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Caste-based promotions
Punjab’s urban sprawl |
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Locking the caves
Unending unrest in Syria
Memories of mayhem
CINEMA: NEW Releases
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Caste-based promotions
AN all-party meeting on August 21 will discuss reservations in government jobs for members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. A day later a Bill is expected in Parliament. The Rajya Sabha was adjourned twice on Thursday after the issue was raised by Bahujan Samaj Party leader Mayawati, backed by two Left leaders D. Raja and Sitaram Yechury. As Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, she introduced reservation in promotions in 2007. The decision was struck down last year by the Allahabad High Court, which dubbed it “unconstitutional”. In April the Supreme Court upheld the high court ruling, saying Rule 8-A of the UP seniority rules was not in conformity with the Constitution Bench judgements in the M. Nagara and Indra Sawhney cases where it was held that reservations in promotions could be provided if there was sufficient evidence and data to justify the need. The new Bill is meant to overrule the court objections to caste-based promotions. The UPA desire to mollycoddle Mayawati for her help in the Presidential election and possible support in the 2014 polls is understandable. It has tactfully left the volatile issue to the all-party meeting, which is unlikely to reach a consensus. No political party likes to oppose publicly caste-based reservations in promotions or jobs for obvious reasons. The ruling parties often pass unreasonable laws or orders giving benefits to members constituting their vote-banks and leave it to courts to declare them null and void. Regardless of their caste, religion or region, the poor need state help. But poor state spending on basic amenities like shelter and clean drinking water, healthcare, education and employment generation is covered up by freebies and reservations. Affirmative action by the government as well as the private sector, wherever possible, is welcome. However, passing discriminatory laws that violate the spirit of the Constitution, set one section of people against the other and threaten peaceful co-existence is dangerous politics. Sacrificing merit and encouraging mediocrity in the name of social welfare is detrimental to national competitiveness and growth.
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Punjab’s urban sprawl
Between 2001 and 2011, Punjab’s overall population grew around 14 per cent, whereas the urban population rose by 25 per cent. This is a sign of economic progress, but does also represent wider development? The increase in urban population would be from two factors — people migrating from villages, and large villages growing into towns or getting subsumed in expanding cities. Most of the population in the cities is accommodated in ad hoc quarters or colonies coming up in an unauthorised and unregulated manner. Six months after regularising all unauthorised colonies within the municipal limits of the state, a government survey found that there were another 3,089 illegal colonies, at least 115 mushrooming in the Mohali area in just two months. The results are visible. Urban chaos is seen the most in Ludhiana, which is also the state’s most ‘urbanised’ district. Traffic and petty crime are virtually beyond the purview of policing, which is simply overwhelmed by the area and population to be covered. Industries, which enable most of the urban population growth, are causing pollution with impunity, besides small-scale units abutting residential areas. No car can last two months on Ludhiana roads without a scratch, or a man without a brawl, such is the pressure of population. Water-borne diseases take their toll more in the squalid urban areas than poor villages. There are social implications too. A lot of the migration to cities is financed by sale of agricultural land or NRI remittances, which is not sustainable. Youths in cities without work can soon become liabilities when the family runs out of such money. Therein lies the need to provide the urban population the tools for productive employment, education being the foremost. Hoshiarpur district that has been poor in agriculture has since long been leading in education, which gives it not only the highest literacy rate, but also the best sex ratio. The state has 82 per cent phone penetration and 10 per cent of the people have four-wheelers — among the highest in the country — but is near the bottom in computer availability. A sign of skewed cultural and government priorities?
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Locking the caves
When
it comes to heritage and culture — the last items on the priority
list of our government — we can expect locking of stables after the
horse is stolen. There is nothing unusual about the decision of the
Maharashtra Tourism Development Corporation to shut down four major
caves at Ajanta and ask tourists to satisfy themselves with the
replicas of the world-famous frescos that date back to 4th to 7th
century AD. It rings a bell of familiarity. After serious damage was
caused to three monuments of 15th century Hampi ruins in Karnataka
from illegal quarrying and blasting activities, mining was stopped.
Action was taken only after UNESCO had threatened to remove Hampi from
its list of protected world heritage sites. But by the time the
government woke up to the urgency, a lot of damage was already done. The Ajanta caves are a part of marvels that represent our heritage, and most of these have been in grave danger for a very long time. At Ellora one could see missing limbs and heads of sculptures which had mysteriously found their way into the international market of antiques. Ajanta frescos had been victimised by flashing lights of cameras for decades, apart from human traffic that causes higher levels of carbon dioxide, harmful to the frescos. But traffic could have been regulated from the time signs of danger began to appear! The
rest of the world takes keen interest in the rich heritage of India,
which is evident from the fact that the well-funded Japanese project
of preserving Buddhist heritage had digitised all the frescos of
Ajanta for posterity. At a recently held conference at the Indian
Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla, scholars from Europe and
America deliberated upon the ways to digitise and preserve the rare
texts of Hindi literature from 1400-1800 CE, a time of prolific
literary, artistic and cultural production. Unfortunately, there is
little interest shown by our universities to research this rich
reservoir of literature that shaped our thoughts, philosophy, fine
arts and aesthetics.
