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BJP caught
in the act Rising
sexual crimes |
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Democratic
setup under siege
Love in
times of jihad
Between
the public world & private life
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Rising sexual crimes The
National Human Rights Commission Chairperson, Justice KG Balakrishnan's anxiety over the rising incidents of violation of women's rights, including sexual assault, is not the least misplaced. Apart from the horrifying incidents of sexual abuse reported repeatedly in the media there is more reason for distress. Recently the UNICEF report “Hidden in Plain Sight” brought to the fore the glaring violence endured by young women at the hands of their spouses. According to the UN report, 77 per cent Indian teenage girls are subjected to sexual violence by their partners. No doubt sexual crimes are not specific to India alone. But the shameless manner in which crimes continue to be committed and the impunity with which the culprits invariably get away finds few parallels. It's not as if India is sitting tight and has not taken any initiatives. In the wake of the barbaric 2012 gang-rape in Delhi, the Justice Verma Committee made recommendations for a more stringent rape law. Parliament passed the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013, which also brought acid attacks, stalking and voyeurism under its purview. But all those who believed that tougher laws would help check the rising graph of sexual crimes stand dismayed. In fact, each time the drive to combat sexual assaults gains momentum it is waylaid by rhetoric and jargon. In a country where ministers propagate outlandish and ludicrous beliefs and proclaim that cell phones and non-vegetarian food encourage rape, clearly there is very little understanding of the gravity of the situation. Even though occasionally right noises are matched with affirmative action, the ground reality steeped in patriarchal values refuses to change. Instead of seeking comfort in the supposed silver linings — more women are finding the courage to report such crimes, more percentage of such crimes are being investigated — there is need to ensure the safety of women. Besides better policing and implementation of the laws in letter and spirit, society has to come forward and nurture the girl child. For unless both society and the government take a 'no-tolerance' stance against gender violence, offenders will continue to get away and women will be constantly accosted by the shadow of fear. |
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A man may be a fool and not know it, but not if he is married. |
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The problem of Indian emigration IN his opening speech at the Imperial Legislative Council His Excellency the Viceroy dealt at length with the question of the Emigration of Indians into the British Colonies. His Excellency referred to the South African settlement and gave an account of the situation at Canada. His Excellency blamed the Kamagata Maru enterprise and seemed to think that the persons who organised the demonstration were alone to blame for the sufferings of the men. He sympathised with the sufferers who were now stranded in Japan and said that he had requested His Majesty's Consul at Kobe to repatriate the unfortunate passengers at Government expense in the case of those who were without means. Proceeding to consider the general question and the prospects of a settlement His Excellency said that in order to change the position of isolation to which India had drifted and to endeavour to secure for us Indians advantage that were now denied it was necessary to try a policy of co-operation by negotiation with the colonies "on a basis of complete reciprocity." Congress delegates and war MESSRS. Bhupendra Nath Basu, A. Jinnah, Lajpat Rai, N.M. Smarth and S. Sinha, members of the Congress deputation now in London, have published the following statement: "We, the undersigned, having come to England as members of Indian National Congress Deputation, desire to convey to the British public the strong feeling in India that under the grave circumstances of the European situation, India stands firm in support of His Majesty's Government, being convinced that future welfare of the Indian people is bound up with the welfare of the British people." |
Democratic setup under siege THERE was a time when people in Pakistan came to the streets to defend their democratic system from the onslaught by the military which wanted its say in the country's affairs. Today, the same people want the military to intervene to save whatever is left of the democratic structure in their country. This was visibly seen when the popularly elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif met the Chief of the Army Staff, Gen Raheel Sharif, to request him to assist. Nawaz Sharif thought that he could get away quietly with a civilian Prime Minister seeking military help. But the army has issued an official press release to state that the Prime Minister made the request which the army chief did not accept. The army's explanation was that traditionally its role in a democratic setup was to defend the country, not to run it. In fact, Prime Minister Sharif has brought this misery upon himself. His mis-governance has alienated the people. They want him and his brother, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, to quit and hold mid-term polls. Instead, Nawaz Sharif had a resolution passed by parliament to back him. It does not help the situation because both of his opponents, Imran Khan of Tehreek-i-Insaaf and Qadiri of Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT), are from the civil. Some leaders opposed to Nawaz Sharif have demanded mid-term polls. Their thinking is that people must once again decide whether they want Nawaz Sharif, who has lost lustre or someone else should run the government. Whether fresh elections would throw up any other leader who is acceptable to Sindh, North Western Province and Baluchistan, apart from Punjab, is in the realm of conjecture. Yet the once-hated military would get sanction from the people to run the administration if polls were to be held. Whether or not world opinion accepts it, the military appears to be the only unifying factor. However, it is reluctant to intervene as the meeting of army commanders has revealed. Still what has happened in Pakistan is a soft coup. The army is at the centre of whatever is happening in the country. The mood of the people was to see the back of the army. But in the current situation, the question being asked is what is the way out. Pakistan has faced such a situation many a time before. Willingly or unwillingly, the military has ruled the country for 37 years, half of the period since Independence. No democratic country wants the army to rule it. A few opposition