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Friday,
October 11, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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Salam Salem, salam CBI! A victory for J&K’s daughters
Constitutional crisis in Nepal |
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When I saw Kiran cry!
Is SAARC relevant in a globalised world?
At home
with many spouses
Japan cheers Nobel winner
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Salam Salem, salam CBI! ANOTHER team of CBI officers has drawn a blank. It has failed in its ostensible objective of securing the extradition or deportation of a notorious terrorist-cum-underworld don, Abu Salem. The Mumbai don wanted for the 1993 bomb blasts, was caught in Lisbon along with his starlet moll Monica Bedi last month for travelling on forged documents. The good work was done by the Portuguese police, but the tone of the official spokesman who briefed the press at the headquarters in Delhi suggested as if the CBI too had a role in it. Abu Salem is one of the several most wanted criminals who managed to buy their way out of India with the help of influential contacts. The first official response was that India would seek his extradition. Then someone who knows the law whispered in the right ears that India does not have an extradition treaty with Portugal. The latest position is that certain legal formalities may take time to be completed before the request is made to the appropriate court in Portugal for the return of Abu Salem for his alleged role in the 1993 bomb blasts. The team that has returned from Portugal has given the same story that every team has in the past. Every team that returns without the wanted fugitive usually says that the chances of the extradition or deportation of the wanted person were bright. This was the official line that was sold after the high profile CBI Director Joginder Singh went trotting across half the globe before landing in Kuala Lumpur for bringing back the Italian businessman Ottavio Quatrochi, accused of having had a hand in the Bofors scam. A team was promptly despatched to England for securing the handing over of Nadeem to the Indian authorities for facing trial in the Gulshan Kumar murder case. The British court that heard the request literally rebuked the sloppy work of the Indian lawyers. The Bollywood music director was cleared of the charge of having had a hand in the murder of Gulshan Kumar while living in self-imposed exile in England. An examination of the track record of the CBI does not raise much hope of Abu Salem being brought to India and made to pay for his numerous crimes, including his hand in the bomb blasts in Mumbai in 1993. There are those who believe that a hidden hand usually provides protection to most of the notorious men living a life of comfort and luxury outside India. Dawood Ibrahim heads the list. There was a time when television cameras showed him sitting in his personal enclosure during the cricket tournaments in Sharjah. The cameras could catch him in the company of Bollywood starlets, but the long arm of the Indian law somehow managed to only let him hop from one safe haven to another. Chhota Rajan, another notorious don, was critically wounded and was recuperating in a hospital in Bangkok. By the time a team of lawmen arrived he had managed to disappear in thin air, like most dons do in Bollywood potboilers. The circumstantial evidence suggests that the high and powerful politicians, bureaucrats and well-connected Bollywood personalities use their influence to ensure that the CBI does not get serious about the job of bringing back the Abu Salems, the Dawood Ibrahims and the Chhota Rajans assigned to them. A key suspect in John Kennedy's assassination was bumped off in police custody because he may have revealed the names of those who had masterminded the killing of the US President. It suits politicians and bureaucrats on the parole of the dons to have them dead rather than brought home alive for facing trial for their crimes. The Mumbai dons evidently have a long list of patrons who are on their payroll. If they are brought back to India to face trial, their patrons face two risks. One, the loss of huge amounts of unaccounted money that reach them through hawala sources. Two, the dons would have no
hesitation blowing the whistle on them. |
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A victory for J&K’s daughters IT is a great occasion for celebration for the daughters of militancy-hit Jammu and Kashmir. It has nothing to do with the outcome of the Assembly elections. It is related to their 25-year-old fight for the protection of their status as a state subject. The struggle has ultimately ended in their favour. The Jammu and Kashmir High Court has ruled that a girl-child born to a state subject will no longer be treated as a non-state subject after getting married to a person not having the status as that of her parents. Her constitutional status as a state subject will remain unaffected unless she herself decides to snap this link. Now such women will have the right to property inheritance, government employment, etc, like their male counterparts. A major legal lacuna leading to injustice to the fair sex has been finally removed. Only last year — 2001 — the country celebrated. Women Empowerment Year. The judgement has special significance in view