The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Surrender drama
Ensure thorough, transparent investigation

The sorry spectacle of a former Haryana Home Minister failing to report to the police for investigations has thankfully come to an end with Gopal Kanda surrendering at a police station in Delhi, where he was formally arrested.

What is significant is that for 10 days, the businessman-turned-politician managed to evade arrest by the police forces of both Haryana and Delhi, in spite of an outstanding non-bailable warrant against him. This does not reflect well on the police nor on various people who allegedly sheltered him. Kanda, who was the Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Haryana government, resigned soon after a 23-year-old air-hostess, Geetika Sharma, allegedly committed suicide in Delhi on August 5. Sharma was employed as an air-hostess by Kanda’s now-defunct MDLR Airlines. Kanda and Sharma’s senior colleague, Aruna Chaddha, were reportedly named in a note left behind by Sharma, who accused them of harassing her. Chaddha is already in police custody.

The delay in the arrest of the former minister is once again an affirmation of the Orwellian adage: “Everyone is equal, but some are more equal than others.” There is no logical reason for the police not to have been able to arrest such a high-profile person as Kanda. Unfortunately, it has often been seen that arrests of high profile accused persons in a number of cases takes undue time, and there can be some substance in the allegation that Kanda had sufficient time to tamper with any evidence and thus may have compromised the investigation.

Now that the accused is in custody, the police should make an effort to thoroughly investigate the case. The accused must also fully cooperate with the police. Kanda is a public figure, and thus the police must ensure that the investigation is also transparent and fair so as to inspire confidence among the people at large. The accused has both political as well as financial muscle and thus there are apprehensions that he may be able to subvert the course of justice. The police and the judiciary must ensure that this is not allowed to happen.

Power struggle in Egypt
How Morsi eased out top Generals

Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi has proved to be smarter than the Generals who had set up the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) for governing Egypt after the fall of the Hosni Mubarak regime in the wake of the Tahrir Square uprisings.

He has made them resign, and they have almost accepted their fait accompli. Once the most powerful chief of SCAF, Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, and the dismissed Chief of Staff, Gen Sami Anan, have now been assigned the role of “advisers” to the President with no power to influence the administration. Morsi has described the change he has effected as being for the “benefit of this nation”. The two sidelined Generals appear to be helpless at the moment. But they must be busy quietly preparing for their next course of action.

Tantawi had been the Defence Minister for over two decades during the rule of the ousted dictator, Hosni Mubarak. He may try to upstage Morsi by using his contacts in different institutions the moment he gets the right opportunity. But there is a remote possibility of his being successful because his long association with Mubarak is his big minus point in Egypt today. Most Egyptians hate all those who had any connection with the former dictator.

Morsi succeeded in getting rid of the two powerful Generals because of the discontent against them among the junior officers of the armed forces. But he actually struck against the Generals when militants killed 16 Egyptian guards in the Sinai desert in a surprise attack. In July last year also Sinai militants terrorised Egyptians by raiding a town in the desert area. These militants are suspected to have links with Al-Qaida. Dealing with these elements effectively was the responsibility of SCAF. This development resulted in the top Generals being exposed as not being fit for running the administration. That they were knee-deep in corruption also got highlighted. Morsi felt encouraged to show them the door after the top Generals stood fully discredited. The Islamic Brotherhood, the parent organisation of Morsi’s party, and many other powerful groups have come out openly in support of Morsi’s decision. But Morsi himself is under watch, as people have very high expectations from him.

Thought for the Day

Keep your face to the sunshine and you cannot see a shadow. — Helen Keller

ARTICLE

Preparing for 2014 polls
The basic picture that stands out
by S. Nihal Singh

A pointer to the shape of things to come is the uneasy calm that has settled on the national Capital after Anna Hazare came and went followed by Baba Ramdev and his theatricals. The 66th Independence Day ceremonies are also behind us, but the looming image is of the long prelude to the 2014 general election. If the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance has been found wanting, the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party is consumed by its own contradictions.

