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CC for Chandigarh
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Eight years after 9/11
Pak designs on Gilgit-Baltistan
Change, the only constant
Growing VIP menace to flight safety
Palestinians are getting real Chatterati
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CC for Chandigarh CALL it the result of the concerted campaign by The Tribune or the citizens of Chandigarh, the Centre has decided to hand over the administration of the Union Territory to a Chief Commissioner from November 16, when the tenure of the present Governor of Punjab, Gen S F Rodrigues (retd), who has been holding the additional charge as its Administrator, comes to an end. The decision is well-founded and borne out of the UT’s experience of three decades, particularly of the last few years. The Union Territory was under a Chief Commissioner till the 1980s, when terrorism raised its ugly head and the Governor of Punjab was made the Administrator to ensure better coordination between the police forces and the administrations of the state and the city. Terrorism waned but the system remained in place, causing numerous problems for the citizens of Chandigarh. What suffered most in these years was the sacred concept of public accountability, the disappearance of which has cost the city a lot as is evident from the nature of some of the decisions taken and sought to be imposed on the people. Strangely, the constitutional protection he sought to enjoy as Governor became a shield against the scrutiny of his actions as Administrator. The second equally big problem was lack of accessibility to the Administrator of the UT, of the size of a sub-tehsil. With the Administrator ensconced in Raj Bhavan, there was none to listen to the everyday grievances of the public. That was in sharp contrast to the situation earlier when people could meet Chief Commissioners like Dr M S Randhawa and Mr V P Bagchi without even an appointment. With a person directly in charge of the administration heading the set-up, the old style of functioning can be revived. The switchover should not be given a political colour because the Home Ministry has specifically mentioned that the latest move does not prejudice the claim of Punjab over Chandigarh as envisaged under the Reorganisation of States Act, 1966. What Chandigarh urgently requires is an effective and responsive administration. The city can set an example for the rest of the country in governance.
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Limited exercise IT is sad the Akali Dal’s two-day “vichar baithak” in Shimla has brushed aside Finance Minister Manpreet Singh Badal’s fervent plea for a review of the subsidies, especially free power to farmers. As the Finance Minister, Mr Manpreet Badal is worried about the state’s deteriorating fiscal health. The annual outgo of Rs 4,600 crore on subsidies depletes the treasury, which is propped up by borrowings. The state’s debt will reach a staggering Rs 62,000 crore by the end of this fiscal, mortgaging its future. His suggestions to raise revenue like imposing a 10 per cent surcharge on the VAT, doubling the surcharge on electricity and raising the diesel price by 50 paise a litre have been opposed by his colleagues who unfortunately are unable to think beyond the next election. The Finance Minister’s helplessness is clear: “We are not cutting expenditure. We cannot raise taxes”. The Shimla conclave has come up with the bright idea of raising a police battalion to check tax evasion. The state has no money to fill 32,000 vacancies of school teachers. Rural education is in a mess for want of resources and so are healthcare and power supply. The state is lagging on three basics for development – education, health and infrastructure. Populism under successive governments has ruined the state financially. Development is on hold in Punjab, which can be the fastest growing state in the country, but is lagging behind in essential areas. Power reforms have been put on hold because of opposition by some employees of the electricity board. The state is forced to buy power every summer but does not set up its own power plants. Those coming up in the private sector may take years to materialise as private companies often have other priorities. Free power has become meaningless since the supply is too little and erratic. Besides, anything that comes free leads to wastage. It is not just power that is wasted in the process, but also groundwater, which has already hit dangerously low levels. Insufficient power has hurt farm and industrial growth. The introspection at Shimla should have thrown up new ideas, but apparently the thinking was limited in nature.
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Eight years after 9/11 EIGHT years after the suicide terror attacks on the World Trade Center in New York wrought havoc, killing nearly 3,000 people, the “global war on terror” that the US announced in retaliation has made the world no safer to live in. True, the Americans have succeeded in warding off terrorist attempts in their country, but while new areas of conflict have been added, US actions have incited violent anti-Americanism in many parts of the world. The conflicts that the erstwhile Bush administration initiated continue to take a heavy toll on Iraqis, Afghans and Americans alike. Massive human and financial resources have been poured into combat with global terror since 2001, but the mastermind of the WTC attacks, Osama bin Laden, remains at large, his terror outfit Al-Qaeda is still going strong and the much-dreaded Taliban desperadoes continue to have a foothold in Afghanistan and neighbouring Pakistan. The US administration can draw comfort from the fact that the measures taken after 9/11 have frustrated all attempts by terrorists to devastate and kill Americans on home soil. That security has been considerably tightened and there is extensive information sharing between federal, state and local law enforcement agencies is indicative of the lessons learnt and action taken to prevent terror incidents. However, these gains on the home front have been more than offset by the blunders of Mr George Bush’s foreign policy which have fanned greater hostility for the Americans. With the coming of President Obama, there has been a rekindling of hope that US policy would become less interventionist. However, the fight against terrorism around the world has to continue wherever it may be. There must be no let-up in vigil. Terrorism has indeed become a global threat and has to be fought by all nations together.
