E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

Tension in Jhajjar
THERE seems to be no end to the tension in Jhajjar where five persons were lynched by a mob for allegedly slaughtering a cow. The fact that the victims were Dalits was exploited by vested interests for giving the gory incident a politically incorrect caste twist. Had the politicians not interfered, the police may have succeeded in keeping the focus on the commission of the heinous crime of murder without worrying about the political fallout that has generated avoidable tension in several villages in Jhajjar.

OPINION

Privatisation becomes ‘political football’
Critical issues involved in disinvestment
P. S. Raikhy
THIS write-up is to further support Mr Hari Jaisingh’s article, “The Mystique of Disinvestment....” (October 25), which presented a balanced and enlightened viewpoint about the process of disinvestment in India. No doubt public sector in India, with its mandate of host of commercial and non-commercial objectives, played a significant role in creating infrastructure, building the industrial base and capital formation in the country, but due to popular perception that growth of public sector represents march towards “socialistic pattern of society”, it entered even in areas like trade, hotels, tourism and consultancy etc wherein even dynamic and enterprising private sector thinks before entering.

MIDDLE

Hooking newspaper readers
I. M. Soni
A smart young man, fair in complexion, shortish, cap-hood on the back, knocked at my door one dusty day. He introduced himself, adding that he was from such-and-such newspaper and he wanted to speak to me for a while. He had a register and a pen in his hand. He spoke fluent but faulty English.

ON RECORD

No room for violence in a civilised society: Modi
S Satyanarayanan
THE Assembly poll in Gujarat on December 12 is a do-or-die battle for the BJP, as it has been losing ground in other parts of the country and the outcome in this elections will decide its future course. The poll is also a litmus test for Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who launched well in advance the "Gaurav Yatra" in the State to prop up Hindu sentiments ahead of the elections.

REFLECTIONS

Life here & there
Kiran Bedi
I went to pick up my sister (Reeta) and brother-in-law (Keerti) from the airport. They were arriving from the U.K. where they both work. For them it was their annual leave to visit home. We got driving down the highway and Keerti said : “Is it cloudy or is it smog?”. He then rolled down the car window and said: “it’s smog”.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

EDITORIALS

Tension in Jhajjar

THERE seems to be no end to the tension in Jhajjar where five persons were lynched by a mob for allegedly slaughtering a cow. The fact that the victims were Dalits was exploited by vested interests for giving the gory incident a politically incorrect caste twist. Had the politicians not interfered, the police may have succeeded in keeping the focus on the commission of the heinous crime of murder without worrying about the political fallout that has generated avoidable tension in several villages in Jhajjar. On Thursday a police post was set on fire, giving the law enforcers one more crime to investigate, following the arrest of 10 persons for their alleged role in the lynching of the Dalits. The police were expected to make some more arrests, but the threat of street demonstrations has made the district administration extremely nervous. For two days the Jhajjar township has been under a villagers' imposed road blockade demanding the release of the suspects. The situation has become volatile following the decision of the mahapanchayat of the surrounding villages to continue with the unjustified agitation. The police have a difficult task to perform. If they go easy with their investigation of the case, they will have to face the ire of the so-called well-wishers of the Dalits. But can they afford to ignore the muscle-flexing of the upper caste Jats, the dominant community in Haryana? Unsubtle attempts are being made by the community leaders to obfuscate the issue. Acharya Vijaypal of a gurkul in Jhajjar has been quoted as having said the "cow is sacred to us and we cannot bear to see it being killed the way it was". The fact of the matter is that the victims had paid a hefty amount as fee to the appropriate authority for the right to skin dead cattle. Even if the Acharya's claim is accepted as true, does the crime of cow slaughter attract the penalty of death? If it does, then Acharya Vijaypal would also be familiar with the provision that allows an angry mob to set up a kangaroo court for the lynching of those who slaughter sacred animals.

The fact of the matter is that even if the victims of the mob ire were guilty of having slaughtered a cow, no case can be made out against them for they are dead. But the law of the land does not condone the killing of human beings, even if they are proclaimed criminals, by angry mobs. That a Dalit panch was made to issue a statement saying that the anger of the mob "was not directed against the Dalits" is neither here nor there. The fact of the matter is that five persons were killed under unfortunate circumstances at the hands of an angry mob. And the law of the land requires that the crime should be investigated and the guilty brought to justice. Instead of holding street protest and burning police posts, the mahapanchayat should uphold the rule of law and arrange for the best legal aid for the suspects. Let the court of law decide their guilt or innocence. The lynching of the five persons on the suspicion of killing a cow was wrong. And supporting a violent protest for the release of the suspects by the mahapanchayat was equally wrong and based on flawed logic. No one, Dalit or upper caste, is above the law of the land. To allow the rule of law to collapse would result in anarchy.