leaders were candid enough to say that the army should have a role in the country's governance. However, leading political parties are not prepared for it. Still the question that confronts Pakistan is the type of polity it should have to have all on board, including the military. Gen Zia-ul-Haq, who did the greatest harm to Pakistan’s democratic system as a martial law administrator, said that probably a Turkey-like model which recognises a military role in governance would strengthen the Pakistan system. The Turkish constitution lays down that the army can intervene if and when democracy is derailed. But it was rejected by the popular elected leaders. Today, the army is acting as a go-between to convey the viewpoint from one political faction to another. It is considered a neutral party. There is enough evidence of this in Islamabad as the popular cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan is calling the shots. He has declared that his men-who are protesting in the streets of the capital itself-will not leave until Nawaz Sharif has submitted his resignation. PAT's Qadri, a fundamentalist, too has joined the chorus to get rid of Nawaz Sharif. Contact with the people is the basic requirement of democracy. And Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has maintained it through public meetings. His stance is that whatever they are doing tantamounts to defending the institutions to sustain democratic and constitutional machinery in Pakistan. Not long ago, Nawaz Sharif was pulled down by the army from prime ministership. His call on the army chief now to intervene is a full turnabout. But he does not realise that the army will have no hesitation in staging a coup as and when it feels or whenever the situation demands. That is the reason why Nawaz Sharif brings in parliamentary democracy in his statements to underline that the role of the army can, at best, be only temporary. Even then the intervention by the armed forces is becoming too frequent in Pakistan. The people are getting used to it and associating stability with the military's governance. This feeling is anti-democratic in content because the discipline of soldiers tantamount to authoritarianism in contrast to the people's participation in a democratic society. One feels sorry over the spectacle in Pakistan. People there are no different from those in India. But mis-governance at the top made the army to walk in once. Gen Ayub Khan, the then army chief, took advantage and imposed the martial law. His rule lasted eight years. And once the army took over, its influence stayed even after the troops went back to the barracks. Since then the situation in Pakistan has remained in flux. In fact, the strong methods used by the army were responsible for East Pakistan's secession, giving birth to Bangladesh. Unfortunately, both Pakistan and Bangladesh, however democratic in declaration, are essentially at the receiving end of a telephone call from the military headquarters. Still whatever has been retained in the form of elections gives democracy a flicker of hope. A retired military army official has predicted that Nawaz Sharif would come back with a reduced strength if mid-term polls were to be held. Nonetheless, it would be a sad end to the people's rule because a democratically elected Prime Minister is being asked to step down by people like Imran Khan, who has only 38 seats in a House of 342 members, including 60 reserved seats. But how long it would take for elections to be held or what shape they assume is anybody’s guess. Until then, the democratic setup in Pakistan is under siege.
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Love in times of jihad My
relationship with my father is like a chessboard. Black squares for silence and white for peace. But rarely colorful. Yet, I believe that no one can leave a better impression, good or bad, on a man's psyche than his father. While a mother teaches values to shape one’s character, the action, behaviour and advice of a father leaves an imprint on one's thinking process and personality. Though we are rarely on the same page on the majority of issues, I remember his secular line of thinking in these days of angry reactions to love jihad. It was the time of the troubled 1980s. Relations between Hindus and Sikhs were on the knife’s edge. When Operation Bluestar happened and a curfew was imposed, he was trapped far away in Patna, where he was posted. When he finally returned, he narrated how the lives of Sikhs in other states were threatened. We hardly slept that night. The next morning there was a knock on the door. Who had come at this hour? He got worried but opened the door. There was an old Sikh priest, who tried to hug Dad weeping. “I heard you were badly treated. We must retaliate.” My father shoved him away. “Don't exploit our emotions. If there was peace in Punjab, there would have been peace outside also.” A few months later, he was trapped in anti-Sikh riots. His Hindu friends and trainees saved him. Back home, during our rare morning walk together, he said there was only one way to end the hatred. That was Hindu-Sikh marriages. “I wish one of my two sons marry a Hindu girl.” And that I did. Can Hindus, Sikhs, Muslims, Christians kill one another when tied in such knots? Swords and pens are out on love jihad these days. Even the marriage between India’s Sania and Pakistan's Shoib Malik has been targeted. So much that Sania’s nationalism is questioned. Kapil’s comedy nights has brought Indian and Pakistani artistes together. Why indulge in war and riots when we can have love and laughter together? A friend of mine feels it is all because of lack of trust. Talking on a lighter note, he narrated an interesting episode on how he earned by the trust of a complete stranger. At a media conference a few years ago, he met an old flame. All participants, including some from South East Asia, stayed in the same guest house. He managed to sneak in her room late at night as her roommate had not arrived. Both caught up with old times when well past midnight there was a knock on the door. First gentle, then a loud one. As both were startled at the impending scandal if caught, they took time to decide and face the situation. When they opened the door, they saw a beautiful Pakistani girl, clad in a ravishing long kurta and salwar, pulling in two big suitcases. She was confused to see them. “I didn't know they had put males and females together in a room. I don't think I can go to another room. What should we do?” “No no..you stay”, my friend told her. I had just come for chit chat. She was scared alone, you know,” my friend said. The Pak girl rolled her eyes. When they met again at the conference, her gaze made it clear that she had understood everything. To end his panic, fearing a scandal if she spread the word, the girl whispered to him while munching the lunch, “Your secret is safe. Long live Indo-Pak friendship!”