The tragedy in Assam has reminded us of the combustible mix inter-ethnic tensions can lead to. The international scene is gloomy on the economic front, with events casting their long shadow. If Opposition cries of lack of leadership quality on the part of the government are justified, there is precious little to show in the ranks of the Opposition. And the kind of leadership shown by Mr Narendra Modi has tied the BJP in knots because he has proved to be such a divisive figure in the country.

Yet the wheels of politics are churning, and the logic of electoral battles ahead compels all politicians and parties to do their housekeeping and plan for the future. Beyond the declamations and accusations being hurled by one and all, a few verities have emerged. The two main parties and conglomerations will be led by Mr Rahul Gandhi and Mr Narendra Modi, the former because it is the logic of dynastic rule and the latter because the BJP has no alternative, despite the reservations of the party’s second rank leadership and its mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

Rumours about early elections are just that: no major party wants it, periodic trumpet-blowing notwithstanding. The confusion about the outcome of 2014 has been compounded by Mr L.K. Advani’s prognosis of a non-Congress and non-BJP leader emerging as Prime Minister. Mathematically, it is of course possible because the two main national parties are at a low ebb and regional and state leaders are asserting their constitutional rights. No well-wisher of the country can hope for such an outcome because we have the experience of weak vacillating governments of the 1990s to warn us.

A new element the next time around will be the role of energised and politicised civil society movements. But they in turn have been vitiated by partisan warfare. The Anna movement started with an anti-Congress and pro-BJP flavour and ended up espousing a political option because it had left itself no room by its latest series of fasts that led nowhere, given the government’s resolve not to repeat previous year’s mistakes.

Baba Ramdev committed the same mistake by pitching his demands high, complete with deadlines. Finally, realising that the Government had grown wiser in refusing to panic, he collected as many opposition parties as he could to pronounce an anti-Congress war. How much damage these two movements, now wedded to an anti-Congress theme, will be able to do remains to be determined. The latter is likely to prove more dangerous because he has a wide constituency built on yoga.

Inevitably, Indian politics is evolving, and the weak leadership displayed by UPA-II has only strengthened the hands of state rulers. The problem, of course, is an old one: there are simply too many chiefs, the only uniting factor being the lure for power. What is there to unite the Biju Janata Dal and the AIADMK? Mr Nitish Kumar is beset with the problem of seeking salvation in Bihar without the crutch of the BJP. Ms Mamata Banerjee has convinced herself that she knows best. And the BJP chief ministers, apart from Gujarat, will hew close to the central party line. The newly empowered RSS seems to have decided that, Mr Modi’s arbitrary and hedonistic views notwithstanding, he is the only effective leader in the pack.

It is, indeed, ironical that authoritarian chief ministers in the mould of Mr Modi have proved most effective though Ms Banerjee, rather new in office, negates such a conclusion. But there is more than a touch of opportunism in the manner in which the BJP climbed on the Anna bandwagon to begin with and, after its disillusionment, rooted for the anti-Congress theme of Baba Ramdev, bringing with it National Democratic Alliance constituents. Perhaps the reason is that after two failures following its sole six-year stint in power at the Centre, there is a touch of desperation in its efforts to succeed in 2014. Its dilemma is that the leader it is intending to field will scare away the bulk of minority vote. There is no Vajpayee-like figure to promote an inclusive leadership style.

Perhaps the political churning process will throw up new pointers and ideas. Some regional forces such as Ms Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party can tip the scales in favour of one of the two national parties, as opposed to post-poll alliances. And Mr Nitish Kumar is pragmatic enough to trim his sails to take advantage of the fair winds that are blowing.

The basic picture than stands out is that states and state leaders are set to play a larger role in Indian polity. This evolving trend is not necessarily bad. It can be argued that in the immediate years and decades of Independence, the overwhelming dominance of the party of Independence at the Centre and in the states was unhealthy (although beneficial for the cohesion of a fledgling nation) and distorted the intentions of the framers of the Constitution.