Plagiarism in universities

REPORTS of plagiarism involving Kumaon University Vice-Chancellor B. S. Rajput and a research scholar working with him in the Department of High Energy Physics (HEP) make sad reading. Expectedly, the issue has kicked off a major controversy in academic circles about the intellectual honesty and integrity of some scholars. It has caused deep consternation among the scientific community both in India and abroad. Some of the scientists are so perturbed that they have created a website — http://www.geocities.com/physics-plagiarism — with a view to helping people understand the seriousness of the crime and, more important, expecting suitable and prompt action by the authorities concerned against the guilty. Surprisingly, however, no action has been taken even though scientists have called for the sacking of the Vice-Chancellor and the scholar as the issue has brought disgrace to the academic community. The damage it has inflicted upon the system is incalculable. Far more important is the image and stature of Kumaon University, particularly because the guilty is no less than the top functionary of the institution. According to reports, Dr Rajput and the scholar, Mr S. C. Joshi, had done a paper on the theme of “Axion-dilaton black holes with SL(2,Z) symmetry through APT-FGP model”. This was published in the highly reputed journal “Europhysics Letters” (March 1, 2002). Amazingly, it was found out later that the paper was a word-for-word lift from Stanford University Professor Renata Kallosh’s article, “Superpotential from black holes”, which was published in the journal “Physical Review” six years ago (October 15, 1996). Clearly, the piece would have gone unnoticed but for the alacrity of Dr Kavita Pandey, astrophysicist and Head of HEP in Kumaon University.

Disturbingly, instead of owning up the crime, Dr Rajput has suspended Dr Pandey “for several very serious charges”. Ever since the exposure came to light, he has been indulging in a massive cover-up operation and trying all possible methods to continue in office. His claims, counter-claims and clarifications are unconvincing and look pale before the glaring exposure in the print and electronic media. The university work has been affected as teachers and students have been demanding action against Dr Rajput. There is no let-up in the chorus of protests and demand for expeditious action against him from within and outside the country. The protesters include Dr Douglas D.Osheroff, a Stanford-based physicist, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1996 for the discovery of superfluidity in helium-3. The scientists have sought the immediate intervention of President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam and Uttaranchal Governor Surjit Singh Barnala, who is also the Chancellor of the university. There is talk of a high-power probe, but no investigation will be impartial and credible with Dr Rajput at the helm. Plagiarism is not new in Indian universities and research institutions. There are many instances of plagiarism in almost every discipline, including journalism. Internet has come in handy for our copycats. In fact, compared with India, this crime has attained alarming proportions in the West, especially in the USA. We need to reassess the existing laws to tackle this crime and provide for condign punishment to act as deterrent. Regulations to check plagiarism and the various methods of selection of articles, including the peer review process in the universities, also need a second look in the light of the latest exposure.

OPINION

Privatisation becomes ‘political football’
Critical issues involved in disinvestment
P. S. Raikhy

THIS write-up is to further support Mr Hari Jaisingh’s article, “The Mystique of Disinvestment....” (October 25), which presented a balanced and enlightened viewpoint about the process of disinvestment in India. No doubt public sector in India, with its mandate of host of commercial and non-commercial objectives, played a significant role in creating infrastructure, building the industrial base and capital formation in the country, but due to popular perception that growth of public sector represents march towards “socialistic pattern of society”, it entered even in areas like trade, hotels, tourism and consultancy etc wherein even dynamic and enterprising private sector thinks before entering.

This popular perception suited the politicians and no government could dream of disinvestment even when some activities of certain PSUs at Centre and state levels were abandoned, their objectives no longer remained relevant, these miserably failed in resource mobilisation for their own expansion and modernisation, had very low capacity utilisation and productivity.

Some of our so-called “progressive intellectuals” also have the same popular perception that social justice is inherent in the public sector and the blind opposition to disinvestment is the result of this confusion. Unfortunately, lack of any policy statement of the government made this confusion worse confounded and privatisation has been termed as a “political football”.

