The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

EDITORIALS

Terrorism in Russia

RUSSIA is in the grip of a fresh crisis following reports that a group of Chechen rebels have taken hostage hundreds of people in a Moscow theatre. They have indulged in the act of terrorism to press their demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. They have also sought a “large sum” in return for the safe release of the hostages. The development has unnerved the international community as it has come about within a few days after a major terrorist strike in Indonesia. Terrorism in Russia is linked to the rebel republic’s unrealistic desire to secede. In fact, it had already seceded as a result of the 1994-96 war with the retreat of Russian troops from Chechnya. The situation, however, got reversed three years later when Chechen militants raided a neighbouring region leading to Russian troops recapturing the whole of Chechnya to teach the rebel republic a lesson. Whatever the Chechens’ demands and grievances, the terrorist method employed by them is unjustifiable. Terrorism in any form and coming from any source is a heinous crime. It deserves condemnation in the strongest terms possible. What is the crime of the people taken hostage by Chechen gunmen in the Moscow theatre, the Soviet era Palace of Culture? Terrorists seek to thrive on harming the innocent, or using them as a shield to fight for their “cause”. But they must realise that in the process they become common enemies of humanity and the world peace. Hence the need to eliminate the scourge from the face of the earth.

Terrorism has, however, to be looked at in its totality. It is not confined to any particular region or country. It has spread its tentacles throughout the world. The time has come to destroy it root and branch before it becomes a cause for a world-wide chaos. The problem demands a three-dimensional solution: military, ideological and causative. So far, the world has seen only a military response. Here the reference is to the US-led war on Al-Qaida, the most dreaded terrorist outfit floated by Osama bin Laden. It is difficult to say that the super power’s campaign has brought about the desired result. The primary reason for the fiasco is that the USA has not shown enough seriousness in handling the Pakistan-based outfits engaged in terrorist activity in India’s Jammu and Kashmir though these are known to be wedded to the Al-Qaida ideology. The USA is fighting the battle in association with Pakistan, a country which has itself been a promoter of the terrorist industry for its dubious objectives. The Americans may have their strategic compulsions in mollycoddling the Pakistanis, but under no circumstances should they have allowed the anti-terrorism drive to go astray. The trouble with the USA is that its awesome military power makes it forget that problems like terrorism cannot be fought conclusively without taking care of the ideological and causative aspects. It made a serious mistake in 1999 when the USA ignored Russia’s plea to fight Bin Laden’s network, which was found to have been involved in the Chechen imbroglio at that stage. Washington might have realised the blunder after 9/11, but that was too late. By that time the terrorist ideology had grown firm roots. However, it is better late than never. Influential world leaders should sit together to deliberate on the issue seriously. One can always pin hopes on a dialogue process.

Two too many

THE death of many persons in two separate explosions in fireworks factories, unfortunately, marks the beginning of the countdown to Divali, the festival of lights. That these incidents happened in Andhra Pradesh (Hyderabad) and Tamil Nadu also underscores the commonality of their problems. It is the same story month after month, year after year. Last month, 17 persons were killed in Salem, Tamil Nadu, in an explosion in a firecracker-laden car. At other times it could be a factory or a warehouse. The macabre dance of death goes on, destroying lives, families and properties. The saddest part of this is that it is all avoidable. The industrial safety norms and techniques are well known, and equally well flouted. Much of the multi-crore fireworks business is illegal. The Explosives Act, 1884, and the Explosives Rules, 1984, require licences to make, procure, store and sell fireworks. Copies of the Act are distributed to each District Magistrate and other officials and it is they who have the power to issue licences for the post-manufacture handling of explosive substances. The provisions for manufacturing are much more stringent, but there has been a systematic collapse as far as implementing safety norms in industries is concerned. That it continues even in highly risky and life-threatening industries is more horrible. But, then, what would you expect from a nation that did not wake up even to the horrors of industrial disasters after the Union Carbide tragedy in Bhopal? And that was in 1984.

The Explosives Act requires Indian fireworks factories to employ workers over 18 years of age, but this is seldom done, contrary to the manufacturers’ contention that no factory has been booked for employing child labour for the past several years. If, as fireworks factory owners contend, there are inspection committees to check safety and other norms, how come there are so many explosions every year? The need for amending rules regarding manufacture, storage and handling of hazardous materials is well recognised. Every time there is a tragedy, the government announces a series of knee-jerk reactions like the holding of an inquiry and an ex-gratia payment to the victims. It must be said that the general “chalta hai” attitude and the lack of fear of the consequences of wrongdoing have played havoc with our industries, as well as other establishments. It is imperative that we look beyond that and incorporate safety norms and procedures in our industries and implement them rigorously. The two explosions have to be treated as two too many. Otherwise there may, unfortunately, be many more.