The Congress party fragmented twice since then and gave way to several off-shoots, however ephemeral their existence, to lead to a plethora of parties. The Left, for its part, split up into pro-Soviet and prop-Chinese camps, in addition to several other variations. The Jan Sangh transformed itself into the BJP graduating from two seats in the Lok Sabha to becoming the ruling party for six years at the Centre while consolidating its position in the states. Often, the Congress had to give way not merely to regional parties but also to the BJP. The results of 2014 could be exciting.

MIDDLE

‘One and a half educated men’ of Haryana
by Ranbir Singh

The late Hardwari Lal, one of the leading educationists and politicians of Haryana at one time, reportedly often boasted that there were only “one and a half educated men” in the state then — one was he himself, and the half was Sarup Singh.

He based his claim on the fact that he was one of the few first class graduates of his times from St. Stephen’s College of Delhi University. That he became the Principal of Vaish College, Bhiwani, even without having a master’s degree formed another basis for his boasting. It is another matter that he acquired a first class degree in political science from Panjab University later on to fulfil the eligibility condition for heading a degree college.

Subsequently, he was also appointed the founder-Principal of Kirori Mal College, Delhi. Besides, he remained the Education Minister of Haryana in the Congress government headed by Bhagwat Dayal Sharma in 1966 and in the Samyukta Vidhayak Dal government with Rao Birender Singh as Chief Minister in 1967.

Hardwari Lal also remained the Vice-Chancellor of Kurukshetra University from 1959 to 1962 and of Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, from 1977 to 1983. Furthermore, he regularly contributed articles to English dailies like The Tribune, The Indian Express, Hindustan Times and The Statesman. Also, he always wrote a booklet whenever he felt offended with the Chief Minister.

But how could he deny the claim of Dr Sarup Singh, who had not only headed Kirori Mal College as Principal but also Kurukshetra University. He (Singh) had a first class master’s degree in English from Delhi University as well as a Ph.D. degree in the same subject from London University. Moreover, he had held the offices of the Pro-Vice-Chancellor and the Vice-Chancellor in Delhi University.

If Hardwari Lal had been a member of the Punjab Public Service Commission, Sarup Singh remained that of the Union Public Service Commission. The latter also held the position of the Chancellor of the universities in Kerala, Rajasthan and Gujarat in his capacity as the Governor of those states. If Hardwari Lal had authored one outstanding book on “Myth and Law of Parliamentary Privileges” (1979), Sarup Singh had penned three well-reviewed books and contributed a large number of papers in distinguished journals.

While Hardwari Lal received recognition as an expert on law, Sarup Singh was an internationally known scholar in the field of English literature. Then, how could Hardwari Lal claim to be the only educated man of Haryana, describing Sarup Singh as a half-educated man?

The answer will have to be searched in the old District Gazette of Rohtak where a British Deputy Commissioner is reported to have recorded: “A Jat is right when he is right. He is also right when he is wrong.’’ Let us not forget that Hardwari Lal was a Jat from Chhara village of Rohtak district in the colonial period, which is now a part of Jhajjar district.

OPED DIASPORA

Blot on the land of the free and the brave
American people must have the will to compel public opinion and policy-makers to address the problem of the rise of fringe groups that have misused their freedom to the detriment of minorities in particular and society in general.
Manjit Singh

Sikhs hold up placards with photos of six mass shooting victims after a candlelight vigil in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, on August 7, 2012. The killings of six worshippers at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin have thrust attention on white power music, a thrashing, punk-metal genre that sees the white race under siege. — Reuters

The American national anthem, the Star Spangled Banner, states in its lyrics "in the land of the free and the home of the brave". The shooting at the gurdwara, on August 5, 2012, resulting in the death of six innocent members of the Sikh congregation and wounding of three individuals including a police officer made me think about the significance of these words.

Is America truly a land of the free and the brave?

The answer is much more complex and complicated than one's initial reaction of branding it as neither free nor brave.

At a macro level, the evolution of the American society as a land of free and brave is indeed true. People of diverse backgrounds from all parts of the globe have come to America and sooner or later have been able to realize their dreams in terms of economic and political success. Asian, Black and Hispanic Americans have been making incremental progress in this regard despite racial biases that afflict main stream America. America operates on the principle of the rule of law, freedom and equality for all citizens.

