E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

Never say ‘no’ to dialogue
SPECULATION has begun about Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s participation in the 12th summit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation next January simply because it will be held in Islamabad. Defence Minister George Fernandes’s answer to the question raised by journalists in Bangalore in this regard should be studied in this backdrop. He did not say anything specific beyond highlighting that there was no change in the official position clarified at the end of the Kathmandu session of SAARC.

PM doesn’t, others talk
PRIME MINISTER Atal Behari Vajpayee’s visit to Lucknow on Sunday was an unmitigated public relations disaster. The day long-trip was supposed to serve the double purpose of showcasing the strides Lucknow had made as the Prime Minister’s constituency and sharing with the nation the news of the over-hyped achievements on the “Jai Vigyan” front. However, the fact that he called a press conference to merely inform the scribes about the poor state of health of his throat set political tongues wagging.

OPINION

New dawn in Jammu and Kashmir
The question of autonomy demands attention
T. V. Rajeswar
IT would not be an exaggeration to describe the recent elections in J&K as the first free and fair poll since Kashmir’s accession to India. J&K and the country as a whole should thank the Election Commission for the manner in which it organised and conducted the exercise. Indeed, there is a new dawn in Kashmir.

MIDDLE

The rusk factor
Rajbir Deswal
IF you have heard about the late Deputy Prime Minister, Ch Devi Lal, alighting from a train at Ambala and eating bhuttas or roasted corn-cobs (for such was his simplicity) you would not ask me why, of all the delicacies available, I choose rusk to be soaked in hot tea or milk and consumed to my guts content, for breakfast. You wouldn’t question my status either if only you had had the luxury of eating rusks in your childhood as was in my case.

REALPOLITIK

Crucial economic indicators go haywire
P. Raman
POLITICAL myths have a longer shelf life than economic illusions built by the rulers all over the world to retain their good-governance image. With the right kind of public relations management and refined conduct the politician can survive longer. Economy is built on physical facts and whatever the statistical jugglery the establishments indulge in, it will quickly collapse. This is what has happened to the Centre’s wild claims about the health of the Indian economy.

TRENDS & POINTERS

Singapore’s unique urinal for women
FROM a urinal for women to better-designed foot support that prevents ulcers, innovations by doctors and nurses have been on display at a Singapore exhibition. The “feminal” urinal developed by staff of the SingHealth group was designed for women who sometimes get wet using a bedpan, said the description. The new version comes with markings that inform doctors and nurses how much urine was passed.

• Eunuchs barred from ladies’ coaches

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

EDITORIALS

Never say ‘no’ to dialogue

SPECULATION has begun about Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s participation in the 12th summit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) next January simply because it will be held in Islamabad. Defence Minister George Fernandes’s answer to the question raised by journalists in Bangalore in this regard should be studied in this backdrop. He did not say anything specific beyond highlighting that there was no change in the official position clarified at the end of the Kathmandu session of SAARC. This can be interpreted to mean that the Prime Minister will visit the Pakistani capital despite the prevailing tension involving the two neighbours. This is a logical approach. It will enhance India’s reputation at the world level if the Prime Minister’s Office makes the situation further clear by making a principled announcement at this stage. Officially and otherwise, India has never been against dialogue even in the face of extreme provocations. Of course, it has been insisting on the creation of a congenial atmosphere for parleys. But that has been aimed at making the Pakistan establishment realise that it was Islamabad-sponsored cross-border terrorism that was coming in the way of dialogue. After all, how can one hold talks when the other side spoils the whole atmosphere for the purpose.