FRANKLY SPEAKING

The mystique of disinvestment
Hard facts, critical issues before the nation
Hari Jaisingh

BUY cheap, sell dear. These four words tell almost everything about business. Yet a million more words have been added to it in order to justify profit. Rather greed, for a reasonable profit needs no justification. And that is why "economic science" is so esoteric.

Take, for instance, disinvestment. Does anyone in this country see national interests in the right perspective and what the whole business is all about? I have my doubts. Every politician and bureaucrat tries to look at the issue selectively or in a partisan manner, depending on his loyalty and commitment at home and abroad.

To say this is not to doubt the credentials of the persons who take decisions on behalf of the nation. Still, one does not feel fully confident about the way things are being handled.

National assets are not personal or party zamindari. These are people's treasure and the powers-that-be are mere custodians—sort of true public trustees and not time-servers and operators.

Having once worked in the World Bank, Mr Arun Shourie is probably the most knowledgeable person about disinvestment in the Vajpayee Cabinet, though he may sometimes be highly selective and partisan. At times, he may not be even an impartial person. All the same, he is carrying out the country's most critical assignment in his own style. His problem is that the NDA government and the Sangh Parivar are divided on this issue. The latest to add to the controversy is Coals and Mines Minister Uma Bharati on the question of disinvestment of Rs 300 crore a year profit making public sector unit NALCO, producing aluminium.

At the outset, I must say that I am all for economic reforms and liberalisation that would free the country from red-tapism, the negative bureaucratic mindset, the loot mentality and the undesirable nexus of vested interests operating at all levels.

A free economy has to run within the parameters of public interest. Even the USA and several European countries have begun to appreciate this point and the welfare face of the government.

In India, economic issues are both vulgarised and politicised. In the name of globalisation and privatisation, we often tend to overlook some crucial facts of national interest and security. This is a pity.

It is said that the public sector is not efficient, that it is making losses. But was it ever allowed to be run professionally and efficiently? Was it ever allowed to make profit? I do not think so.

Since its very inception, the public sector has been treated as a milch cow. Everyone has milked it. It has served various interest groups. Above all, the private sector.

By forcing the public sector to keep the prices of its products and services low, the government of the day promoted rapid growth of the private sector. But it ruined the public sector in the process.

When some public sector units became inefficient, as was inevitable, they began to make losses. Soon enough they were declared sick. And with the sharks among the politicians and bureaucrats hovering over it, they never enjoyed even functional autonomy.

Did all this happen inadvertently? Not at all. There was a plan behind the moves. For the Congress party, "socialism" was a mere slogan. The idea was mainly to win voters in a poverty-stricken society. And this was true of the communist movement too. It only wanted votes of the workers.

Socialism was a distant goal. In the meantime, one has to be in power. And to be in power, one needed moneybags and votes. The logic was simple. Not once did the communist parties tell the workers that the failure of the public sector would shatter their socialist dream.

The Indian worker is basically good, but the work culture and the attitude of "chalta hai" make him one of the least efficient in the world. He enjoys greater protection than even a Chinese worker.

The country has invested about Rs 1,58,000 crore in the public sector. About 15 per cent of it must have gone into plant and machinery. This must have depreciated in value over the years.

But what about the rest 85 per cent? They are the nation's social assets—such as land, houses, roads, schools, hospitals, markets and so on. They have appreciated in value astronomically over the years. Even the trees planted on the roadside half a century ago now fetch Rs 300 to Rs 500 per piece. As for land, its value has gone up by more than 100-200 times. This is why buyers are eager to acquire public sector units.

It is true that the exact value of these units is not reflected in their share prices because they are manipulated and kept high or low by the interested parties in the private sector. So, the sale of a unit on the basis of its share price or book value is misplaced, probably a fraud on the nation.

Today we have a Disinvestment Ministry. But it has no credible formula to assess the value of its assets. Nor has it a public confidence-generating transparent policy on disinvestment. Under the latest announcement, the Central Government has retained (defence, nuclear and railways) strategic industries. But there are many defence items which can be made in the private sector. And why the railways?

What about the strategic oil sector which is rightly a major area of controversy even within Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee's government.

