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Taxes in Punjab, at last |
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Democracy undermined
Rise in honour crimes
Fulfil commitments to Dhaka
Seeking independence
Mythology in modern medicine
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Taxes in Punjab, at last
The
ruling SAD-BJP alliance in Punjab has finally mustered the courage to impose some new taxes — without which it would have been reduced to merely a salary-paying agency, as development works had virtually come to a halt. There are bills for around Rs 1,600 crore that are on hold; VAT refunds to traders are not being made; power utilities are not being reimbursed for the subsidy; and the government is pushing its credit limit with the Centre. That the BJP — a relatively less important partner in the second consecutive stint of the alliance — has accepted the proposals to impose property tax and increase VAT on several goods is appreciable, even if inevitable. It is likely to be affected politically the most, for it is the urban voter that will be hit the hardest. The gains from this exercise — if there are no rollbacks, as with the 5 per cent VAT on sugar — would be substantial. Besides the Rs 900 crore estimated as direct collection on account of the new taxes, it would pave the way for many Central grants, held up since long as Punjab refused to show any fiscal discipline. Funds under the JNNURM would now be forthcoming, particularly because the state has decided to impose a property tax. The Centre was refusing to give any money for urban development as the state was not committing any money to the cause. After the abolition of octroi, there had been no alternative regular source of income for local bodies, and the state’s towns were going to seed. The move to delay the retirement of employees for two years is a cynical way of saving money — for that period — but would add Rs 1,000 crore a year to the kitty nonetheless. There are two sides to a balance sheet — income and expenditure. Now that the politically strong SAD has taken the plunge in imposing fresh taxes, it may as well tighten the belt too, especially for the freeloaders in the government — the multitude of Chief Parliamentary Secretaries, non-ministers with the rank of Cabinet Minister, and chairmen of non-functional bodies. The biggest bullet to bite, of course, would be a relook at the subsidies.
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Democracy undermined
The
Congress at the Centre can learn a lot from its government in Haryana in handling a stubborn Opposition and pushing legislative work. First, the session itself should be the briefest possible. The Haryana Vidhan Sabha met just for three days – that too to meet the constitutional obligation. Then if the Opposition misbehaves, throw it out of the House. The Opposition in Haryana had a number of issues to corner the government – prominent of these being the Rohtak Apna Ghar sex scandal and the arrest of Gopal Krishan Kanda in connection with the suicide of an air hostess. When the INLD members raised the Kanda issue on the first day, a helpful Speaker disallowed it. He adjourned the House thrice but did not permit a discussion. When the INLD legislators persisted with protests, the Speaker suspended all of them for the rest of the session. But there is a difference. In Parliament the Congress wants to debate the coal scam while the BJP keeps disrupting the proceedings. In Haryana the Congress and the Speaker have not allowed the Opposition to debate important issues. The Bhupinder Singh Hooda government had shamed itself by having Kanda as a Minister of State for Home. It cannot plead ignorance to the immoral activities of Kanda. All that the Chief Minister says on the issue is that the Delhi police is investigating and the law will take its own course. What he conveniently ignores is: why did he appoint him a minister in the first place? The INLD can exploit the Kanda issue only up to a point because before joining the Congress government, Kanda had hobnobbed with INLD leaders. By having a short Vidhan Sabha session without the participation of the Opposition and by passing 18 Bills without debate within three days, 11 of these in a few hours on the last day of the session, the Hooda government has undermined democracy. On its part, the Opposition could have behaved in a more responsible way.