But the SAARC forum is not confined to India and Pakistan. Its constitution does not allow bilateral matters to be taken up for discussion. The occasion, no doubt, provides an opportunity to India and Pakistan, or any other member for that matter, to discuss issues of mutual interest on the sidelines of the SAARC gathering. There is no harm in such an exercise. India should, however, gear up its diplomatic machinery in the light of its bitter experience at Agra and use Islamabad as the venue to expose the policies of the belligerent neighbour’s leadership on its home turf. The world community must be made to understand that the threat to peace in South Asia has its origins in the short-sighted policies of Pakistan. India has always tried to mend matters, as demonstrated by its latest decision to withdraw its troops from the border. But there has rarely been a matching and pro-peace response from the other side. Pakistan has welcomed the troop withdrawal process initiated by India, but there is no likelihood of Islamabad changing its policy of aiding and abetting militancy in Jammu and Kashmir. Whatever little Pakistan was doing, or pretending to do, on the anti-terrorism front because of international pressure may be discontinued on the pretext of preventing the growing influence of the religious Right represented by the six-party Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal. India has to use its diplomatic skill more forcefully to see to it that the Musharraf regime does not succeed in misleading the world community vis-a-vis terrorism. In any case, the focus of the coming SAARC summit should be on tackling unitedly the pressing developmental issues concerning the region. It is the responsibility of all the SAARC nations to make General Musharraf realise the importance of concentrating on welfare measures for uplifting the poor. This alone holds the key to a lasting peace in South Asia.

PM doesn’t, others talk

PRIME MINISTER Atal Behari Vajpayee’s visit to Lucknow on Sunday was an unmitigated public relations disaster. The day long-trip was supposed to serve the double purpose of showcasing the strides Lucknow had made as the Prime Minister’s constituency and sharing with the nation the news of the over-hyped achievements on the “Jai Vigyan” front. However, the fact that he called a press conference to merely inform the scribes about the poor state of health of his throat set political tongues wagging. And when he returned to Delhi hours ahead of the scheduled arrival time, his detractors put two and two together and didn’t get four as the answer. They spread the word that Mr Vajpayee had cut short his visit because of the fissures in the Uttar Pradesh Bharatiya Janata Legislature Party. The BJP rebel MLAs had demanded a meeting with him to present their case for being made ministers. Their claim was based on reason. If so many undeserving MLAs from the BJP and Chief Minister Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party could be inducted in the bloated Cabinet a few extra heads would not have added to the burden. If she had stuck to a need-based small Cabinet, the rebels may not have had a cause that made them to virtually disrupt the Prime Minister’s visit to his own constituency. But the compulsions of heading a coalition government are different. They arouse in every MLA in the coalition the ambition of seeking a ministerial position or a chairmanship of a board or a corporation with “cabinet rank”.

The delicate power-sharing arrangement between the BJP and the BSP has indeed developed cracks. The fact that the disgruntled elements belong to the Rajnath Singh camp leaves little room for speculating about the driving force behind the unrest in the BJP legislature party. Mr Rajnath Singh has many political failings and not giving up the dream of replacing Ms Mayawati as Chief Minister is one of them. But the use of the unrest in the UP unit of the BJP for embarrassing the Prime Minister gave his detractors the opening to read a larger message in the context of the power struggle within the party at the national level. Mr Vajpayee had come to Lucknow for launching a major nationwide telecom service. But his sore throat literally grabbed the headlines. Political pundits may have a point when they draw attention to the thunderous ovation Deputy Prime Minister L. K. Advani had received on his visit to Mr Vajpayee’s Lok Sabha constituency. He was a special invitee to the “ninda and maha dhikkar rally” organised by Ms Mayawati for putting Dr Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar on the highest political pedestal in the country. Whichever way one looks, Mr Vajpayee’s bad throat is bad news for his supporters. If it was a cover-up to avoid meeting the BJP dissidents, it was a monumental political blunder for it showed him as a weak leader. If the reason for cutting short the visit to Lucknow was indeed genuine, it must be remembered that the Prime Minister’s health bulletin cannot but have political ramifications. The nation is waiting with bated breath for the next medical bulletin from 7 Race Course Road.

OPINION

New dawn in Jammu and Kashmir
The question of autonomy demands attention
T. V. Rajeswar

IT would not be an exaggeration to describe the recent elections in J&K as the first free and fair poll since Kashmir’s accession to India. J&K and the country as a whole should thank the Election Commission for the manner in which it organised and conducted the exercise. Indeed, there is a new dawn in Kashmir.