It needs to be appreciated that any disinvestment in oil PSUs has to be in tune with the requirements of oil security, consumers' interest and national security.

Remember the volatile situation in West Asia and ever-disturbing developments across the border with Pakistan. They make the question of oil security a critical national issue.

The cost of carrying strategic crude oil for 15 days is about Rs 5,400 crore. It cost BPCL and HPCL more than Rs 550 crore during the past few months just to maintain excess reserve because of the tension on the border with Pakistan. A private strategic partner is unlikely to bear this huge cost in case there is a national emergency. In this context, it is worth remembering the lessons of the 1971 war.

At this stage when the reform process is yet to stabilise and private companies like Reliance, Essar and others are building their retail infrastructure, the government decision to give HPCL and BPCL, which are broadly efficiently run PSUs, to private strategic partners will hardly bring any real advantage. If anything, it will dilute the effort of building up additional infrastructure and affect the market stabilisation process initiated by the government after deregulation from April 1, 2002. The Philippines experience, where the whole process in such areas was hurried up, was rather tragic.

During the period 1998-2001 under the NDA government, the public oil sector contributed Rs 7,217 crore (80 per cent) against the total disinvestment proceeds of Rs 9,070 crore.

As for the quantum of government share in the non-strategic sector, it has to be decided on a case-to-case basis. There is no rationale for fixing the share of the government at 26 per cent for all non-strategic industries and 33 per cent for nationalised banks.

There is no demand for loss-making units, unless they have huge social assets. Textile mills under the Centre in Mumbai and Ahmedabad had huge surplus land. By selling land they could have paid back their debt. But the politicians and their operators managed to grab them by paying token amounts.

If there is strong opposition to the sale of oil and gas PSUs, it is because they are the golden geese. Workers, politicians, bureaucrats — all of them are interested in their shares. Their dividends and bonus share issues are generally manipulated. Thus, IOC shares were given to workers at Rs 1000 a share when the market price was Rs 712 per share. Since then the IOC has announced several bonus shares.

ONGC shares were given to workers at Rs 250-300 per share, when the market price was Rs 1500 per share and above. This is also true of other oil companies. This will not be possible once these companies are privatised.

Interestingly, out of top 10 public sector units in the country, oil PSUs occupy six prominent places with the IOC, HPCL, BPCL ranking as the first three. The IOC is the only Fortune 500 company in India. Thirteen oil PSUs earn 75 per cent of total profit of all PSUs with only 28 cent of the total capital employed.

What we need in the circumstances is an independent board of experts on disinvestment whose views should be final. Instead, the whole burden of decision-making seems to have been put on Mr Arun Shourie's shoulders. Why? Is not the disinvestment of PSUs part of the larger collective responsibility of the Cabinet which, in turn, is accountable to Parliament?

The public is not always stupid. Take ITDC hotels which are always on prime land. The Kovalam Ashok Beach Resort in Kerala was sold for Rs 43.68 crore to M Far Hotels when the land on which it stood was said to be worth Rs 500 crore. The land of Ashoka Hotel in New Delhi alone can fetch over Rs 1000 crore.

Mr G.V. Ramakrishna, former chairman of the Disinvestment Commission, was in favour of giving blue chip PSU shares to the public. And he knows more about these matters than anyone else. But the then Prime Minister, Mr P.V. Narasimha Rao, saw investment and disinvestment as a political process. We may recall the loan melas organised from time to time to create vote banks.

As matters stand, the government policies look irrational. Perhaps, there is a method even in madness. In this regard, I would like to quote Mr Stilpon Nestor, Head, Privatisation and Enterprise Reforms, OECD:

"Selling public monopolies as such would certainly fetch a better price for the treasury and is thus tempting, especially in situations of budgetary contraction. However, experience has shown that the latter approach is very short-sighted. Problems of credibility towards the electorate and the investors involved eventually arise; and the costs of ex-post remedies are often higher than the premium paid to the government."

I hope Prime Minister Vajpayee will look at the whole issue of disinvestment afresh — not through the narrow angularities of persons, parties and vested interests but rationally and within the larger national framework.

MIDDLE

The story behind naming a village
V.S. Mahajan

HOW a village got its name would be difficult to say. Some villages acquire their names from their surroundings, others from the persons who happen to be their founders, still others through some unique happening in the village.

It appears it was the last factor behind the naming of this particular village that we often came across during the early 1930s, while travelling to our village from the nearest railway station. When we approached this village it would invariably stir up my curiosity.