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Rise in honour crimes
Women
organisations demanding a special law to deal with a growing number of honour crimes were aware of the political considerations at work behind the reluctance of the Central government to even present a draft of this legislation in Parliament. But they were not prepared for its quiet burial. The GoM (Group of Ministers) constituted in mid-2010, headed by former Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, to look into the amendments, or drafting of special legislation to deal with “honour” crimes, no more lists among the functional GoMs in the Cabinet Secretariat website. Meanwhile, the incidents of brutal violent attacks on innocent young couples, who assert their constitutionally protected right for the marriage of their choice, are increasing, especially in Haryana, Punjab and Western Uttar Pradesh. Even J &K has not remained untouched by it. An 18-year-old girl from Budgam was killed by her siblings to save “honour” of the family. As usual, no authentic data is available on the number of honour killings, because most couples who are killed for “honour” are either reported as missing, or the crime is registered under the general category. According to figures collected by some NGOs, close to 900 honour killings take place every year. For the family of Manoj (of the Manoj-Babli case), for the two widows who were lynched in Ratia village of Haryana and hundreds of other victims of “honour,” the road to justice is further prolonged by the government apathy. For AIDWA (All-India Democratic Women’s Organisation) and HRLN (Human Rights Law Network), which had been demanding the passage of a special piece of legislation, the setback is frustrating not only because precious lives are lost, but also because this denial by the government poses a threat to civil liberties and democratic institutions. If the government bows down before unconstitutional bodies like khap panchayats, because they control large vote banks and under whose diktat most honour crimes are alleged to be carried out, whose doors will people knock when their basic rights are violated?
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In wisdom gathered over time I have found that every experience is a form of exploration. — Ansel Adams
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Fulfil commitments to Dhaka Ever since the Awami League led by Sheikh Hasina was swept to power in December 2008, winning 230 out of 299 parliamentary seats, the Bangladesh leader has spared no effort to seek improved ties with India. The 2008 electoral victory was all the more creditable as she had faced persecution and trumped up criminal charges by her political rivals. Interestingly, the judiciary in Bangladesh showed far greater maturity than its counterparts in Pakistan in dealing with politically motivated charges. More importantly, when Bangladesh was under emergency rule from January 11, 2007, the army chose not to impose martial law and the de facto military ruler, General Moeen U Ahmed, presided over elections that were largely free and fair, though many in Bangladesh found his actions controversial. General Moeen came from the first generation of Bangladesh army officers, which was not schooled in the dubious traditions of Pakistan’s Military Academy in Abbottabad. India is now seeing the emergence of a generation of military officials whose minds have not been poisoned by the venom and hate that are integral to the mindset of Pakistani army officers. This is a factor that India will have to bear in mind in forging military-to-military ties with Bangladesh. The chasm between the two ruling dispensations in Bangladesh, the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League and the Khaleda Zia-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), is so wide that the basic tenets that generally govern healthy competition between the ruling dispensation and the opposition are sadly missing in the country’s political life. While the Awami League has an abiding commitment to secularism, it was General Zia-ur-Rehman, the founder of the BNP, who removed the secular provisions of the country’s first constitution. Moreover, Khaleda Zia has a known propensity for encouraging the use of Bangladesh territory for separatist and Islamist violence against India and for giving the ISI a free hand to operate against India from Bangladesh soil. Sheikh Hasina, on the other hand, has been a regular target of extremist anti-Indian groups. There is evidence confirming that the 2004 assassination attempt against her involved the Al-Qaeda and ISI-linked Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami (HUJI), members of the BNP linked to the Bangladesh chapter of the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the HUJI, with HUJI leader Mufti Abdus Salam spending four months in Pakistan before the assassination attempt. Despite this, India should not be seen to be meddling in the internal affairs of Bangladesh. It was only appropriate that when the Prime Minister and other Indian dignitaries visited Bangladesh, they met opposition leader Khaleda Zia. Within weeks of taking over as Prime Minister, Sheik Hasina was confronted by a massive mutiny in Dhaka by the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), in February 2009. The mutiny was quelled by the army, but not before army officers, including the Director-General of the BDR, were brutally killed. More recently, there has been an abortive coup attempt, involving retired and serving military officers. Sheikh Hasina has faced a constant propaganda barrage because of allegedly selling out to India. Pro-Pakistani elements in the country have not been pleased by the manner in which she has firmly dealt with cadres of separatist Indian insurgent groups like ULFA, and taken on Islamist terror outfits like HUJI. India, in turn, has been keen to reciprocate, stressing cultural affinities in language, music, art, poetry and literature. The India-Bangladesh relationship gained momentum with the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Dhaka last year. Tariff barriers on imports from Bangladesh, including, most importantly, in textiles, have been removed, border management procedures streamlined and a credit of $1 billion extended