There is popular belief that public sector is there to provide goods and services at concessional rates. The role of price mechanism has thus been forgotten. If public sector provides goods and services at concessional rates, then who will bear the costs? Basic economic principles admit no tricks and society has to bear the cost of goods and services either directly through prices or indirectly through higher taxation. There are many clear-cut disadvantages of not bearing the cost directly. The public sector gets starved of funds and is unable to expand and modernise. This causes failure to ensure adequate and quality supply of products and services and leads to incompetency to compete with private sector units. PSUs may then depend upon borrowing for even the routine functioning, not to speak of modernisation and expansion, which further raises the cost of production and leads to poor financial performance.

If the solution of the above problem is found in cross-subsidisation from one category of consumers to another category and from one PSU to another, again the issue arises who is subsiding whom? May be a poor rickshaw puller subsidises the free electricity supply to agriculture or the industrial sector subsidises the low linkage sector. Some industrial organisations have already reacted to such a subsidisation. If a better performing PSU subsidises another PSU, in the next round even that PSU becomes poor performing due to lack of incentives.

If society is to bear the cost indirectly, through higher taxation, again the issue is that when indirect taxes predominate the tax structure, the burden of taxation falls more on the poor. May be a local body imposes tax on the rickshaws to subsidise milk supply in the city. A rich man may buy five litres of milk, while the poor rickshaw puller may not be able to buy even half a litre of it. The private confectioners may get the benefit of the subsidised milk supply to inflate their profits as there is no price control on sweets. Same thing happens when a steel unit supplies steel at subsidised rates. Moreover, indirect taxation has a multiplier effect and causes inflation, which again hits the poor more.

When the government undertakes to meet the deficit of a PSU burdened with social obligations, there remains no motivation to improve the efficiency because the commercial losses and inefficiency losses are not distinguished and there is enough opportunity to hide inefficiency under the carpet of social obligations. Even when social obligations in the form of protecting the targeted categories or the promotional considerations of encouraging use of modern inputs necessitate subsidised supply, the procedure of estimating of element of subsidised and providing it transparently through the budget should have been followed so that the PSU may not get the excuse of hiding inefficiencies. The burden of promotional considerations and social obligations should fall on the government and not on PSUs.

Each PSU should have been asked to do performance appraisal involving activity analysis every year and the results should have been reported to an expert committee on PSUs and the government. To run the PSUs efficiently, the government should have appointed chairpersons and managing directors, even from the administrative services, on the basis of their qualifications, training and experience at least for a certain minimum period of three years or so for continuity and stability of decisions. Experts and professionals should have been appointed on the boards of PSUs. However, the governments used the PSUs and their boards to accommodate those MPs and MLAs who could not be included in the ministries or even those politicians who were defeated in elections.

Thus the policy framework should have exhorted the managements of PSUs to estimate the costs correctly (and not pass on the inefficiency losses to the consumers in the form of higher prices), add a reasonable margin to it, allow mild degree of cross-subsidisation depending upon capacity to pay, then fix the price accordingly and run these efficiently. Unfortunately, this was not done in India and no clear cut policy was followed.

The confusion which resulted from lack of policy framework led to distortions in investment decisions, budgetary deficits due to low non-tax revenue, laxity in management, low labour productivity, mounting of interest burden due to huge borrowings, deferring of maintenance, replacement, modernisation and expansion investments. Most of the PSUs are on the verge of collapse, governments are unwilling to offer guarantees for the PSU borrowings and even in certain cases the sovereign guarantee of the state is not accepted because the states are themselves heavily under debt. If corrective measures are not taken, some of the PSUs, especially at state level, face imminent closure.

Unfortunately again, in the disinvestment of PSUs, lack of clear-cut policies is causing havoc. Governments at the central level and also at the state level are worked about the fiscal deficit (defined as total expenditure — [revenue receipts + recovery of loans + receipts from the sale of assets]) and in the blind attempt at reducing it are engaged in selling even the strategic PSUs. Developed countries like Japan are providing high subsidies to agriculture because food is strategic in case of war. In this sense are IOC, HPCL and BPCL not strategic PSUs? We still remember that Caltex and Burmashell were taken over to end foreign monopolies. Are we not now converting these again into private (or foreign!) monopolies? Conversion of public monopolies into private monopolies without encouraging competition will be more harmful. Same may be true for some other PSUs operating in basic metals and vital areas. In fact the concept of “strategic role” has to be defined in the context of major tasks before the government, infrastructure and input requirements etc in addition to defence and national security considerations.