It was a small, typical Indian village with a score of houses, all mud built but neatly kept. It showed that villagers had the civic sense or perhaps it was just a matter of chance. As the route from the railway station to our village — a distance of about 25 km of mule track — winded through this village it provided us a good opportunity to watch closely its surroundings, its people, its men, women and children who were all curious to watch a small caravan of horses passing through it. Perhaps they recalled our annual visit to this area and thus provided us with a sort of welcome.

Most of them had not stirred beyond the boundary of this village and possibly thought this was their tiny world. They gazed with curiosity even when any outsider waded through the village, but a small caravan of horses was indeed a matter of high excitement. While menfolk would stop their normal activity, ladies would peep through their veils and children would laugh and run behind the horses, so did the village dogs who would bark as loudly they could. We felt thrilled as our horses too would respond and gather speed.

As I happened to learn, there was a curious story behind naming this village. One of the villagers is said to be the first enterprising young man who had ventured outside this small world and ultimately landed in a town several km away. He managed to get a job there. During his next visit to the village he had purchased some articles that villagers had hardly seen before.

Among these the most prominent one was a steel trunk which villagers had seen for the first time. They looked at this novel thing with extraordinary curiosity where they could deposit their clothes and other valuables, in safe custody. As a matter of fact, the villagers neither possessed costly clothes nor ornaments.

All they had was the simple village spun cloth and ladies had some silver ornaments and couple of dresses that they wore on special occasions. All these items were dumped in a corner of the house or at best hidden, for instance the silver jewellery and a few coins. Robbery or dacoity was unknown and the villagers kept their houses unlocked. In fact, the locking system itself was unknown to them.

Thus when the steel trunk had arrived for the first time. The villagers were naturally very curious about it. They opened and reopened it, examined its contents and locked it again. In fact, this exercise went on for a couple of days when everybody in the village, including ladies who were even more curious for they found in steel trunk a novel device to hide their valuables and there was the strong locking system to ensure safety, had fully satisfied their curiosity.

Thus the steel trunk had turned out to be the major item of conversation among the villagers and everybody gossiped about it and showed great interest.

It got so prominent that the villagers ultimately decided to name their village as Sandukpur — Sanduk being the equivalent of a trunk.

It was thus that this village got its name and soon Sandukpur as well became a prominent village. Thus the steel trunk had also brought luck to the villagers.

COMMENTARY

The aftermath of Bali tragedy
M.S.N. Menon

ISLAMI militants have added one more item to their infamies. This time, by their wanton attack on the people of Bali — a people known for their peaceful way of life.

A supporter of Abu Bakr Bashir, who allegadly has a major role in the Bali carnage. — Reuters photo

What is it that angers the Islamic world? The creation of Israel? The attack on Afghanistan? Criticism of Islam? But history is littered with such cases. Every nation has some grievance or other. And Islam itself has created many many such grievances. For instance, the conquest of India. Today Muslim historians of India say: why hark back on the depradations of those barbarians? True, the British also committed many wrong deeds. They also say the same thing: why recall those incidents?

That is what India has done: it has forgotten and forgiven much of the things it has suffered. Thanks to its saintly leaders like Mahatma Gandhi. It is even reconciled to the partition of the country.

True, Islam has remained backward. But whose fault was it? Islam remained indifferent to the European reformation, the renaissance, to the Age of Enlightenment. In India, it opposed the modernisation that the British had initiated. The pull is still towards fundamentalism. Not towards progress and development.

The oil boom was an occasion for Muslims to catch up with the world’s progress. But that is not what inspired them. The oil kingdoms chose to promote madrasas and fundamentalism. Today the Muslim world is paying for that folly. Had it not been for the generous distribution of petro-dollars by the Arab world, history would have taken a different course.

The first wave of Islam came to Indonesia from India. That is why it was moderate. It did not try to wipe out Indonesia’s Hindu and Buddhist past. But once the Arab missionaries came, their one objective was to wipe out Indonesia’s past. Islam refuses to acknowledge the pre-Islamic past of nations as a part of their national history and identity. It is obsessed against pre-Islamic civilisations.

How is one to explain this obsession? There is only one explanation: the Arabs had no past of their own. Before the Koran, there was no Arabic literature. They found these ancient civilisations of Egypt, Babylon and Persia a major hurdle to the spread of Islam. All that they wanted, therefore, was that the convert should forget his pre-Islamic past, more so if he had a glorious past.

