front-runners and swing the results of the April 22 voting. If no candidate gets more than 50 percent of that vote – and for now that seems the likely outcome – the top two will compete in a runoff on May 6. France’s previous presidential campaign, in 2002, featured a record 16 candidates. Fringe parties siphoned so many votes from the Socialist candidate in first-round voting that the door was opened for a razor-thin second-place finish by anti-immigration candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the National Front. The rise of Le Pen, whose views are considered racist by many voters and political analysts, stunned people here and abroad and prompted France’s diverse political parties to set aside their differences and rally behind incumbent Jacques Chirac, who trounced Le Pen in the runoff with 82 per cent of the vote. Fearing a repeat of 2002, France’s leftist parties tried this time to coalesce around a unity candidate, but most failed to bridge their ideological differences and individuals appeared unable to curb their political and personal ambitions. As a result, the April ballot will include candidates from three Trotskyist parties (including mailman Olivier Besancenot of the Revolutionary Communist League), the French Communist Party (which is fielding one of the women in the race, Marie-George Buffet), the eco-friendly Greens party (with another woman, Dominique Voynet) and the Hunting, Fishing, Nature, Traditions party. Together, those six groups captured more than 6.6 million votes (about 23 percent) in the first round in 2002. “Everyone wants to express their political views in the first round of the presidential election. It’s a tradition--it’s inscribed in French mentalities,” said political analyst Olivier Duhamel. In some cases, he said, the selection system is too closed, putting hurdles in front of demonstrably popular candidates, but in other cases it is too open. “There are, for instance, five far-left parties, comprising three Trotskyite parties who run,” he said. “Eighteen years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, I find it unbelievable.” The top three contenders, according to opinion polls, are Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, 52, from the ruling Union for a Popular Movement party; Socialist Segolene Royal, 53, who is seeking to become France’s first female head of state; and Francois Bayrou, 55, from the small Union for French Democracy party, who is surging in the polls. Le Pen, now 78, is also on the ballot but is shaping up as less of a force this election season. By arrangement with |
May we, becoming free from sin, devotedly serve the Ishwara. The noble Ishwara rouses the intelligence of the unthinking. Likewise one who is wise with intellectuals wealth here in this world should lead other people having less knowledge along the path of righteouness. — The Vedas From infinite Godhead came forth
Brahma, first among gods, from whom sprang the cosmos. Brahma gave the vision of the Godhead, the true source of wisdom that life
demands. — The Mundaka Upanishad
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