It would be relevant to trace the past so as to appreciate how much the situation has changed now. After the accession of Kashmir in 1947, Sheikh Abdullah was in power until 1953 when he was dismissed and shifted out of the state. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, who succeeded him, was “Kamarajed” in 1964 as his regime was marked by unmitigated corruption at all levels. G.M. Sadiq and Mir Qasim became Chief Ministers in succession. Sheikh Abdullah was released a few weeks prior to Jawaharlal Nehru’s death in 1964. Indira Gandhi entered into an accord with Sheikh Abdullah in 1975 whereby the Sheikh dissolved his Plebiscite Front, revived the National Conference, accepted the full accession of J&K as an accomplished fact and became the Chief Minister.

In 1977, when the Congress was defeated by the Janata Party at the Centre, the Sheikh got the assembly dissolved and had the elections conducted and returned as Chief Minister. After the return of Indira Gandhi to power in 1980, the relations between the Centre and J&K started showing stress due to the Sheikh’s unpredictable moods and his periodical blasts against the Centre. The Sheikh anointed his son Farooq Abdullah as National Conference President in 1982. After the death of the Sheikh in September, 1982, Farooq was sworn in as Chief Minister. Farooq initiated various steps which resulted in alienating the Congress. In the elections held in 1983 he entered into an alliance with the traditional enemy, Moulvi Mirwaiz Farooq. The red flags of the National Conference and the green flags of the Awami League of the Moulvi flew side by side all over the valley. Dr Farooq Abdullah won the elections decisively, but Kashmir itself changed significantly thereafter.

Dr Abdullah was a different man after the elections. He threatened to boycott AIR and Doordarshan, to reject the IAS and IPS cadres and challenge the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction in giving directions to the state on recruitment to the services and filling up seats in medical and engineering colleges. He announced that he would approach Arab countries for aid in case the Centre was not forthcoming in releasing funds generously. He got the Resettlement Act enacted against the explicit advice of the Centre. He started playing a very prominent role in uniting Opposition parties against Indira Gandhi and the Congress. He started hobnobbing with Bhindranwale, thereby giving him undue encouragement. Dr Abdullah also made an extraordinary statement that the hijacking of the Fokker Friendship plane in 1971 and its subsequent destruction in Lahore were at the instance of Indian intelligence for the purpose of preventing Pakistan’s over-flights to the then East Pakistan, which was the very statement made by Z.A. Bhutto, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister.

The dismissal of Dr Abdullah’s government in 1984 was, therefore, inevitable. Regrettably, G.M. Shah’s induction as his successor proved a disaster in a very short time and had to be removed in March, 1986, and President’s rule imposed. Dr Abdullah, thereafter, successfully negotiated a settlement with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi resulting in the restoration of the J&K Assembly in 1986. A coalition government of the National Conference and the Congress came into being in March, 1987, after the elections were rigged brazenly. The following months witnessed a steady growth of terrorism and militancy. By 1989, Pakistan had initiated a full-fledged insurgency which rose steadily after the induction of foreign militants following the rout of the Russian army in Afghanistan.

The National Conference contested the State Assembly elections of 1996 with an emphasis on the autonomy issue. Soon after its return to power, with a more than two-thirds majority, the Chief Minister appointed a State Autonomy Committee (SAC). There was also a regional autonomy committee report on the future of Jammu and Ladakh, which read more like a plan for the division of J&K on communal lines. The state autonomy report seeks to define relations between J&K and India on the basis of the 1953 agreement and visualised repeal of all matters in the Union List except for defence, external affairs and communications. It also seeks denial of the jurisdiction of the Election Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India as also restoration of the nomenclature of Sadar-i-Riyasat and Wazir-i-Azam. It seeks permanent status for Article 370 in the Indian Constitution. The SAC contends that the constitutional order of 1954 and the subsequent extension of various provisions of the Constitution to J&K were not in consonance with the 1953 agreement. It conveniently overlooks the Delhi Agreement of 1975 between Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah which upheld most of the provisions of the 1954 constitutional order. The J&K Assembly adopted a resolution accepting the SAC report against the advice of the Centre and leaders of various political parties. Reaction was sharp and swift on the part of the BJP and the NDA government at the Centre. The Union Cabinet outright rejected the J&K resolution for autonomy.