for development and infrastructure projects in Bangladesh. The ultimate aim has been to create an environment wherein Bangladesh becomes an active partner in promoting access to our north-eastern states. Like elsewhere in the world, Indian economic assistance projects in Bangladesh are implemented more slowly than projects undertaken by China. This needs to be addressed. India should ensure that as promised, 500 MW of electricity is transmitted to Bangladesh by the summer of 2013. The two most sensitive issues in Bangladesh are those involving the sharing of river waters and demarcation and administration of the common land borders. Sharing of river waters is a highly sensitive issue in India also. In April 1977, then Defence Minister Jagjivan Ram visited Dhaka for finalising an interim accord for sharing of Farakka waters. Jagjivan Ram, who spoke fluent Bengali, stopped en route in Kolkata to consult the then Chief Minister, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, before he inked the accord in Dhaka. This accord was later approved by the Union Cabinet, despite objections from Charan Singh. Similarly, Prime Minister Inder Gujral held extensive discussions and even directly involved West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu in finalising the Farakka Accord of 1999. All these consultations were at the highest political level. But one of the most embarrassing diplomatic fiascos that India has faced arose when the West Bengal Chief Minister torpedoed an agreement that New Delhi and Dhaka had finalised on the sharing of the Teesta waters last year. It is difficult to apportion blame for this fiasco, as there are differing versions about the extent of consultations between New Delhi and Kolkata. But ways have to be found to address this issue. After having agreed to demarcate the land boundary between India and Bangladesh to fulfil commitments made by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1974, New Delhi is now being told by political parties in West Bengal and Assam that as 35,000 people in Indian enclaves, who have no passports or identity papers and have no great wish to leave their homes, will face problems, any constitutional amendments to implement the border agreement will be opposed. It is important for national parties to agree to ensure that this constitutional amendment is passed, especially as there is a national consensus on improving relations with Bangladesh. Mr L.K Advani had observed that the BJP’s campaign against illegal immigration from Bangladesh in no way detracts from its oft-stated desire “to see friendly and cooperative relations as befits the two countries whose shared past far outweighs certain differences created in recent times”. Has anyone examined the implications of not fulfilling our commitments on the political standing and stability of a friendly government headed by Sheikh Hasina that has acted courageously against terrorist groups waging war against India? It is imperative for the Government of India to fulfil the commitments made to Bangladesh, rather than succumbing to the compulsions of coalition
politics.
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Seeking independence I
WAS cosily sunk in the bed when the beeping mobile woke me up. With half-shut eyes, I tried to decipher the textual SMSs sent by some of my patriotic friends from overseas, hailing the dawn of the 15th of August. It spontaneously made me rewind Jawaharlal Nehru’s “Tryst with destiny” speech delivered from the ramparts of the Red Fort in 1947, on the eve of our motherland “awaking to life and freedom”. While I was still basking in that “solemn moment”, I realised that I had tripped some of my routine schedule, which I had meticulously been adhering to since my independence-robbing marriage: to open all the doors, make morning tea, set the momentum for daily household chores and take our pomeranian pet, Micky, for morning ablution. As I was yet to reconcile to the unusual happening, lo and behold, my wife arrived with bed tea and a bunch of newspapers. I pleasantly found the morning with some difference, having dawned after more than two decades of demanding matrimony. While sipping tea, my wife lavishly applauded the services rendered by me all these years in the interest of matrimonial peace. It appeared as if my performance appraisal report card was being prepared by her. She was at her charitable best when she decreed that in tune with the solemnity of the occasion, she was setting me free for a day to rejoice the way I wished. My eyes started beaming as I recapitulated my school days when we used to run out singing “Takhti pe takhti, takhti pe daana, kal kee chhutti, parson aana” on the announcement of an unexpected holiday. Echoing Nehru’s epoch-making declaration that “such moments come but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance”, I too realised that by granting a remission, my over-stressed husbandry was being gifted a breather. I immediately called my old-time friend and three others, and we gushed out like wild clouds. We chartered a list of activities: first, we paid our obeisance at the martyrs’ memorial followed by the distribution of fruits to the poor. We then drove into the Kasauli valley. We tracked for three hours to reach atop the Tilly’s hills where we unfurled the Tricolour. Though ours was much smaller as compared to the gigantic Tricolour fluttering in the premises of the Lawrence School, Sanawar, donated by the “tiranga-man”, Naveen Jindal, but the echo of the national anthem we sang there made the entire valley vibrant. It was indeed pulsating to hear the counter-echo of some people from across the hills also joining us in chorus. We took a “pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people” as championed by Nehru in his maiden address. The Gandhian prescription of “wiping every tear from every eye” made our eyes mist but heart more resolute to usher in an era of brotherhood of man. After celebrating the day in our own style as I returned home after midnight, my wife gently reminded me that the calendar had changed. I quietly slipped into sleep but Robert Frost’s dictum of “freedom lies in being bold” kept me awake internally to secure independence from starvation, female foeticide and, above all, human ignominy for all my
countrymen.