of the cause of women’s empowerment. It will also give a major boost to national integration. Earlier most people in Jammu and Kashmir would avoid marrying their daughters to a non-state subject or outside the state because of the problem of their female offspring losing their right to inherit their parents’ property or get a government job. However, there are many who have married off their daughters despite this serious social problem. They must be heaving a sigh of relief today. It was ironical that a girl who was a Kashmiri by birth with her parents being state subjects could not seek government employment in the state simply because of her marriage to an Indian not being a state subject. The judiciary has done a great humanitarian service by interpreting the constitutional provisions in correct perspective even though the landmark verdict has been delivered after a very long period. The Full Bench judgement, having far-reaching consequences, is the result of concerted efforts by a group of socially enlightened women who refused to accept a government decision to scrap their state subject status after their marriage to people who are not permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir. In the process, they had to lose their jobs. Thus, 12 petitions were filed in the High Court to settle the matter once and for all. The case came up for hearing before a three-judge Bench comprising Mr Justice Vijay Kumar Jhanji, Mr Justice Tejinder Singh Doabia and Mr Justice Muzaffar Jan. There were dissenting observations made by Mr Justice Jan but without affecting the overall spirit of the judgement. The injustice against the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir had been perpetrated all these years mainly because of misinterpretation of certain laws linking citizenship rights to the right to inherit property, etc. Mr Justice Jhanji, who headed the Bench, has held that both the Muslim Personal Law and the Hindu Succession Act do not recognise such a linkage. Mr Justice Doabia’s view is that the state subject status is nearer the concept of citizenship. Therefore, one can lose one’s rights given under the former category only when the latter status changes. Only now will the daughters of the border state really feel that India is one from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. |
Constitutional crisis in Nepal KING Gyanendra of Nepal dismissed Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and declared himself as the interim executive head of that country on October 4. The King’s intervention, which was nothing short of a constitutional coup, comes after nearly 12 years of constitutional government comprising democratically elected political leaders. The dismissal of a constitutionally elected government was indeed a repetition of what took place in December, 1960, when King Mahendra sacked the Koirala ministry claiming that anti-national elements had received encouragement from outside and that it was his responsibility to safeguard the nation’s interests, including its sovereignty. The implication was that Koirala and the Nepali Congress were acting as Indian’s agents. After dismissing the Koirala ministry, King Mahendra got the Prime Minister and several other leaders arrested and sent to jail. The King’s autocratic action was condemned by Prime Minister Nehru on the floor of Parliament. King Mahendra resented Prime Minister Nehru’s comments and he deliberately started steering Nepal towards China and Pakistan. He visited these two countries in 1961 and during his visit to Beijing in October, 1961, he signed an agreement for the construction of a road between Kathmandu and Tibet. Relations between India and Nepal took a dive and King Mahendra’s leaning towards China was particularly resented since Sino-Indian relations were going through a very difficult phase during that time. King Mahendra was succeeded by his son King Birendra, who came up with the “Zone of Peace” concept, which in effect, diluted the provisions of the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950, the letters of exchange and the Aide Memoire of 1954. King Birendra continued the monarchic rule till 1991 when the mass upsurge brought about the restoration of democracy. The idea of “Zone of Peace” was also quietly dropped by the Palace. The Hindu angle of Nepal has created a peculiar situation at times. The marriages between some of the erstwhile princely families in India and the Rana families in Nepal had contributed very little insofar as the national interests of India were concerned. The Ranas, who had emerged as the absolute rulers of Nepal, had carefully played upon the religious affinity aspect with considerable success. At the political level, the relationship between the Nepali Congress leaders and the Indian National Congress, particularly the Indian socialist group within the party at that time, was very close for the common cause of freedom and democracy. Surya Prasad Upadhaya, who was once Secretary-General of the Nepali Congress, and Rafi Ahmed Kidwai were once in the same prison cell during the freedom struggle. Later in the wake of the 1942 movement, Jayaprakash Narayan was provided asylum by Mr Koirala in Nepal. The great impetus to the popular movement in Nepal was indeed given only after the conference of the Nepali Congress was attended by an all-party delegation led by Mr Chandra