With the emergence of the NDA in 1999 and the National Conference becoming a constituent, the relations between the Centre and J&K showed an improvement. The appointment of Mr Omar Abdullah as a Minister of State strengthened it further. Cordial relations between the Centre and J&K became inevitable as the menace of insurgency and cross-border terrorism steadily increased. Prime Minister Vajpayee’s trip to Lahore for peace made no difference as Pakistan resorted to the Kargil adventure which ended in a disaster for Pakistan. General Musharraf, who took over after the coup, came to Agra for peace talks at the invitation of Prime Minister Vajpayee, but the summit failed as the General refused to accept that there was cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan. The Western countries, which were fully aware of cross-border terrorism, were silent, but after the September 11, 2001, attack on the very heart of America, all this changed. Cross-border terrorism persists despite pressure from the USA and other western countries as General Musharraf has mastered the art of duplicity.

It was with this setting that the elections in the state were held. The results have brought about a refreshing change in the political climate of J&K. The failure of the National Conference to secure a strong foothold in the valley has marginalised its role in Kashmir affairs. The celebrations which broke out spontaneously throughout the valley said it all. The Congress and the PDP (People’s Democratic Party) of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed owe it to the nation as a whole and the people of Kashmir to work out a practical and constructive political agreement to run the state’s administration in the coming years. The PDP feels justified in claiming the chief ministership as the National Conference was primarily defeated by the PDP, followed by the Congress in the valley. There should be no serious difficulty in working out a common programme of action for a Congress-PDP coalition government. Kashmir cries for immediate attention on several fronts such as insurgency, cross-border terrorism, unemployment, building of infrastructure, etc.

The Mufti is a veteran politician. He was a senior Congress leader before he parted company in the late 1980s. He was Home Minister in 1989 in the shortlived V.P. Singh government. The Mufti should, therefore, be able to enter into a practical and workable arrangement with the Congress and not stick to the PDP’s election manifesto dogmatically.

The question of autonomy has to be taken up without delay. Mr Arun Jaitley, who has been entrusted with handling the task by the NDA government, will have to resume the discussion with the new government. Unlike the NDA, and BJP in particular, the manifesto of the Congress for the assembly elections had spoken of autonomy. Hopefully, the discussions will be on constructive lines, leading to a workable settlement. The issue of autonomy has vast implications for states like Nagaland and some others in the North-East. Therefore, the process will necessarily have to be prolonged and well-calculated.

The writer is a former Governor of West Bengal and Sikkim.

MIDDLE

The rusk factor
Rajbir Deswal

IF you have heard about the late Deputy Prime Minister, Ch Devi Lal, alighting from a train at Ambala and eating bhuttas or roasted corn-cobs (for such was his simplicity) you would not ask me why, of all the delicacies available, I choose rusk to be soaked in hot tea or milk and consumed to my guts content, for breakfast. You wouldn’t question my status either if only you had had the luxury of eating rusks in your childhood as was in my case.

In poor man’s parlance, rusk is often called “rus” or juice (nectar for some). And mind you, it is not the rasas like shringar ras of dance forms, or veer ras of ballads, as in Aalaah-Udal compositions, sung to make you flex your muscles to take on the enemy. But the “rus” I am dwelling upon is the juice suiting your palate and sinking down the throat to very pleasingly nurse your intestines. This “rus” is unlike veebhatsa, which may be abominable and un- acceptable.

Coming back to the rusk factor, it is only a matter of taste. It may be only a poor man’s luxury, for he cannot afford the softer option of “double-roti” or a more delicious variety— cake. Remember Mary Antoinette, the headstrong wife of Louis VIth, who shot an acidic remark for the starving and agitating subjects: “If they cannot eat bread, let them have cakes,” and paved the way for the French Revolution!