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The healthy stomach is nothing if not conservative. Few radicals have good digestion. — Samuel Butler
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Pak designs on Gilgit-Baltistan THERE are two areas under the control of Pakistan where a pervasive sense of alienation, deprivation and disillusionment has infused in the people a feeling of being colonised by the state of Pakistan. The first is the province of Balochistan, in particular the Baloch-dominated areas of the province. The second is Gilgit-Baltistan, a part of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir but currently under the illegal occupation of Pakistan. The misrule and repression unleashed on the people of Balochistan by successive Pakistani governments - both military and civilian - have driven the Baloch, especially the youth, to a point where nothing short of complete independence will satisfy their aspirations. The situation in Gilgit-Baltistan, which civil rights activists often refer to as the “Last Colony” of the world, also threatened to spiral out of control unless Pakistan took some urgent political measures that would help keep a lid on the simmering discontent among the people of this region. It is precisely to prevent Gilgit-Baltistan from becoming another Balochistan that on August 29 the Government of Pakistan announced a package of political reforms that will, for the first time since 1947, purportedly give the people of this region a modicum of political autonomy and self-rule. Until this package was announced, Gilgit-Baltistan was denied even the most basic civil, political, constitutional and legal rights on the grounds that it was not a part of Pakistan. Of course, such legalese never prevented Pakistan either from separating this region from the rest of the occupied part of the Jammu and Kashmir state (euphemistically called Azad Jammu and Kashmir) or parcelling a part of the state - Chitral - and amalgamating it with the NWFP, or even administering Gilgit-Baltistan directly from Islamabad through non-local bureaucrats and the Pakistan Army and brutally suppressing any dissent in the area. Nor, for that matter, did it stop Pakistan from undertaking projects like the Karakorum highway or now the Bhasha dam that will benefit Pakistan more than it will benefit the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. Even more significantly, Pakistan scrapped the state subject rules to settle Sunni Pashtuns in the area in order to dilute the majority of local Shias. Worse, state-sponsored pogroms of Shias were organised to try and keep control over the people and the territory. But instead of cowing down the locals, the repression only created a reservoir of resentment among the people which over the years has manifest itself in the form of a sort of sectarian nationalism. The methods that the Pakistani state adopted in Gilgit-Baltistan defied all political logic. After all, the people of the region were only demanding that they be integrated into Pakistan as its fifth province and that they be given political and constitutional rights as citizens of Pakistan. According to the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, even if their fate was tied to the resolution of the larger Kashmir issue, there was no reason why they should be denied those basic rights which the Pakistanis had already conceded to “Azad Kashmir”. At the same time, they opposed being linked politically and administratively to “Azad Kashmir” since this would not only rob them of their identity, but also swamp them by the numerically larger population of “Azad Kashmir”. On the face of it, therefore, the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Ordinance-2009 is a piece of progressive legislation that has given political autonomy and self-rule to the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. At least on paper, the area has got the rights and paraphernalia of a province, if not the status of one - an elected Assembly headed by a chief minister with powers to legislate on some 61 subjects and also pass the budget, a public service commission, an auditor-general and an election commissioner for the region, etc. In addition, judicial rights have also been bestowed upon the people with the formation of an appellate court. But since the devil is always in the detail, what the state of Pakistan has given from one hand, it has taken away from the other hand. For instance, not only will there be a governor who will be sitting on the head of the elected chief minister, there will also be a non-elected Gilgit-Baltistan Council that will be headed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan and will hold a virtual veto over the functioning of the elected assembly, as it happens in the case of “Azad Kashmir”. As far as legislation is concerned, the now defunct Northern Areas Legislative Assembly (NALA) has no history of having legislated on any issue despite being delegated powers to legislate on around 49 subjects. Being utterly powerless, the elected members of the erstwhile NALA were only glorified show-boys. Everything was controlled by the bureaucracy, which, in classic colonial style, is imposed on Gilgit-Baltistan by the colonial master — Pakistan. And there is no reason to believe that things will be any different now. After all, what are the chances that the Pakistan Army and the bureaucracy, which continue to call the shots in “democratic” Pakistan, will allow the newly empowered elected representatives of Gilgit-Baltistan to uninhibitedly exercise their powers? Despite the grumblings and protests over their views not having been taken into consideration in preparing the political reforms package, both the pro-Pakistan politicians as well as the “nationalist” parties will try and work this new system. To an extent, the sense of expectation created by the devolution of powers will push forward the political process in this region. But a lot will depend upon the quantum of freedom and self-rule that Pakistan allows in this territory. If the Government of Pakistan permits political expression to flower and allows the political processes to function without too much interference, this political package could go some distance in satisfying the immediate political urges of the people. However, if Pakistan violates and subverts the letter and spirit of the political reforms package, then the entire exercise of allowing self-rule in Gilgit-Baltistan could backfire badly and create even greater disillusionment, dissatisfaction and discontent than exists at present. The success of this political stratagem will also hinge critically on how competitive politics plays itself out in the region. If the Shia-Sunni divide widens, regional and ethnic issues acquire salience, and tensions with Islamabad mount over issues like mega dams or the boundary issue, then the entire edifice could come crashing down. On the other hand, there is also a possibility that if the system works reasonably well, it could prompt demands for even greater levels of autonomy than what the Pakistanis might be willing to concede, which in turn could fuel political and social unrest in this strategically very important region. India, which has protested after nearly two weeks against the Pakistani move in Gilgit-Baltistan, had been caught in a Catch-22 situation. By raising its voice India could draw unnecessary and unwanted international attention on Jammu and Kashmir. India also did not want to appear as though it wanted to deprive the people of this area their basic civil and political rights. Despite all this, India could not keep quiet, as that would virtually amount to a tacit acquiescence to Pakistan’s back-door annexation of
Gilgit-Baltistan.