Shekhar in January, 1990. To return to the present context, Prime Minister Deuba had alienated his own party, the Nepali Congress, which expelled him for three years for dissolving Parliament and calling for early elections. The Nepali Congress was, however, split with Mr Deuba claiming a majority following in the party. He survived and continued as Prime Minister, partly because of the ongoing insurgency which had assumed very serious proportions in the country. Mr Deuba’s several acts in the last 12 months were not well received either in his own party or in the Palace. His request for the postponement of the elections by one year without prior consultation and consent of the King apparently irritated and displeased King Gyanendra. During his brief speech following the dismissal of Prime Minister Deuba, King Gyanendra repeatedly called him inept. The Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950 puts India in a special position in its relations with Nepal. King Gyanendra reportedly briefed the Ambassadors of the USA and China about his proposed step of dismissing the Deuba ministry. Unfortunately, the post of Indian Ambassador to Kathmandu has remained vacant after the death of Ambassador I.P. Singh, who was a political nominee, in August this year. Certain politicians and retired bureaucrats were jockeying for the post but, fortunately, wisdom prevailed and India has since appointed a senior IFS officer, Mr Shyam Sharan, as India’s Ambassador. It is said that India’s CDA at Kathmandu was also away as he was attending a meeting on Indo-Nepal affairs in India. The Palace apparently did not want to contact junior-level officers in the Indian Embassy, and it is not clear if King Gyanendra himself had spoken to Prime Minister Vajpayee about his proposed action. King Gyanendra had recently visited India and had demonstrated its keenness to maintain cordial relations. While all the political parties were gearing up for joint action against King Gyanendra’s unconstitutional act, Palace sources clarified on October 6 that the King would relinquish power to an interim government and he had no intention of ruling Nepal with executive powers with himself. It was specifically stated that it was not a coup. This defused the situation and considerably eased the political climate in Kathmandu. The seven political parties which were to meet to take a decision on further action postponed the meeting. This was followed by some of the political leaders meeting King Gyanendra on October 6 and those who met him included Mr Girija Prasad Koirala of the Nepali Congress and a representative of the Nepali Communist Party and the National Democratic Party. The Koirala family has had a continuous political lineage and activity in Nepal from 1950 onwards and King Tribhuwan had called B.P. Koirala of the Nepali Congress to form the popular government. It would not be, therefore, surprising if Mr G.P. Koirala is once again called upon to form an interim coalition government pending elections. The problems of Nepal would not end with merely resolving the present constitutional crisis. The country is in the midst of a serious insurgency and more than 5000 people have been killed so far. There have been extensive damage to government property throughout the country. As many as 42 of Nepal’s 75 districts have been affected by Moist insurgency. The insurgents have particularly targeted police stations, telecommunication networks, radio stations, hydro-power units, etc. A state of emergency had been declared by the government and units of the Royal Nepal Army were also inducted with the King’s permission. While several Maoists have been killed in counter-insurgency operations, the terrain of Nepal is such that the guerrilla war of Maoist insurgents could never be successfully tackled. The situation is worse than in Vietnam where Americans had to battle against Viet Minh guerrillas in forests and paddy fields. In Nepal it is the foothills of the Great Himalayan range and the extremely difficult mountainous countryside throughout the kingdom. In pursuance of its policy of fighting global terrorism, a team of US military advisers visited Nepal in May, 2002. President Bush had also sanctioned $20 million as economic and military assistance to Nepal to fight the Moist insurgency. US Secretary of State Colin Powell also visited the country and Prime Minister Deuba made a visit to Washington. The USA has an extremely active ambassador in Kathmandu, Mr Michael E. Mailinowski, who visited some of the remotest areas affected by Maoist insurgency and declared that the Nepali Maoists were no different than the Pol Pot’s Shining Path Guerrillas of Cambodia or Al-Qaeda terrorists. “Nepal is once again in the global terrorism map of the US,” as he put it. The USA, apart from sanctioning $ 20 million, had also promised communication equipment and a few other items. The principal demand of the Maoist insurgents is the abolition of monarchy. King Gyanendra, who knows the high stakes involved, would hopefully avoid any meddling in the democratic and constitutional process and its restoration. India has reacted in a mature and diplomatic manner on the events in Nepal. The official spokesman expressed the hope that the present crisis in Nepal would be solved with consensus and described the constitutional monarchy and the multi-party democracy as the pillars of stability in Nepal. China, on its part, has described the development in Nepal as an internal affair and thereby declared its intention not to meddle in the developments in the kingdom. The next few weeks will show how soon and how effectively the constitutional crisis in Nepal is resolved. The writer is a former Governor of West Bengal and Sikkim. |