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Between the public world & private life
INCREASINGLY in our lives, the issue of privacy is becoming a serious one and most of us are not really aware of the legal and ethical complexities of the situation. Traditionally, privacy has been seen as an individual concern centring around domestic spaces which are conceptualised as private spaces, while streets, parks and other public places are seen as public spaces where privacy is necessarily limited. An uninvited person in your house may be prosecuted, a person looking through your window may be labelled a “peeping Tom” or voyeur, no one is legally allowed to open any envelopes addressed to you. However, what about reading your e-mail-even personal e-mail? Tracking your car? Keeping track of which websites you visit? Monitoring movements in the office space through smart ID cards? Is the office space a private space or a public space? Do you have any rights to privacy as an employee? These were some the questions that we asked employers and employees in large and small corporations in Pune, Kolkata and Hyderabad as part of a larger research project on the use of New Media in India. The huge silence that was the official response to these questions told its own story. Not a single company — large or small — not a single employee was willing to speak to us “on the record.” “Off the record” many employees and employers told us of their experiences. Photograph that launched a
divorce The couple in the photograph sued the newspaper for violation of privacy, which led to the breakdown of two marriages. The court, however, ruled that because the act took place on a railway platform, it was a “public” act and therefore no violation of privacy took place. Privacy vs
security The huge silence that was the official response to these questions on privacy told its own story. Not a single company — large or small — not a single employee was willing to speak to us "on the record." "Off the record" many employees and employers told us of their experiences. All theorists and sociologists seem to agree that privacy is a quality that is beneficial to individuals and society as a whole, while activists argue that the right to privacy is a fundamental human right. A Chicago city representative justified the use of such cameras by saying that about 4,500 crimes were solved over five years by using camera footage. However, he did not mention that more than a million crimes had taken place during the same time period. Thus surveillance cameras led to only a very small fraction of convictions.
In many workplaces, employees have to surrender all their personal communication devices, such as cell phones, tablets, at the entrance. They are returned at the end of the day. No personal email accounts may be accessed and no personal phone calls may be made during work hours. Neither may Facebook or other social networking sites be accessed. Many said they believed this was to safeguard the information available to employees and to prevent corporate espionage. Some employees said that they thought these sort of prohibitions were acceptable as corporate security was a matter of concern. A few, however, told us that they felt alienated from the company because of this lack of trust and felt that if anyone was really intending to divulge corporate secrets, they would be able to bypass the strict rules. Insidious surveillance The more insidious kinds of surveillance however existed in places where such prohibitions did not exist so clearly. Many employees said that, though they had no real proof, they had the feeling that their personal communication over the Internet was monitored by their employers, whether they had been generated at the office or at home. Many of the employees also worked on projects from home and through internet connections, so the physical division of work and home was not so distinct. Many of them used devices given to them by their employers and so felt that they were always under the surveillance of their employers. That was the only way they could explain otherwise inexplicable decisions such as new team compositions, unexpected projects given to them etc. Many of them said that they had signed a contract when they joined which had a security clause but had never read these clauses. Employers, on the other hand, claimed that employees were fully aware of company privacy policies and had agreed to abide by them. In-house networks In many large corporations, there are in-house networks which all employees may use for both professional and social reasons. These seem to be popular and the administrators also use them to announce new policies, new contracts and to circulate other important messages. These networks also have social sections and many employees find them useful and entertaining. For example, in case of transfers from one city to another, these networks can help in finding an apartment, selling a car, locating a good school etc. Some even have a kind of dating service where employees are encouraged to “meet” and find partners from within the organisation. Yet, these too are monitored. Not only do complaints and cribbing grab the attention of the bosses, but even good-natured teasing can lead to administrative decisions. One employee told us that she was teasing a friend of hers for successfully having convinced his boss that the work he had been assigned would take much longer than it actually would. That meant he could take things easy for a while. When this post came to the attention of the bosses, he was pulled up and given a different assignment. Trouble makers Some administrative decisions were criticised on these sites. Sometimes steps were taken to address the problems, but also a few employees would be identified as “trouble makers” and long-term decisions would be guided by such assessments. Everyone had to remember that they were under surveillance