At micro level the answer to the land of "free and brave" is very foggy.

Many contradictions

Because of the constitutional guarantee that every American enjoys in terms of free speech, religious belief and the right to bear arms, the American society has developed many contradictions resulting in rise of fringe groups who have misused these freedoms to the detriment of minorities in particular and society in general.

Despite incidents of violence by these fringe groups against innocent Americans using the cover of freedoms enshrined in the American constitution, the American society has been unable to find a way to prevent these senseless acts.

This failure can be attributed equally to the political, religious, educational (schools) and media establishments in the USA.

Notwithstanding the thoughtful response to the shooting by President and Mrs Obama, Mitt Romney and a couple of State Governors, the rest of the political establishment has not said a word about this tragedy. This is consistent with the past behaviour of the political class expressing their inability to act because of the constitutional constraints.

History of inaction

Bertrand Russell, the famous British philosopher of the 20th century said the greatest lesson of history is that man has refused to learn a lesson. The history of inaction by the US Congress against repeat acts of violence directed at innocent Americans fits the bill perfectly.

When it comes to the mainstream religious establishment, the situation is as dismal as is the case with the Congress.

Where are the cardinals, the bishops and the reverends? Why they have not spoken to condemn this senseless act by a mad man? This is not the first time this group of community leaders is absent from bringing comfort to the victims and their families. Tragedies of similar nature that happened before were also not responded to by the religious establishment with the exception of some Jewish and Muslim organisations and well meaning and decent individual Americans. There is all kind of talk for interfaith harmony but it remains a mere talk.

Educate the public

Because the United States has a pro-active immigration policy to attract bright minds to America, it also has an obligation to educate its public about the new arrivals, their culture and religion. The best place to impart this education is at the school level. Here again the system is being unresponsive to the needs of the public.

Education is not a one-shot deal. It has to be done on a continuing basis requiring a commitment of resources. The ball is in the court of the political and religious establishments to allocate resources for this task.

The problem with the media is that its focus is always on what is hot today. It does not see itself being responsible for committing resources for the long term. The media's ability to meld public opinion is undisputed but remains unrealised.

America did not reach this point overnight. It has been in the making for many decades. Consequently it is not going to get resolved in a hurry. What is needed here is the will of the American people to compel the opinion and policy makers to address this problem in a systematic and consistent manner.

Sikh Americans as well as Sikhs living in Canada will have to fall back on Sikh teachings to deal with this tragic loss of innocent lives while accepting it as God's Will. Sikhs have a long history of enduring religious persecutions individually and as a community. As in the past, Sikhs need to remain united and singleminded. With God's help, better days will return for the community.

Manjit Singh teaches Sikhism in the Faculty of Religious Studies at McGill University, Montreal, Canada . He is the past Director of McGill's Chaplaincy Services.

A century of achievement, punctuated by racism and violence
Shinder Singh Thandi

This year Sikhs are celebrating the centenary of the establishment of the first Sikh gurdwara on American soil in Stockton, CA in 1912. The tragic killings of 6 Sikhs in the Oak Creek Sikh Temple, Wisconsin, Milwaukee, have brought a premature and sobering end to these celebrations. This was an unprovoked, brutal and cowardly attack on innocent Sikhs in their place of worship and a gross violation of Sikh sacred space.

Whichever way we characterise this crime, whether as an act of domestic terrorism or a hate crime, it is a stark reminder that even after more than a 100 years of settlement in the USA, Sikhs remain largely an "invisible", unrecognised and unknown religious minority in a land dominated by a melting pot of different races and ethnicities, with all having a shared experience of being immigrants and belief in living the American dream.

Being victims of racism or hate crimes is nothing new for the Sikhs as the experiences of the early Sikh pioneers testify. Although Sikhs started arriving on the Pacific coast in the final years of the 19th century but within 20 years, by the close of the second decade of the 20th century, the door to further immigration had been firmly shut.