When I saw Kiran cry! SHE stood before me, in shorts and vest, in my office, one afternoon in December, 1973, in Police Training College, Phillaur, as it was known then, where I was posted as an Assistant Principal incharge of outdoor training, and she, a probationer under training, having joined the Indian Police Service in July, 1972. She had married the same year Brij Bedi of Amritsar, and Amritsar, not being far from Phillaur, I used to sanction her leave on weekends to enable her to be with her husband there. Kiran Bedi, of course, that was her name, though availing of leave two days a week, was at the top of the group in every outdoor activity, and had given me no chance ever to reprimand her. After her weekly sojourn to Amritsar, she would be dot on time on Monday morning for PT (physical training) et al. “Yes, Kiran, what brings you here?,” I asked her. She held a sheet of paper in her hands. Pointing to it, she complained: “Sir, you have rejected my application for leave for the coming weekend.” It was a Friday, and she was expecting to leave for Amritsar in the evening after the day’s training programme was over. “Yes, I have”, I asserted my authority, “you are in a training institution, and you are supposed to be here on weekends too, to see you through many other aspects of the training.” Kiran looked straight into my eyes, and then without any warning, burst into tears. Yes, she was crying. Nay, she was sobbing and she could be heard outside by the constable-orderly and others. Kiran was young and charming. Her sobs heard outside the room could have been misinterpreted. I pressed the call-bell. The orderly came in and stood dutifully. “I am acting under the Principal’s directions,” I explained to her. “He rather gave me a piece of his mind for sanctioning you leave every weekend,” I added. Kiran walked out of the office, and came back within minutes, now beaming with her Binaca-smile. “Sir, I got the leave sanctioned by the Principal,” she informed me. I congratulated her for her doggedness. Years later, I read her biography “I Dare” by Parmesh Dangwal. She had been portrayed as a tough, no-nonsense police officer. That, no doubt, she is. But I could find only one reference in the book, to her having ever cried. That was when she lost the Northern India Tennis Championship of 1972 to an Australian. She had approached the opponent earlier with sympathy during the rest periods when the latter was trailing. When Kiran finally lost, “she was ashamed of herself that evening and had a hearty cry”. I had read somewhere in my primary classes long years back that a person who would not laugh and cry was not a human being but a block of stone. Kiran’s laughter is, of course, infectious. But her crying that day in Phillaur showed her up as a person with normal human emotions. That memory I cherish much more than her image as a tough police officer.
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Is SAARC relevant in a globalised world? IS anyone really interested in the SAARC experiment? Pakistan is not. Bangladesh and Nepal are doubtful cases. As for Sri Lanka, its trade and industry were not interested in SAARC. True, they have changed their stance of late. So, who are interested in the SAARC experiment? Bhutan and the Maldives? Should we have this make-believe of an economic association just because others exist? Should India subsidise the region? And what for? These are all fundamental questions and they begin to bother you the more you are confronted with evidence of China’s economic miracle. And China has done it all alone. India dominated the world of commerce for 2000 years. Its ships sailed to the far corners of the world. It produced cotton 2000 years before others and clothed the soldiers of Darius, the conqueror, in cotton uniforms. Behind all these were the highly enterprising Vaishya community and India’s great master craftsmen, with millennia of experience to their credit. Only the Phoenicians came anywhere near the achievements of the Vaishyas. It is not enough to say that the British destroyed our business and crafts. It took the Chinese no time to recover their skills. Why is it that India continues to lag behind? If China can do it, so we can. We must find out how China has done it. We have been associated with SAARC for 20 years. SAARC is a complete flop. It produces one commodity: hatred. We blame Pakistan. We ignore our own failures. The point I want to make is this: this blaming others must stop. SAARC was not India’s idea. Is it still relevant? Is it still sound? That is what we want to know. Nowhere is human degradation so abject as in South Asia. It must shame any sensitive soul to action. But it has not shamed the politicians of the SAARC region. About 40 per cent of its people live below the poverty line. Half its people are illiterate and the lot of the women is one of the worst. Everywhere, governance is breaking down because administrators are unable to cope up with the population explosion. Power has obsessed the politicians. It has warped