If she had said “rusks”, she could not have been accused of being what she was since rusk at least in Indian context is only associated with the poor, poverty and penury. But then how would have cannons of liberty, equality and fraternity been made known to the rest of the starving masses of the world. I think the rusk-factor resolves and smoothens the polarities of poverty and affluence and thus strengthens the roots of democracy.

In one of the Pakistani plays by Omar Sharif, before her meteoric rise to stardom, a heroine from Lolliwood (if that is the correct coinage like Bollywood) confesses, she too consumed rusk and tea all her life prior to gaining affluence. Now of course she boasts: “I can afford not only bread, butter and omelette but pancakes too.” Well, rusks belong to the bloodline of groundnuts in comparison or in substitution for cashew nuts, when it comes to affordable edible stuff for people of humble origin or, shall I dare say, base of stock!

Remember how the cucumber vendors selling the sister variety of Kakri-split in slits, clinically, shout to the customers, to cash in on their hunger and thirst during summer months, likening their stuff to Laila ki ungliyan aur Majnu ki pasliyan (Laila’s fingers and Majnu’s brittle bones).

Unlike the double-roti, Rusk is dry, crisp, hard. I am reminded of a joke. A poor Jat from Haryana ordered a cup of tea at a tea-stall when he visited the town for the first time. The vendor asked him if he would have a rusk too which is eaten by soaking it in the tea. The Jat nodded in the affirmative. Having consumed the stuff, he asked the price. The vendor quoted, “Two rupees" and elaborated for the convenience of the simpleton: “One for the cup of tea and one for the rusk.” “But shouldn’t I pay only for the rusk,” asked the “cheated” Jat, “because I only ate the rusk, and for tea, it was rusk itself which consumed it. In Haryanvi he said, “Chah to yo rus pee gya!”

Another one about a Punjabi. He was wearing only his undergarments and eating rusk at a stall when someone asked him how life was treating him. “Oh Balle-Balle,” said he, “Aapaan taan do hee shauk rakhde haan — changa khana te changa pehenana.” (Eat good food and wear good clothes).

Well, more than taste, rusk factor has something to do with a happy and contended state of mind as well.

REALPOLITIK

Crucial economic indicators go haywire
P. Raman

POLITICAL myths have a longer shelf life than economic illusions built by the rulers all over the world to retain their good-governance image. With the right kind of public relations management and refined conduct the politician can survive longer. Economy is built on physical facts and whatever the statistical jugglery the establishments indulge in, it will quickly collapse. This is what has happened to the Centre’s wild claims about the health of the Indian economy.

On the eve of the government’s four years in office, both the Prime Minister and his deputy have gone in for a massive cover-up operation. Atal Behari Vajpayee made it look that the only hurdle in the way of a massive flow of FDI is the objections to the disinvestment. If that is removed, India could achieve 8 per cent growth rate envisaged in the Tenth Plan document. L. K. Advani asserts: “The macro-economic fundamentals of the economy are stronger than ever before.”

All that was necessary, according to him, was to make some minor course corrections and fine-tuning. And the government was determined to do it. True, inflation at an average 3 per cent is well within control. It was double the figure during the previous six-year period. Food production has been going up with an embarrassing grain stock with the FCI. Foreign exchange reserves have shot up to as high as $ 64 billion. Export growth has been showing up at a time when the world experienced slackness.

Surely, these are healthy signs. But some other crucial economic indicators which are more fundamental to growth have gone haywire. Understandably, the government side as well as the reform enthusiasts would like to underplay these disturbing trends. Before dealing with them, it is necessary to look into certain unpleasant factors that have led to the better showing of the very fundamentals mentioned above. Take the foreign exchange reserves. They do not constitute a healthy trade surplus. Instead, they are the funds parked by the foreign financial institutions who have bought shares in Indian markets. By nature, they are predatory, and on many occasions they had played havoc with the host country’s economy when they found things not in their favour.