Such was the case when the Arabs conquered Persia. They destroyed the great city of Persepolis, the ancient capital of Persia, which reminded the Persians of their great past — a past what the Arabs were in awe of. The Arab conquerors of Egypt also tried to destroy its past, but perhaps they found the task beyond them. Perhaps even an army could not destroy the massive pyramids. In Indonesia, they wanted to destroy the great Hindu-Buddhist temple of Borobudur — a wonder of the world. The Indonesians resisted it. But the famous Bamiyan Buddhas could not escape destruction.

The Arabs had no past, so others should have no past. That perhaps was the logic!

Is there a sanction for this vandalism in the words of the Prophet? None whatever. The Prophet destroyed nothing in Mecca that was pre-Islamic, except the idols. This was the mischief of some Arab zealot. But Islamic scholars have done nothing to repudiate these evil practices. It is not enough to say that Islam does not support this practice. They failed to mobilise the Islamic world against the Taliban when they destroyed the Bamiyan Buddhas. Two men were responsible for it — Bin Laden and Mullah Omar. Their idea was to do something dramatic to traumatise the world. It is said that the final blast was carried out by the Arabs of Al Qaida.

Indonesia is the largest Muslim state, with 170 million Muslims. Here, Islam is not fully Arabised. In fact, it is not even fully Islamised. Which explains why conversions into Christianity continue to take place. Naturally, Christians have been under attack. Which is why the island of Timor broke away. Bali is a small island of Hindus. It is now under attack. But are the Muslims united? They are not. The Muslims of North Sumatra are claiming independence. Reminds one of the ethnic clashes within Pakistan.

In Indonesia, the fundamentalists took advantage of the US attack on Afghanistan to denigrate President Megawati and her secular policies. No wonder, there had been attacks on Americans. The Americans have clamped an embargo on arms supplies to Indonesia, and have been pressing the government to pass anti-terrorist legislation. But even Megawati was reluctant to do so for fear of losing sympathy among the Muslims. But the Bali incident has forced her to pass the Bill.

The full scope of the Bali tragedy is yet to unfold. About half the dead are Australians. Abu Bakr Bashir, who has been described by Indonesian media as a “moderate”, is now exposed as the key man. It appears he is the agent of Osama bin Laden. He had a major role in the Bali carnage.

Will ASEAN now take steps to ban the extremists? Will Indonesia cooperate? Will Mhathir Mohammed of Malaysia agree to cooperate with America to fight the terrorists? These are questions crucial to the future of South East Asia.

Biting the forbidden apple outside wedlock
Deepshkhia Ghosh

MORE than half of the respondents in a nationwide survey of Indian men and women have admitted to biting the forbidden apple outside wedlock, pointing at a sexual reawakening of sorts.

The Week-TN Sofres Mode survey found 53 per cent unmarried people in the main cities revealing they had pre-marital sex, and not always with partners they would marry.

About 72 per cent of these respondents had their first experience during their teens and as many as 11 per cent before the age of 12.

The survey took a sample of 516 unmarried men and women between 18 and 30 years, in New Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, Hyderabad and Bangalore.

What turns them on?

In Kolkata it is a friendly person with a modern outlook. In New Delhi, it is a strong personality. Hyderabad youth lust least for intelligence and in Chennai, partners go for shared interests before plunging into physical intimacy.

In general 49 per cent of all youth are attracted to physical attributes, 60 per cent to social stature, 19 per cent to affluence and 15 per cent to career prospects.

Most of these youth wish the largely inhibited Indian society were more free and open about sex. Sixty-three per cent say Indians should be sexually liberated.

Contrastingly, 71 per cent of them don’t approve of their children having premarital sex and 64 per cent will not even marry a person who is not a virgin.

Amid a strident cry for cultural nationalism and traditional mores, these statistics may raise quite a few eyebrows. The poll attributes the “renaissance” in the once-conservative society to the media explosion of the early 90s, followed by the advent of Internet and lately, SMS (short messaging services on mobile phones) — all abetting intimate and uninhibited interaction between boys and girls.

Films, magazines and ramp modelling are also accessories to the newfound promiscuity.

Premarital sex is more rampant among college students, especially in management, engineering, and medical, legal and catering where girls and boys interact for longer durations, the survey observes.

Some 45 per cent of these respondents reached an orgasm in their first encounter. Home is the most common venue for the first experience, the respondents revealed, though youth in southern Indian cities preferred public places.