their mental outlook. They have no mission today to speak of. What is worse while the political process reduces the landscape of their constituencies, the economic landscape keeps expanding to the limits of the world. SAARC is the largest economic association in the world. It is rich in resources. Its people are among the most skilled. About 500-600 million of its 1500 million people have effective purchasing power. This has no parallel. We have failed to capitalise on it. Instead, South Asians continue to wallow in religious fundamentalism and ethnic exclusivity. For this, South Asia’s political system is responsible. We will not change it because it suits every Tom, Dick and Harry. But it can be changed. It needs political will. We are not without a vision. We have vision: of a free trade area by 2008, customs union by 2015 and economic union by 2020. And we are supposed to draw up a charter on population limit, primary education, empowerment of women, protection of children and so on. The paper work is fine. But the group of eminent persons was not sure whether SAARC has a future. That is why they recommended the creation of homogenous sub-groups. They said one has to be practical. But we are all eminently impractical. So we have done nothing so far. The Exim Bank has suggested a three-zonal approach: (1) North-East of India (including Nepal, Bangla, Bhutan) (2) South of India (including Sri Lanka, the Maldives) and (3) North-West of India (including Pakistan). This will stop Pak interference. A “free trade area” is far, far away. Before that, SAARC must achieve a common currency, a monetary union and a clearing union. We have not even begun work on these. Twenty years ago, when the SAARC idea was born, there was no globalisation. Nations were still sovereign. Today they are forced to open up their markets, reduce their tariffs and facilitate capital movement. In short, what the economic associations sought to achieve was achieved in one stroke. And that on a global scale. Pakistan is the only offender. Others have fallen in line with the Wall Street. The two-nation theory states that Hindus and Muslims cannot live together. But can they live together in a larger formation like SAARC? Can they live together in a globalised community? Logic demands that Pakistan must remain pure. It should join no association, least of all a Hindu-dominated association like SAARC. Many people will not agree to a SAARC without Pakistan. But that is because they have not thought through the whole gamut of ideas about India’s destiny. India’s future lies in the East, not in the West. Mynmar and Indo-China are more important to India than Pakistan. Nations form economic associations to improve economies of scale in production and to expand the export prospects. India has a huge domestic market. It neither wants economies of scale (except in defence) nor is its need of the market so important. In short, SAARC is not that important to India. But regional groups have their uses. For example, BIMTEC and Mekong Project. That is why sub-groups have been suggested as a sensible alternative. I have my own views on this. I think four sub-groups should be created: (1) India, Nepal, Bhutan (2) India, Bangla (3) India, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and (4) India and Pakistan. The first and the third are homogenous. They will be successful. Let us encourage them. It is Pakistan which was the cause for SAARC’s debacle. It has hurt the interests of the entire SAARC community. But the community has remained mute. This cannot be allowed to continue. The deaf-mutes must speak. India and Sri Lanka are true to their commitment to SAARC. They have signed an accord on free trade, thus setting a precedent for others. They are working towards zero tariff and have the most liberalised economic regimes. But all these can be frustrated if India insists on extraditing of Prabhakaran. Can we be that foolish? Nepal’s greatest asset is its renewable water and power potential. India needs both. The test of Nepal’s sincerity will lie in its willingness to share them with India. If it is not, we should go strictly by the principle of reciprocity. We should have this approach to Bangladesh too if it is unwilling to allow a transport corridor, when it is amenable to have the Asian highway and railroad linking Asia with Europe passing through Bangladesh. Twenty years may not be long enough in the life of associations. But it is long enough to know the nature of its soul. The soul of SAARC is putrid with hatreds of all kinds. |
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At home with many spouses BARELY into her 20s, Umra is the mother of 10 children. All the children may not be by her, but they call her "mother", as they do Umra's four sisters-in-law. Umra belongs to a tribal community of Uttaranchal in which polyandry and polygamy are common practices. Married to five brothers, Umra is the oldest daughter-in-law and the uniting thread of the household. And the men are all "father" to the 10 children. For a family like Umra's that depends on agriculture and animal husbandry for a living, this archaic social system prevents fragmentation of land. It also provides a reliable division of labour while tilling the fields. "Agriculture is expensive and also requires considerable amount of labour for repairing terraces every year. During the crop