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Mythology in modern medicine
Mythological
beliefs are somewhat antagonistic to modern medical practice based on logical explanations. The modern medicine follows the standard scientific principles of demonstrability and repeatability of observations and phenomena. Most importantly, science can be taught to others and perpetuated through generations. Myth on the other hand defies logic, is often anecdotal, super natural and sometimes miraculous. Myth has preceded medicine with stories of witch doctors and magical cures. It also forms the core of medical history of different cultures. It is therefore natural to find the mythological roots of a large number of diseases, diagnostic signs and treatments in modern medicine. Allopathic medicine owes its origin largely to the Greek and Roman cultures with some contribution from the ancient Egyptian, Arabic and other European examples. The Indian (Vedic) and Chinese civilisations had their own systems of medicine which did not directly influence the European medicine in the past. It is only in the last century or so that the Eastern nomenclature have also invaded the global literature of medicine.
The Indian mythology of medicine is largely built around Dhanwantari, depicted as Vishnu, who emerged from the “ocean of milk” which was churned by the devas and the asuras. Dhanwantari held medical herbs in one hand and a pot containing the sanjeevani or nectar in another. He arose together with the moon (Lakshmi), Parijata (the tree of paradise) and a winged horse similar to Pegasus in Greek mythology. Dhanwantari was said to be reborn as a prince in Varanasi who lived as a hermit and wrote the Ayurveda. Dhanwantari apart, the god of medicine in Greek mythology was Asclepius, son of Apollo and Coronis. Asclepius was said to be rescued by cutting open the womb of his mother who was laid on the funeral pyre for being unfaithful to Apollo. Asclepius’ six daughters stand for various important themes of good health — Hygieia (personification of health, cleanliness and sanitation); Iaso (recuperation from illness); Aceso (healing process); Aglaea (beauty, splendour and glory); Panacea (universal remedy) and Meditrina (healing or recovery). The Greek gods constitute the very foundation of modern medicine. The Hippocratic Oath, which all doctors are traditionally administered, at least conceptually, begins by the invocation of all these gods. The coiled snake around a rod remains the symbol of medicine and cure in today’s medicine. The snake mythically represents healing in several cultures around the world. It is also said to symbolise rebirth, fertility and immortality. Most famously, the non-venomous snakes were let free to crawl around the sick and the injured in the temples of Asclepius such as at Epidaurus. Asclepius always carried the staff with one serpent coiled around the rod. Sheshnag in Hindu mythology holds the planet on his hood and sings the glories of Lord Vishnu. He is said to have loosened Mount Mandara to be used as a rod to churn the ocean of milk, which produced Dhanwantari along with the nectar. Asclepius’ birth by cutting open the womb is akin to the modern Caesarean section whose origin itself is woven around myth and tradition. It is said to be rooted in the Roman imperial law (lex Caesarea) around the 7th-8th century BC, which required that a child must be removed by cutting open the womb before burying a dead pregnant mother. Many associate the name Caesarean to the birth of Julius Caesar with this method — his mother Aurelia Cotta had lived as his advisor in his adulthood. Besides many others, Hindu king Bindusara was born to his mother, wife of Chandragupta Maurya in the same manner. Chanakya had cut the abdomen to save the baby alive. Medical text books are replete with meaningful mythological terms which signify an association with the ancient descriptions. Both, psychiatric and psychological sciences, which incorporate a large number of mythological terms, owe their origin to the Greek princess, Psyche (human spirit or mind), who married Eros, the god of love. Narcissism, used variably to denote from normal self-love, a personality trait to a mental disorder, is named after the prince Narcissus who was cursed by a goddess, who was spurned by him. Narcissus fell in