Even for the PSUs, which are to be disinvested, major considerations should be whether the successful operation of a particular PSU is relatively more in the national interest or not. In such cases the method of “strategic sale” or involving a strategic partner will be more suitable. Otherwise, as in case of ITDC hotels “trade sale” is more suitable to fetch as high price as possible. Even the land use may be allowed to be changed for the purpose. All such decisions require a systematic study of each PSU, involving activity analysis, SWOT analysis, restructuring/revival possibilities and ultimately disinvestment programmes and procedures. The task cannot be handled by a government department or ministry as it requires expertise in different fields.

Therefore, need of a disinvestment commission, with expert members in different fields, cannot be overstated. For the procedures to be followed, asset valuation and other technical details an asset management authority should be set up, which may include chartered accountants, cost accountants, engineers and economists. However, the government may take the final decision in the light of the recommendations, with proper justification for the deviations, if any.

After meeting the VRS and retraining expenses of employees, the disinvestment fund should have been used for developing world class infrastructure so as to attract private investment. Unfortunately, there is no policy for the proper use of disinvestment fund, which has been used to meet the budgetary deficits and policies of populism. The interest of the employees, who are the major stakeholders in the disinvestment programme has not been protected. To make the disinvestment programme more transparent and continuous, there is need of consensus, both at the central and state levels, so that opposition parties do not derail the programme.

Society also has to be informed about the real state of affairs of the PSUs, which the state wishes to be disinvested/ closed. The pros and cons, in terms of higher taxation, higher user charges, quality of goods and services and alternative job opportunities, multiplier effects and effects on growth prospects etc should be explained threadbare. The management, employees and beneficiaries must be taken into confidence, by putting before them the real picture and restructuring/revival possibilities.

However, if still society does not favour disinvestment then views of Richard Goode, a well-known Public Finance expert, sound a note of caution that “if majority wants state provision of services then no amount of economic theory will count”.

The writer, a Senior Professor at Punjab School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, has been Member, Punjab State Disinvestment Commission.

MIDDLE

Hooking newspaper readers
I. M. Soni

A smart young man, fair in complexion, shortish, cap-hood on the back, knocked at my door one dusty day. He introduced himself, adding that he was from such-and-such newspaper and he wanted to speak to me for a while. He had a register and a pen in his hand. He spoke fluent but faulty English.

“Which newspaper do you buy?”

“The Tribune.”

“Any other newspaper?”

“Once in a while, I buy another but that is by rotation. I have no other favourite.”

He launched into a short speech, listing the advantages and benefits I would derive and get if I started purchasing his newspaper by dropping The Tribune.

To me, the speech sounded well rehearsed.

He began by enumerating the prizes and gifts his newspaper was generously giving to new “customers.” I interjected “You mean readers.”

“Yes,” he said quickly and rather brusquely.

“You have said so much about prizes and surprise gifts but nothing about your newspaper.”

“Yes. The newspaper is priced at rupee one.”

He went on to detail a scheme his newspaper had designed for new “customers.” As per that scheme, the “customer” had to pay a sum of money for six months. That too only after getting the newspaper for 30 days.

Why is your newspaper so generous in giving prizes, gifts and discounts when the price is already so low?

He looked vacantly at me.

“What makes you think that I will drop the newspaper I have been reading since 1946 (Lahore days) and switch on to a new one?”

“Because we are a better newspaper.”

“Is that for you to decide or the reader?”

He quickly shifted to his next line of salesmanship and asked:

“What do you think about our newspaper.”

“It will be impolite to tell the truth at your face.”

“Don’t you like the make-up?”

“Ask me no questions and I will tell no lies!”

“This newspaper is now more like a magazine. It is very handy.”

“But I want to read a newspaper, not a magazine. Why should I not buy a magazine if I want to read one.”

“Any other plus point of your newspaper?”

“Yes. We are using better language than The Tribune does.”

“Can you give one example?”

“The Tribune is using so many people ‘killed’ in Kashmir. We write so many ‘massacred’.

“What is the difference?”

A wasp hovered around his face.

“Was Abdul Ghani Lone ‘massacred’ or assassinated?”

Sir, I do not know that much about the English language.

He rushed out. Before stepping out, he looked back at me and said: “It was indeed a pleasure speaking to you, sir.”

“Same here.”

ON RECORD

No room for violence in a civilised society: Modi
S Satyanarayanan
Tribune News Service

THE Assembly poll in Gujarat on December 12 is a do-or-die battle for the BJP, as it has been losing ground in other parts of the country and the outcome in this elections will decide its future course. The poll is also a litmus test for Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who launched well in advance the "Gaurav Yatra" in the State to prop up Hindu sentiments ahead of the elections.