The poll has also gathered data post loss of virginity. Some 29 per cent felt “happy and contented”, 28 per cent a sense of companionship, 9 per cent a sense of conquest, and 24 per cent were ridden by guilt. IANS

TRENDS & POINTERS

A shining venue for global guests

A shining Vigyan Bhavan convention centre in Delhi on Wednesday threw its doors open to delegates from 185 countries for the 8th Conference of the Parties (COP8) that got under way.

The venue has a sprawling business centre situated next to a fountain. The centre even has a bank, a post office, an airlines booking office, telecom facilities and — hold your breath — polite staff.

“We have been deputed to work at the bank till the conference ends. After that we go back to our respective banks in the city,” said a bank employee looking a little ill at ease with the plush new surroundings.

The lounge for the delegates has the lingering scent of opulence. A giant bell metal vessel called ‘horai’, used by the people of Assam to express welcome attracted curious glances.

Expectant waiters manned the food stall offering snacks, which, by Indian standards, were steeply priced at Rs.50 for a pastry and Rs.25 for a soft drink.

Confusion about directions, offices and their locations irked many a hurrying delegate. The venue was a kaleidoscope of cultures, costumes and colours, with every part of the world and every race strongly represented. What was most heartening was that they had come together for a shared dream of a cleaner, greener world. IANS

Ad on tea censured for false claims

The Tata-owned Tetley Tea’s new advertising campaign suggesting that tea is good for the heart has been censured by an industry ethics watchdog. Tetley was censured also for suggesting people who drink tea live longer.

The Advertising Standards Authority of Britain on Tuesday ordered Tetley to withdraw the posters after declaring them “misleading”. The decision comes as a blow to Tetley because it takes away its new sales motif. IANS

Fatherhood at 35-plus?

Thirty-five may not sound to be too old to father a child, but chances of becoming a dad do start a dramatic dip. A new study has confirmed that damage to genetic material containing sperm cells increases with age, and so the chances of a man having children past his 35th birthday fall further.

In addition, the researchers from the University of Washington in Seattle, found that as a man gets older, he loses his natural ability to weed out unhealthy sperm cells through a process known as apoptosis.

This means that there is a greater chance that a damaged sperm cell will successfully fertilise the female egg. This could mean that the risk of miscarriage is increased or, at the other end of the scale, that children have a greater chance of developing mild abnormalities such as uneven teeth or asymmetrical limbs.

The lead researcher, Dr Narendra Singh, was quoted by BBC as saying: “We found there is a significant change by the age of 35.” ANI

Making cancer cells commit suicide

Fatty acids from fish oils are ingested by cancer cells, making them commit suicide, concludes a new thesis by a Norwegian researcher.

In her thesis, Hilde Heimli of the Institute for Nutrition Research at the University of Oslo, Norway, has examined how polyunsaturated omega-3 fatty acid is ingested by different leukemia/lymphoma cell lines. The researcher has examined how some types of cancer cells commit suicide in this setting.

If omega-3 fatty acids are to be capable of killing cancer cells, the cells have to contain a certain enzyme, that activate these certain fatty acids. Cancer cells that contain less of this enzyme do not react to fish fat, Heimli noticed. ANI

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

I did not know the secret of Thy Love namely,

To yield my head to it when with sword in hand it came to make an end of me.

—Bullah Shah, Sufi Saint

***

The cauldron of love is lighted in my heart.

Take heed, watch the tavern (of heart) within where the wine of love is causing commotion.

—Sarmad, Sufi Saint

***

O Farid,

the day my novel-cord was cut,

Had my throat too been slashed,

I would then not have had to suffer

so many afflictions, And would have been spared

so much agony.

—Sri Guru Granth Sahib

***

... this world is a beautiful garden,

Though it has some prickly briars too.

Yet one blessed by an enlightened guide, May steer clear of these.

—Sri Guru Granth Sahib

***

I am Existence and Consciousness,

I am Bliss and have no name.

Sovereignty and divinity proceed from me.

I am the eye of Laila

The heart of Majnu

The hand of Farhad.

Mine is the lip of the cup

of ecstasy.

Kiss it and drink if you wish.

I am the petal of the rose

The cheek of Joseph,

The breath of Jesus.

My abode is already your heart.

I am the neck of Mansur

The skin of Shams-i-Tabriz

The learning of the scholar.

I am the ocean

And Rama is a bubble in me.

—From Yoga and the Supreme Bliss: Songs of Enlightenment by Swami Ramatirtha (translation by A.J. Alston)