Racist laws

A number of racist laws were enacted which meant Sikhs were not allowed to bring their wives or marry white women, could not own land or obtain US citizenship. Sikhs could only work the land as farm labourers or as leaseholders although some had earlier managed to gain employment in building railroads or in the lumber industry. Their presence was also detested by other immigrant groups because they were seen as taking their jobs and /or offering their labour at a lower daily wage. This ethnic tension often erupted in violence.

Two important incidents are worth recalling. In the town of Bellingham (near Seattle, Washington) in 1907 hundreds of Sikhs were woken from their beds during the night, physically thrashed and forced to flee across the border into Canada. In 1917 in Wheatland, California, a white gang made an unprovoked attack on Sikh farm workers which had a significant and enduring psychological impact on the political thinking of the community and which acted as a catalyst, along with the Komagata Maru incident in Canada, to the community engaging in radical politics through establishing the nationalist Gadar Party. It became clear to many in the community that oppression at home due to British colonial rule and experience of racism in British Columbia and California could only be resolved by liberating India from British rule.

Unfortunately this utopian dream (or worldview) was not to last long and the onset of World War II, eventual Independence of India in 1947 and relaxation of racist laws in both USA and Canada ushered in a fresh era for Sikh immigration and from the mid-1960s onwards we see the rapid development of Sikh communities on both the Pacific coast and also on the east coast of America.

Political turmoil in Punjab in the 1980s gave a further boost to the development of the Sikh community and led to the opening of many more Sikh temples and by all accounts the Sikhs were living the American dream and had bought into the white American characterisation of them as a fine example of the “model minority’ in America. But the 9/11 terrorist attacks and subsequent events were to bring a rude awakening.

After 9/11

With the murder of Balbir Sodhi in 2001, almost 48 hours after 9/11 attacks, it became clear to many Sikhs how their identity could be easily mistaken for Al- Qaida terrorists. They felt vulnerable and defenceless as the number of cases of harassment, Temple desecrations and violent crimes rose against them.

Due to this high state of anxiety, the community rallied around and went on a massive public outreach offensive, to tell American that they had no links with terrorists and were peace-loving despite the similarities in their headgear and that they were very patriotic and proud to be Americans. In the subsequent weeks and months, a number of new Sikh organisations emerged to convey these messages in a more organised and professional way.

Media monitoring on misrepresentation of Sikhs, compiling a list of all hate crimes and offering legal defence to victims of such crimes took priority. Over time the services provided by such groups expanded to include immigration issues, human rights, humanitarian relief and advocacy on promoting Sikh civil rights across the globe. With the passage of time, the latter types of activities appear to have become more important than the context which gave birth to these organisations. There was perhaps a loss of focus and direction.

The Wisconsin Sikh killings will undoubtedly lead to a period of deep introspection by community leaders and pertinent questions about the nature and quality of community outreach strategies will be asked.

Inform Americans

No doubt, other issues the community leaders have to confront are: Were the lessons of 9/11 fully learnt? Have the priorities shifted from educating their American neighbours about Sikhs, their tradition and values towards advocacy which at times has verged on becoming just an anti-India lobby?

What makes the Sikh massacre even more sad and unpalatable is that the USA is the only country outside Punjab where the Sikh community has been endowing Chairs/ Professorships at least since 1994 to promote the study of Sikh tradition and Sikhs.

All the religious communities, in America, India and elsewhere have condemned the Wisconsin killings and have been grieving with the Sikhs. There is tremendous sympathy and goodwill towards the community and the community now needs to use this tragic and sad occasion to take advantage of the media interest in Sikhs, to present the case of a caring, universalist, progressive and hard-working global community.

The academic study of Sikh tradition and Sikhs may have a vital role to play in effective community education and outreach. I am very confident that the Sikhs themselves will learn from this act of persecution — as they have from thousands faced earlier — and come out even stronger and more vibrant.

The writer is based at Coventry University, UK and was Visiting Professor in Global Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, USA, during 2011-12.