Mr Modi, who went round the State blasting the Congress and "pseudo secularists" for damaging the image of Gujarat, seems to be confident of the BJP regaining power with a thumping majority despite former Chief Minister and erstwhile BJP/RSS leader Shankarsinh Vaghela leading the challenge of the main opposition party.

During the last leg of the Gaurav Yatra from Dakor to Vadodara via Godhra, Narendra Modi spoke his heart out in an exclusive interview to this correspondent who travelled with him trying to feel the pulse and mood of the people.

Excerpts of the interview:

Q: Do you think Gaurav Yatra will benefit the BJP electorally at the husting?

Gaurav Yatra was not launched keeping in mind the elections. The Yatra was undertaken to counter those who have taken it upon themselves to damage the image of Gujarat. Gaurav Yatra is a public movement to tell the world that Gujarat and the people of the State are not like the way some people have tried to portray them.

Q: Don’t you think the deferment of the assembly poll by the Election Commission has taken the sting out of your political calculations and created a level-playing ground for the Congress?

It would be better if a true political pundit does an analysis on this issue. Is there any political party in any country that wakes up for elections only after it is woken up by the Election Commission? And one can very well make out what could be the strength of a party (read Congress), which had no leader of its own to lead the party and depend on a leader from outside (read Shankarsinh Vaghela).

Q: The Godhra train massacre and the subsequent communal violence has totally changed the political atmosphere in Gujarat. How do you assess the situation?

I don’t think these incidents have brought any special change in the State. But it is sure that the effort of pseudo-secular forces and the Congress to politicise the Godhra issue has had its negative impact on the State politics.

Q: Don’t you think the Godhra incident and subsequent communal violence have resulted in polarisation of society?

No, I don’t think the Hindu-Muslim division has widened. In 98 per cent areas in Gujarat there was no communal violence. Moreover, there is an upheaval against those who have made negative analysis and this could well have some impact on the coming poll. Had there been communal divide there would have been violence all over the State. However, I strongly believe that there is no room for such violence in a civilised society.

Q: There are reports of differences between you and former Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel. Will these affect the BJP’s prospects?

These reports are baseless and far from truth. The Opposition has no issues to raise against the BJP. So IT floats such rumours. The media enjoys it and highlights it. But I have no complaints against the media.

Q: The Congress has accused you of campaigning on communal lines.

I am ready for an open debate on the issue. Let Mrs Sonia Gandhi come on the platform and let there be a debate on my own speeches and let the people decide. If she wants to debate on any TV channel, let her come. If she wants to debate at a public meeting, I am ready. Let her debate in any language — Gujarati, English or Hindi or even Italian... I am ready for a debate on the issue in any language and at any place.

Q: How many seats do you think the BJP will win this time?

I don’t want to quote any figures but you can take it from me the BJP will win more seats than what it had in the last Assembly poll.

The Congress is making the poor economic state of Gujarat, especially the collapse of a dozen odd cooperative banks which deprived over eight lakh investors of their hard-earned money, a poll issue. How does the BJP plan to counter it?

One should first understand what is a cooperative. In Gujarat, cooperatives are totally a non-political movement. Cooperative is a sphere where the government has no role to play. We have amended the laws to punish the culprits and have put behind bars many persons involved in the scam. It is the BJP government which has created a situation where 7.25 lakh investors out of 8 lakh will get back their money soon. And the remaining 75,000 investors will get their money after we generate cash by selling the properties and assets of the collapsed cooperatives. Yes, of course, they will have to wait for longer time due to the complicated legal process.

Q: The Congress is also trying to counter the saffron brigade by focusing on the KHAM (Kshtriya, Harijan, Adivasis and Muslims) theory in the coming poll.

The KHAM theory has not emerged today. The Congress has been working on this for the past 20 years. But for the last 15 years they have remained out of power in the State. For the media, it could be a good theory to highlight but this factor will have no impact on the elections. You can’t compare Gujarat politics with that of the casteist politics in Bihar. Gujaratis do not have that kind of casteist psyche.

Q: What do you think are the achievements of the BJP government.

The foremost achievement is the bringing of the Narmada waters to the parched areas of Gujarat. It is the BJP government which battled in courts to remove all hurdles in the way of construction of the Narmada canal. And Gujarat is the first state to introduce water shedding. There are also plans to connect 25 dry river tributaries in Gujarat with the Narmada. Gujarat is the only State where every school-going child has been insured. This insurance scheme was introduced in memory of those children killed in the earthquake last year. We have given employment to about one lakh persons. There is no match for this in any other state.