all the time. One of the problems in the debates and discussions surrounding the issue of privacy is that it is very difficult to define what should be private. Is domestic violence within a family a private affair? Does it matter to anyone if my sexual preferences are non-conventional? Is my 'selfie' on Wassup a private possession or can it be used by anyone in whatever way they wish to? Yet all theorists and sociologists seem to agree that privacy is a quality that is beneficial to individuals and society as a whole, while activists argue that the right to privacy is a fundamental human right. The removal of privacy is taken to extremes only as a form of punishment as in concentration camps and other penal structures. Panoptical model The most famous model for the removal of privacy is the Panoptical model for the perfect prison developed by Jeremy Bentham in the late 18th century. This architectural style would make it possible for one watchman to watch each inmate in his cell all the time. Though, of course, this would be physically impossible, it is the fear of being under surveillance that would influence the prisoner and he would consequently modify his behaviour even though no one was actually watching him. Making an individual visible in all her actions and words is itself an exercise of power. If you have visited the Cellular Jail in Port Blair, you will have seen how each prisoner was isolated and turned into a subject of colonial power. In the Panoptican model, the individual is the object of such visibility, never the willing participant. It may be that the employer does not always actually monitor each conversation, but the possibility of monitoring is itself enough for the exercise of control. In these conditions of surveillance, what happens is the exact opposite of what happens in collective action where many individuals merge into a single mass with a common consciousness. Instead, the crowd or group with its potential of multiple conversations is separated and reconstructed as a collection of isolated individualities who cannot communicate in private with each other. Surveillance systems In schools and colleges across India too, teachers and administrators are colluding to create surveillance systems to create information about their students. Some schools have forbidden teachers to interact with their students on popular networks such as Facebook, Twitter or Wassup, while others encourage teachers to become “friends” with their students in order to “eavesdrop” on the conversations that take place. Once again, the public world of the student merges with her private life and teachers become privy to all sorts of gossip, information and incidents that are shared by the student body. Often, action is taken on these communications. In some schools and colleges, daily attendance records and grades are put up on websites which are accessible by the parents of the students. Thus, parents and teachers can collude to enforce disciplinary regimes through the use of surveillance. In all the instances discussed above, one of the concerns is the question of power relations. Information is always in the hands of and in the control of those who wield power over the persons who are made visible through the exercise of surveillance. While surveillance of their citizens by governments has always raised debates about the right to privacy, it seems that the corporate intrusions into the private worlds of their employees or subordinates have happened quietly and in the name of justifying greater efficiency. Similarly, the need for security has become a justificatory argument for the state, at the international level, on the street and in our homes. Most gated communities will ask for a visitor's name, mobile number, address, licence number of his car and reason for the visit. Cameras have been installed on streets, inside lifts, on school and college campuses and in many public spaces. According to some, this increased surveillance makes them feel safer. However, most studies, such as the summary of several studies across the globe put together by the Harvard Kennedy School show that the surveillance system only yield a decrease in crime that is very marginal and in many cases crime is 'displaced' to spaces which are not covered by surveillance cameras. A Chicago city representative justified the use of such cameras by saying that about 4,500 crimes were solved over five years by using camera footage. However, he did not mention that more than a million crimes had taken place during the same time period. Reduction of crime Thus surveillance cameras led to only a very small fraction of convictions. In other studies in US cities, it was found that while certain crimes were reduced after the installation of cameras, such as car theft from parking lots, others like shootings or robberies were not. Interestingly, one of the best results came from a study in South Korea, which claimed that in some places, crime had reduced by 47 per cent after the installation of cameras. The chilling representation of the Big Brother in Orwell's dystopian novel 1984 foretold a story of government surveillance of citizens where the Big Brother was literally omnipresent and omniscient. In Michel Foucault's discussion of modern society as a panoptican structure, he showed how the fear of surveillance was enough to lead to modified behaviour. In our world today, we seem to accept that a loss of privacy is a small price to pay for security, safety and efficiency. Perhaps that is why there have been no questions asked as the state, institutions and corporations have been busy introducing the surveillance state in India. Or maybe we are all aware that a Big Brother is watching us from somewhere. The writer is a Professor & Chairperson
Department of English and former head of School of Media studies and Communication, Jadavpur University
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