Much is being made about the sudden surge in foreign direct investment flow into India during 2001 and early 2002. This was when the FDI movement across the world had fallen by half. Hence it was bandied about as the new trust reposed in Indian economy by the foreign investor. However, this sudden surge in FDI inflow has not been for setting up new plants but for buybacks, takeovers and creeping acquisitions. There have been about two dozen massive buybacks during the period. The firms that have come under the control of the buyers have then been delisted from the bourses.

Thus the Indian shareholders have been the losers. Moreover, it has been a one-time FDI inflow which cannot be maintained. The FDI funds were not used to create any new productive assets. The earlier notion that the foreign investors, if provided the right climate and facilities, would be able to industrialise the developed countries is now being put to test the world over. There has been a fall in the flow of investible capital following the persistent slowdown in the USA in the past three years.

Stock market was expected to be the springboard of reform. In developed west they through the investors’ pressure do decide the fate of companies. The stock market was to act as industrial democracy. However, due to successive scams and the government’s inability to put down its feet, the IPO market is virtually dead. Having lost the trust in the system, the individual investor is taking to mutual funds. This also points to an investment-related financial crisis. For, despite lowering the interest rates, private investments in new projects have practically stopped.

According to IMF figures, annual growth of private fixed investment has been 8.2 per cent in the much maligned licence raj of the 1980s. In the post-reform period up to 1996, it shot up to 15 per cent. Since then the private investment, on which the whole development strategy rests, has fell to about 4 per cent — less than half of what was under the licence raj. The question often heard from the lay man is that since the government is no more in the field, who will set up new industries. Banks have enough funds to lend to the private entrepreneurs who are now free from all constraints. But few come to the banking institutions with viable proposals. No one really knows what will happen by the time a unit goes into production.

Despite stray reports of good signs, domestic demand remains stagnated and stiff competition has reduced the profit margines of industries. Had economic fundamentals been fine this should not have happened. The government has no answers to such questions. On the other, low interest regime has forced the lower income investors to reduce their spending powers, which in turn, leads to slackened demands for consumer goods. The proposed freeze in DA and bonus will further worsen the crisis. The cut in interest rates has also put pension funds in trouble and huge funds will have to be found to bail them out from the crisis.

Defeatism and helplessness have gripped the establishment. Hence the official emphasis on outsourcing software and communication and such ventures as call centers (note the globalised spelling) and medical transcription. India has made major strides in the first two. It is much more beneficial for the economy than body shopping. Under the globalisation rules, India does have a right to take advantage of outsourcing. However, there have been protests and judicial cases abroad against certain kind of outsourcings. Trade unions in UK have raised objections to the shifting of call centres to India. In this era of fast growing technology, one cannot be certain about the future of such services.

Amidst all such bad omen, the Tenth Plan document with its projection of 8 per cent annual growth rate is being taken as a morale booster. The government seems to take it as a great achievement.  But what we forget is that so far no plan could achieve such an ambitious growth rate. True, in

the first quarter of this year (first year of the Tenth Plan) GDP has shown a 6 per cent rise. But with a fall in agricultural production few expect more than 4.5 per cent growth for the year. This means, to achieve 8 per cent, we should attain a 9 per cent growth in the rest of four years, something which is in the realm of pure dream.

The problem with the development planning in a market economy is that its projections, finding resources, etc will remain mere visionary statements. At best it may be described as ‘indicative’ planning. Even the Centre’s budgetary support to the Plan depends on so many ‘ifs’ and ‘buts’ like increases in tax ratio which, again, depends on the performance of the economy. Employment generation has been steadily falling, and for the first time we have a negative growth. Stagnation of domestic demand, the virtual collapse of the share market, fall in profit margin and uncertainties about investment — these are shaky fundamentals we have to address to.

TRENDS & POINTERS

Singapore’s unique urinal for women

FROM a urinal for women to better-designed foot support that prevents ulcers, innovations by doctors and nurses have been on display at a Singapore exhibition.

The “feminal” urinal developed by staff of the SingHealth group was designed for women who sometimes get wet using a bedpan, said the description. The new version comes with markings that inform doctors and nurses how much urine was passed.