love with his reflection in the water. Trying to embrace his “beautiful image” he drowned in the pond and turned into a flower, also known by his name Narcissus. Echo, the wood-nymph in deep love with Narcissus, kept following him to express herself, but could not speak unless in answer to some other voice, because of the curse of Hera. Echo kept wandering in the woods and constitutes the origin of ‘echolalia’ (automatic repetition of words or phrases) and echopraxis (involuntary mimicking of another’s movements). There are numerous other psychiatric terms derived from Greek gods — Phobias (fears) from Phobos, son of Aphrodite, the goddess of beauty who gave her name to ‘aphrodisiacs’; ‘priapism’ is named after Priapus, the god of reproductive power; ‘hermaphrodite’ to Hermaphraditus, another son of Aphrodite. Insomnia, the inability to sleep derives its name from Somnos, the Roman god of sleep; Hypnosis and euthanasia originate from the twin brothers Hypnus (sleep) and Thanatos (death). Morphine is named after Morpheus, one of the 1,000 children of Hypnus. There is a close relationship between mind and mythology. Psychiatric sciences, which deal with mind, therefore are close to mythological terms. Factually, a single mythological term is sometimes able to explain the whole gamut of a particular psychological concept or disease. For example, it is easy to understand about the Oedipus complex, Electra complex and Narcissism if one knows the Greek mythological history of Oedipus, Electra and Narcissus, respectively. Of course, the mythological terminology invades all other branches of medicine. Atlas, the first cervical vertebra holding the skull, shares its name with one of the Titans who supported the heavens on his shoulders. The symbols (and ) used for male and female sex, respectively, are the same used for Mars, the god of war and Venus, the goddess of love and beauty. Melanin, the black pigment in the skin and melanoma, the ‘black tumour’ derive their name from Melanie, the earth goddess, when clad in black to mourn for her daughter during the winter. Ondine’s curse, a rare medical disorder, is characterised by hypoventilation, episodes of cessation of breathing and sometimes death during sleep. It refers to the myth of Ondine, a water nymph, who had cursed her unfaithful mortal lover that he would forget to breathe if he should fall asleep. The disease Ondine’s curse almost fits into the classical description. Caput medussae, a clinical sign for engorged para umbilical veins in patients with portal hypertension, originates from the similarity of appearance to Medusa’s hair; originally a beautiful maiden working as a priestess in Athena’s temple; Medusas’ hair were turned into snakes by the curse of Athena, who caught her being raped by the Lord of the Sea – Poseidon. Achilles’ heel is another popular term which points to the point of weakness. Achilleus in Greek mythology was a great Trojan hero, who was invulnerable in all of his body except for his heel. We are also reminded of the same story from the Mahabharata where Karna, step-brother of the Pandavas, had the similarly vulnerable heel. It is not possible to make an exclusive list of such terms. It is much more elaborate than the few examples cited here. Their presence is not just glorious and mind-teasing, but reflects the continuity of progress of our knowledge and of an association with the past. Above all, it also speaks of the ever-prevailing wisdom of human mind. It is so much refreshing to believe that what we today believe as the myth was in fact the truth in the past. The writer is Professor and Head, Department of Pulmonary Medicine, Postgraduate Institute of Medical Education and Research, Chandigarh
Cultural symbolism
The mythological coiled snake personifies medicine in numerous cultures. In Hindu Puranas it was used to churn the ocean of milk to make nectar of life, the elixir of immortality. Asclepius, the Greek god of medicine, always carried the auspicious snake around his staff.
Mythological roots of the Hippocratic Oath
“I swear by Apollo, the Physician, and by Asclepius and by Hygieia and Panacea and by all the gods and goddesses, making them witnesses, that I will carry out, according to my ability and judgement, this oath and this indenture...”
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