season, the entire household — men, women and children -- is engaged in agricultural operations," he added. The preponderance of the male population could be another cause for this social practice. S.K. Basu of the National Institute of Health and Family Welfare, while researching the lifestyle of the tribes of Jaunsar-Bawar in 1993, found a sex ratio of 103 females per 1,000 males. Till 1960, female infanticide was apparently a common practice among these tribals. It is now on the decline, thanks to mass awareness campaigns. In the Kolta tribe living here who call themselves descendants of the Pandavas, the heroes of the "Mahabharat", when a woman is married to the oldest brother, the other brothers also become her husbands. The men are permitted to take other wives. All children born to the family have common parents and nobody quarrels over property. Unlike many Indian societies where divorce or remarriage are still frowned upon, these are common among the Koltas. However, there is a price tag attached to it. A woman can divorce her husband only by paying some money in the presence of the village administration. In most cases, it is the woman's next husband who pays the sum to the former husband. The sum could range from Rs.15,000-100,000. IANS |
Japan cheers Nobel winner JAPAN’S grim legions of white-collar workers could take heart on Thursday when front pages touted the surprise award of a Nobel chemistry prize — not to an ivory tower academic, but to a “salaryman scientist”. Japanese from cabinet ministers to the man and woman in the street applauded 43-year-old Koichi Tanaka for winning the 2002 Nobel Prize in Chemistry a day earlier along with John Fenn of the USA and Switzerland’s Kurt Wuethrich. Tanaka, an engineer at precision equipment maker Shimadzu Corp, was Japan’s fourth science Nobel laureate in three years, belying the country’s image as a research also-ran. A day earlier, Masatoshi Koshiba had won the award for physics. Tanaka was also the second youngest Japanese to receive the prize, a point highlighted by Education Minister Atsuko Toyama. Reuters Do you still have sex, Ms President? In the wide-open Philippine media, nothing is off-limits - even the President’s sex life. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was addressing foreign correspondents at a luncheon on Wednesday when, in the midst of questions about terrorism and foreign policy, she got a less-than-staid query. “Do you still have sex?” the 55-year-old President was asked by a reporter in the audience. “Plenty,” she said. Laughing, Arroyo added: “That’s going to be the headline. Please make foreign policy the headline.” But Arroyo, the daughter of a past Philippine President, admitted that finding time for her family-including her husband, “First Gentleman” Mike Arroyo, a lawyer who now does mainly charity work-isn’t easy. “My father always used to tell me that for a public servant, the priority should be God first, then country, and the family should be last,” Arroyo said. So, the husband should be last? she was asked. “Well, the husband is included in the family, so that’s true,” she said, explaining that she delayed getting into public service until her children “were old enough to fend for themselves.”
AP Lemon juice as a contraceptive Australian scientists believe they have rediscovered an effective use for lemon juice — as a contraceptive and also a killer of the AIDS virus. Reproductive physiologist Roger Short, from the University of Melbourne’s obstetrics department, said a few drops of lemon juice can be a cheap, easy-to-use solution to protect women from both HIV and pregnancy. The juice should be squeezed onto a piece of sponge or cotton wool and placed into the vagina before sex, he said. “We can show in the lab that lemon juice is very effective in immobilising human sperm and also very effective in killing HIV,” Short told Australian Broadcasting Corp television in a science programme.
Reuters |
He who sent you calls you back. Travel happily and return home comfortably, Sing the bliss of union with the Lord. Enjoy the Eternal Kingdom Come Home O friend. The Lord will remove your sufferings. Your troubles will be ended. The Lord is manifested in the Master. He destroys and removes sufferings. The welcoming music is playing, And the Lord will welcome you there. Be firm and have no doubts; The Word of the Master will sustain you. His glory pervades the world. His court is resplendent. He sent us into this life, And it is He who is calling us back. The creator has done a wonder. O Nanak, all glory be to Him, the True One. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib *** Every soul shall taste of death; and you shall only receive your recompenses on the Day of Resurrection.... The life of this world is a cheating fruition. — The Quran *** Thou must daily die a thousand deaths and come to life again, that thou mayest win the life immortal. — Abu ’I - Hasan Khurqani *** I know that there will be life hereafter. — Uttaradhyayana sutra *** The Father shall not die for the children, neither shall the children die for the fathers, but every man shall die for his own sins. — The Bible *** Live so as to be claimed after death to be burned up by the Hindus and to be buried by the Muslims. — A Hindi proverb *** The dead is the pilot of the living. — A Tamil proverb |
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