An ankle-high plastic foot support device for those with damaged nerves provides better support and allows air to circulate, preventing ulcers and sores associated with the old support.

Clarybele Fernandez, a senior nursing officer at Changi General Hospital, said it took nurses six months to come up with the well-cushioned replacement. “Patients complained that the old one was too uncomfortable because it was made of plastic”, she said.

Also unveiled was an operating theatre undergarment which female patients who feel uncomfortable without a bra can put on while waiting to be transferred to the theatre. DPA

Eunuchs barred from ladies’ coaches

Eunuchs are men and cannot travel in the ladies’ compartments of suburban trains plying to the Sealdah terminus in Kolkata. The Sealdah Division of Eastern Railway has asked the railway police to take action against eunuchs found travelling on women’s coaches. Inspector General S.R. Das of the Railway Protection Force said eunuchs could only travel in general coaches and would be fined if found in ladies’ compartments.

Kolkata’s adjacent neighbourhoods like Dum Dum and Barrackpore are home to a sizeable eunuch population. Groups of eunuchs board suburban trains from these stations and allegedly harass passengers, particularly women.

“We have received complaints against eunuchs from women passengers. They disturb the women and often force them off their seats,” said Superintendent of Police Gangeswar Singh.

The railway authorities decided to ban the entry of eunuchs from ladies’ coaches after consulting “experts” about their gender status. “There was no problem in issuing this notification because eunuchs are not women,” Singh maintained.

Eunuchs are treated as men in census counts, which they resent. Eunuchs have two leading organisations in the country spearheading a movement for their recognition as a separate segment of society.

The government is reportedly considering a special census for eunuchs to determine their socio-economic condition. IANS

From monarchy to democracy 

GUWAHATI: From monarchy to political democracy, the tiny Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan is all set for a radical transition with a 39-member committee drafting a new ‘vibrant constitution’.

“Bhutan has taken a step towards becoming a constitutional monarchy with a government that is for the people, by the people, and of the people,” Bhutan’s state-owned weekly newspaper Kuensel said in its latest edition.

The 39-member Constitutional Drafting Committee is expected to submit its report to King Jigme Singye Wanghuck by the end of this year to pave the way for the changeover.

“There were prolonged discussions on the concept of political parties and the selection of candidates for public office,” Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye, chairman of the Constitutional Drafting Committee, was quoted as saying by the Kuensel.

“Many members were apprehensive about party politics and debated the pros and cons of the dual and multi-party system of governments.” The Constitutional Drafting Committee was instituted in September 2001 by the King and was preceded by a series of Buddhist rituals.

The Committee, chaired by Supreme Court Chief Justice Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye, includes the Speaker of the National Assembly, besides representatives from the clergy and the government as well as eminent personalities.

“The basic purpose of the constitution was to ensure the sovereignty and security of the nation and the well-being of the Bhutanese people for all time to come,” Bhutan king Jigme Singye Wanghuck said.

“The political system of the country must evolve so that the people would continue to enjoy peace and prosperity, justice and fundamental rights, which have always been enshrined in the Bhutanese system.”

The 48-year-old monarch has repeatedly stressed that the new constitution would ensure a “dynamic system of governance” which would uphold the true principles of democracy. IANS

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

Love cannot save life from death; but it can fulfil life’s purpose.

— Arnold J. Toynbee, “Why and How I work”

***

There is no fear in love; but perfect love casteth out fear.

— The Holy Bible, 1 John 4:18

***

Love vanishes

when the lovers do not

see each other for long;

it vanishes

when the lovers see each other too often;

it vanishes

when backbiters gossip;

it vanishes, alas,

even without a cause.

***

A woman’s love disappears

when she does not see her lover for long.

A mean person’s love vanishes

when he is seen often

A fool’s love dries up

by the gossip of the evil-tongued.

A villain’s love evaporates

without any reason.

— The Gathasaptashati, canto II,

***

— A sacred verse of Mahatma Mangat Ram ji Maharaj