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Things do not change; we change.— Henry David Thoreau
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Unending unrest in Syria
Events are moving rapidly in Syria. The country is being drawn into an abyss and no one is quite sure what consequences this will have for the region and the world at large. Earlier this week, Syria’s Prime Minister, Riyad al-Hijab, defected to Jordan, becoming the most senior official to quit the embattled government of President Bashar al-Assad. In his statement he said that he had resigned to protest his government’s harsh tactics in confronting the opposition. “I am announcing that I am defecting from this regime, which is a murderous and terrorist regime,” the statement said. “I join the ranks of this dignified revolution.” To underscore that the regime is still in control, the appointment of a new Prime Minister, Wael Nader al-Halqi, has already been announced. Hijab’s departure followed an accelerating stream of defections from Syria’s armed forces, including that of Brig Gen Manaf Tlas, a former confidant and close friend of Assad who fled to Turkey a month ago, then went to France to join his father, a once-powerful former Defence Minister. These defections are certainly a sign that the Assad regime is facing its dénouement. But the regime is clearly willing to fight on. The Syrian military, meanwhile, is busy blasting Damascus and at least half a dozen cities around the country with artillery even as fierce clashes continue to rock the northern city of Aleppo, the country’s largest. The back and forth between the rebels and government forces continues in Aleppo. The government forces had opened a ground assault earlier this week, forcing the rebels to pull back from parts of the city because their ammunition was running low. A victory in Aleppo by Assad’s forces would give the regime some more time to recuperate, but a defeat would spell imminent disaster. The rebels themselves have secured broad Western and regional diplomatic support and this has been used by the Assad government to deny the rebels’ claim to legitimacy, at least in the eyes of the government’s supporters. Iran, Syria’s closest ally, has hosted a meeting in Tehran to discuss options for resolving the crisis in Syria. Among the issues that were at the front and centre was the fate of a group of 48 Iranians captured in Syria last week. The Iranian government has said that the kidnapped Iranians are pilgrims who were on their way to Sayida Zeinab, a Muslim shrine south of Damascus that is popular with Shiites. But Syrian rebels assert that the captives belonged to Iran’s elite Revolutionary Guard Corps. This contending view underlines the regional dimensions of the conflict, as rebels backed by pro-Western powers in the Middle East, including Turkey and Saudi Arabia, battle the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, supported by Russia and Iran, for the control of towns and cities across the country. Syria has made it clear that it blames Turkey and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf for recent rebel advances. Iran sees Turkey as a competitor for regional influence. Tehran is alarmed at renewed ties between Egypt and Saudi Arabia which constitute, at least in part, a thinly-veiled alliance of “moderate Sunni Islam” against Shia Iran. The fall of the Assad regime would leave Iran completely isolated in the region and this is making Tehran nervous. As such, Tehran has no other recourse but to stick with Assad, even if his government has committed harsh abuses. Assad’s adversaries, both in and out of Syria, have expressed deep antipathy for Iran. If they took power, it is clear that they would most likely move to undo an alliance that has been a fundamental piece of Iranian foreign policy. Iran’s security chief was also in Syria, trying to shore up the alliance. He told President Bashar al-Assad that Syria was part of a vital regional alliance that Tehran would not allow to be broken. During talks in Damascus, Saeed Jalili said Syria was an essential part of an “axis of resistance”. “Axis of resistance” refers to Iran, Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas in Gaza. Assad was seen on television after a long time during Jalili’s visit as he has made one appearance since the assassination of four top security officials on July 18. Syria is one of Iran’s most important allies — a pro-Iranian foothold in the Arab Middle East and an important conduit for contacts between Tehran and Hezbollah in Lebanon, and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Amidst this gathering storm, India needs to carefully calibrate its policy. Last week it abstained from voting against Syria on a Saudi Arabia-drafted United Nations General Assembly resolution. Though the resolution found overwhelming support among members of the General Assembly, India was among the 31 states that abstained while 12 other states voted against it. India wanted the General Assembly resolution to drop a reference to the July 22 Arab League resolution that called upon Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to step down. But that could not happen. Now India officially wants the resolution of the Syrian crisis through dialogue and political processes, but it is increasingly clear that that is no longer a viable option. And so now New Delhi should think creatively about West Asia. The point is not that India should stand in solidarity with its BRICS partners or that it should support Western policies. This is a debate that has been resurrected by sections of Indian commentators. The real issue is: What are Indian interests in the region and how best these can be preserved and enhanced in a rapidly changing regional milieu? It is clear that massive changes are taking place in the region and the Syrian situation is going to accelerate this change. New Delhi will have to answer big questions about its West Asian policy first before it can justify its every vote and stand at the global fora. The extent and nature of India’s role in the ongoing turmoil in West Asia must be defined primarily by its strategic interests in the region. Few are, however, sure if New Delhi has any idea about its regional strategic interests.n
The writer teaches at King’s College, London.