Q: What is the biggest failure of your Government?

We have not been able to satisfy friends from the media. That is my main failure.

REFLECTIONS

Life here & there
Kiran Bedi

I went to pick up my sister (Reeta) and brother-in-law (Keerti) from the airport. They were arriving from the U.K. where they both work. For them it was their annual leave to visit home. We got driving down the highway and Keerti said : “Is it cloudy or is it smog?”. He then rolled down the car window and said: “it’s smog”.

My sister, sitting in the centre of the back seat between me and Keerti and getting the direct air blast from the air conditioner, said: “The air smells of petrol”. And as the driver blew the horn, she instinctively said, “oh the horn is back”- all with a sense of fond recall, as I could feel. As we passed by the Palam road ….. Keerti laughingly said: “There is not a car without a dent”. Reeta said, “traffic in the U.K. is so predictable that one can drive even half asleep”.

The meaning was obviously understandable. But as they got observing and talking I decided to keep a mental note of what they were saying, so innocently and naturally, about issues on which our sensitivities had almost blunted.

We reached home. My food for thought continued to accumulate as scenes changed and their observations naturally kept flowing. Many of the situations were in total contrast now to their present way of life: since both are very good and sensitive professionals, with sharp perceptions. Their observations were therefore original and full of insight.

But what triggered something immediately for them was the frequency with which I received telephone calls at home which obviously kept breaking our conversation. And of course these were all work-related calls. Reeta said: “There, no one calls you at home. In fact no one even gives you their home number. After we have worked for the day, we are on our own to attend to our matters, and be in own space” . As she said that, my house staff brought in tea and snacks for us all. And she said, “Kinni (as she calls me), having full-time domestic help in the West is almost taboo. For it is considered an intrusion into one’s space or privacy. Having someone else do your personal things like make your coffee, or cook your food, or do your clothes, or drive for you is like taking away your power, and in fact rendering you powerless”.

A concept totally alien to our way of thinking. Here, more the house help, the richer one is considered. For it means, he/she can employ more. The fact is, that we Indians are basically very inter-dependent by nature. Children depend on mothers, husbands on wives, mothers-in-law on daughters in-law, grandparents on their sons, sisters on brothers - - - - etc. It’s a culture of dependent relationships here as against a life of self-help and independence in the West.

Our conversation now got diverted to tracing the roots of this kind of life style. (Reeta & Keerti are both clinical psychologists). We zeroed down on our family structures, being one of command and control, and of the father as the head of the family. He along with the mother shares space with a sense of responsibility with the children and all other family members.

Both together sacrifice all their life, comfort and savings to support their families and bring up their children to help them settle down professionally and thereafter in their marriages. Even after that, perhaps, look after their grandchildren. (As my parents did for me). And then the children (the good ones of course) grow up to take responsibility for the retirement of their parents. At least this is how it was. Situations are dramatically changing now. And the factor which is changing the most is in the care of elders, being now considered as “dependent parents” or “liabilities”. However, still “maryada” for the parents remains in majority of the Indian homes.

Contrast it with families in the West. From command and control, the approach is one of consultation. While the child is guided, the parents allow for what the child really wants to do. While still at school, he is encouraged to fend for himself and learn to be independent. By adolescence he moves out to find a place for himself. Very rarely does one come across an extended family where the son brings a wife to live with his parents. And there is no question of grandparents doing baby sitting. It is a culture of independence/self-help/ self-reliance/ loneliness/privacy and even extreme isolation.....

At this point of analysis Reeta, said: “Kiran, do you know a bus comes into our locality (in London) every morning to pick up senior citizens. Even those on a wheel-chair can ride the bus. All of them then are taken to a county club where they have a variety of intellectually stimulating activities to suit individual and group needs. The place provides for socialisation and health care. This daily get-together of elders helps beat their isolation and boredom and also provides a huge social support system. . . . .”

Hearing this was very exciting and equally assuring for individuals like me (with small families) who may need, one day, this kind of help. But I wondered do we not need this already? And can we imagine our municipal corporation thinking on these lines?

Responses of these kinds call for a very high level of sensitivity with determination to deliver and govern. And here comes another difference between here and there. 

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

Everybody’s voice is God’s voice. — Japanese proverb

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— Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami, Dancing with