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Memories of mayhem Partition in the northern region is dreadfully referred to as “maar-kaat”— mayhem or bloodshed. The canal passing through my village had corpses floating in it then. War cries of “Har Har Mahadev” and “Naar-e-Taqbeer Allah-o-Akbar” ranted the streets when communally surcharged groups on both sides of the divide, particularly during the unearthly dark hours, were baying for each other’s blood. My father had a narrow escape as he was perceived to be a Muslim because of his flaunting long hair, and the attackers’ spear stopped just short of puncturing his chest. He was saved when a local person accompanying him announced it to the aggressors — “Hey! It is the Zaildar’s son-in-law!” This happened in a village, near Delhi, from where my mother came. Father used to tell us about the situation that prevailed during the “maar-kaat”. My grandfather had a very dear friend in Chaudhary Fazal Hussain. He was a railway contractor and his business extended from Delhi up to Attari. His family used to stay with us in our village Anta during festivals and other occasions. My grandfather and Ch. Fazal Hussain were known to be brothers in the area. Their respective progeny addressed them as “Taya Ji” and “Chacha Ji”. Anta was surrounded by Muslim-dominated villages like Urlana, Nimnabad, Barod, Didwada, etc, where my grandfather exercised considerable influence over other powerful zamindars and clan chiefs. Muslims en masse deposed their faith in him. My grandfather had a gun which was a rare possession among the locals those days. He was also held in awe by trouble-makers. When the “maar-kaat” began, he had not allowed Muslims to leave their home for a considerably long time. He became a strong wall between the people hit by communal frenzy on both sides. One night my grandfather got information that some trouble-makers had spread rumour in the Muslim-dominated villages that he (my grandfather) had buckled under pressure from his community and decided to keep quiet in case they began lynching Muslims. He, accompanied by a couple of guards, soon reached the Muslim villages, where people were ready to leave the place in caravans. Grandfather’s imploring and assurance to the Muslims then did not have much impact on them. Local Muslim leaders beseeched him to “just let them go”. The next shocking development for grandfather was Fazal Hussain’s decision to migrate. His wife left all her jewellery in my grandmother’s hands which was restored to them when the couple visited our village seven years later. They narrated stories of the dreaded “maar-kaat” and how they reached Pakistan safely. Their family settled happily there in due course and we kept receiving letters from them. My father had a chocked throat and moist eyes when he would read out these letters to us. The only person from Fazal Hussain’s family to stay in our house was Abdullah, whom we all fondly called Dada Abdullah. He wore typically embroidered “kurtas” and extra loose “pyjamas”. He ate his meals in our household and there were no separate utensils kept for him, contrary to the practice in those days. Dada Abdullah had a weird habit of vanishing without leaving information. We then heard that he too left for Pakistan never to return. Letters from Fazal Hussain’s sons kept reaching us. One day a missive that my shocked father read out to us declared that Fazal Hussain was dead — “Abbu bhi is jehan-e-fani se kooch farma gaye!” Another letter informed us about Abdullah’s death — “Taya ji bhi faut ho gaye!” We never heard anything
thereafter.
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CINEMA: NEW Releases THE saga of violence and revenge that began with Gangs of Wasseypur continues in its second part….full-blown, full-body and full-bloodied. The sequel begins exactly from where the first one ended and takes you on to yet another journey of internecine battle, rivalry and intrigue.
Among those who dominated the prequel not all have a strong presence in the second one, yet kudos to the director for making passing years reflect on each crevice of their faces. So be it Richa Chadha (Faizal’s mother) or Piyush Mishra (the faithful family mentor) or Tigmanshu Dhulia (the main antagonist), the ageing effect is evident in each gesture and gait of theirs.
As compared to GOW, this one is more sedate in terms of titillation and far less vulgar but no less violent. In fact, the torpedo of violence hits you with similar velocity. Full on, with no breathing space till it reaches a final crescendo.
But just when you think Anurag is glorifying violence, comes a brutal reminder that violence can only breed more of its kind. Of course, the movie leaves you little time to think or reflect. Its superb pace itself is enthralling and action after action ensures that you are suitably hooked to the drama of gore. Whether you find the bloody feuds repugnant or fascinating, the high voltage tension finds relief only in yet another torrent of bullets; till the cycle begins all over again.
Unlike the previous part which spanned three generations and dovetailed the history of gang wars, this one is focused on one generation and hence less confusing. Similarly, part two might not be that emphatic a socio-economic document as the first part, yet clues, including technological, innovations keep you clued in to the exact decade the movie is talking about. So there is a reference to pager, a technological marvel we have completely forgotten in the age of mobile phones. Then the release of movies are used as a calendar marker and the impact of cinema on the lives of people is given due deference to.
Anurag’s felicity as a director lies in the way he imbues a cutting edge to a tale that is neither new nor totally unpredictable. Yes, there are surprising twists, but only on the predictable lines. Yet despite the inevitability of the plot, he not only draws you into a cinematic vision that has pathos, humour and above all a raw sensual appeal, but keeps you right there. Elements like songs being sung at a funeral enhance its tragic-comic quotient.
Watch it even if you have not seen the first part and you are unlikely to miss it, if your appetite for alternative cinema has already been whetted with the first one.
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Action unlimited THE Bourne Legacy is the fourth Bourne film (after Bourne Identity, Bourne Supremacy and Bourne Ultimatum), the first that is not based on a Robert Ludlum novel and without Matt Damon in the lead role. But as the story goes, and it does at break-neck speed, it is both gripping and action-packed, but with a lot of grey areas. It’s good while it lasts, but leaves an empty feeling at the end with confusion as its main ingredient.
Strewn in-between are a host of cameos, for example, CIA director Ezra Kramer (Scott Glenn). Albert Hirsh (Albert Finney), creator of Blackbriar, the unit that has been terminated by the CIA and for whom Jason Bourne worked, CIA deputy director Pamela Landry (Joan Allen) and CIA operatives Eric Brier (Edward Norton) and Noah Vosen (David Stratham).
It is 135 minutes of non-stop action with the cameos forming the bodywork of the show, and the two main stars slowly but surely getting closer because of the crisis they find themselves in. Rachel Weisz has always been an emotive actress, having won a Best Actress Oscar for her role in The Constant Gardener. But here she isn’t stretched, Jeremy Reener is more than adequate and looks a bit like Bond man Daniel Craig but his incredible stunts make Bond pale into Sunday schools stuff. Edward Norton is wasted and an overweight Albert Finney has a good line when he tells the CIA director “You’re given a Ferrari and you treat it like a lawn-mover.” Stacy Keach is another golden oldie who makes a brief appearance. This one’s is especially meant for action-fans, who could leave their thinking caps behind.
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So what if the gang lord Sardar (Manoj Bajpayee) is dead…his sons are around to carry on the legacy of hatred and violence. Only it’s not the anointed heir Danish (Vineet Singh) but recalcitrant Faizal (Nawazuddin Siddiqui) who becomes the new inheritor of world of crime and grime. His smoldering presence flares up with rightly tampered intensity and as the man inadvertently sucked into the mayhem of blood, he scores a winner yet again after his dominant role in Kahaani. New faces like Zeishan Quadri as Definite, the stepbrother of Faizal, adds zing and substance to the film that once again revolves around mafia wars. Only now among other illegal trades, the machinations also include election rigging.
While the thread of continuity is palpable both by way of characters and some references, the narrative does move to another level with its own share of dramatic tensions.
It begins with our hero Aaron Cross (Jeremy Reener) on some snowy mountain cliffs combating Mother Nature and fierce, hungry wolves, not necessarily in that order, for survival. It turns out that he is an Outcome operative who escapes execution and along with Dr Martin Shearling (Rachel Weisz), an Outcome scientist, who enters much later in the film, exposes the crimes of the superiors. It involves sophisticated drugs like “chems,” that are injected in the body for survival and the drama begins when one of the scientists goes berserk and kills half-a-dozen of his colleagues. “I’m in it for the science,” says Dr Marta, who is only a number in the scheme of things.
Director (that is the film’s director) Tony Gilroy has indeed a wide canvas from the cities of the United States to distant Manila and man-to-man chases are the order of the day, from the tin-roofs of Manila to the streets of numerous US cities where Robert Elswit’s camera-work virtually dazzles. The Gilroy brothers’ screenplay is taut giving the viewer no time to exercise his grey cells (another brother John does the editing).
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