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Change, the only constant ON the first day of the Shradh, I awakened at dawn to find a bewitching moon shining in the stillness of the sky. The mountains, trees, the grasses by the river side, and the magical snake flower (sarpgandha) were finely silhouetted in silvered hues. The torrential rains having cleared the air, a hushed silence seemed to have descended awaiting our ancestors on their yearly sojourn. We have grieved for them with the intensity of ceaseless tears for they gave us life, sheltering warmth and direction. For years we were privy to their thoughts, hopes, and their lingering sorrows till we witnessed their pulsating form crumple into a visage of flames and ashes amidst the rhythmic chanting of an unknown metaphor. The incense, the camphor and the mesmeric prayer meant to dull the stinging arrowheads of remembrance, in fact served as a reminder of life’s terminality and that constant change is the principle of the universe. During these days, more than on others, I found my sub-conscious mind taking charge of my actions which apparently seemed unrelated and disparate but are in fact part of a grand design, an unfolding of the inner mind. And on the eve of the Shradh Poornima, my head heavy with drink, I retired early for a restful night. This was not to be for I remained in conversation with my father who died 37 years ago. Throughout the night, until the starlit skies held the liberating sun at bay, I found him trying to calm the wild pandemonium of my thoughts suggesting another path, other exits and entrances. Recalling that “Ashwin” is upon us and that already I have reached the 61st milestone and that I am single, I placed a fragrant bloom in my mother’s room and putting pen to paper designed a cenotaph to perpetuate her memory. I then visited Zirakpur, a small moffussil town, to inspect slabs of stone, and then travelled on to Ambala to accurately etch her profile on a plate of brass. A red sandstone wall will stand squarely between intricate pillars; it will have niches and naves for lighting lamps and a shelf for offering incense and flowers. Through the weary latticework of memory, I glanced at a wedding portrait of my parents and paused to consider that it was their 71st anniversary. Time, distance, space and measurement, chants the Rig Veda are merely a trick of the mind. Coming to terms with these divergent postulates, I drew strength from a neighbouring village where I found a farmer standing by his charpoy, his aged parents resting their palms on their children in a blessing. Thus flows the eternal Ganges I thought, unending from shore, to shore from one generation to the next, for in Indian thought life is a continuum, effortlessly flowing from the snow-capped Himalayas to the limitlessness of the
ocean.
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Growing VIP menace to flight safety YET another death of an air-borne VIP adds to the long list of such cases in India ever since the high-profile demise of six senior defence officers in a helicopter crash in November, 1963, near Jammu. Although there was no casualty of any civilian VIP in 1963, the armed forces of India thereafter did reasonably well to put in place a detailed flight operations manual, stipulating the dos and donts for VIP flight safety. The armed forces have come a long way since then, rare fatal accidents of Lieutenant General rank officer notwithstanding. However, the most serious blot stuck on the armed forces when the Minister of State for Defence died in a helicopter crash in Northeast India on November 14, 1997. The Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy also have been losing their frontline flying machines at regular intervals, thereby creating scope to improve their flight safety standard and enhancing the morale of the men behind the machines. With an unprecedented change in civil aviation since 1991, India's air travellers have grown spectacularly, especially in "VIP flights". The question now is; who is a "VIP"? And what is a "VIP flight"? So far as this author's knowledge goes, there still does not exist any manual for the "VIP flights". Consequently, the term VIP remains somewhat grey and undefined, hence unattended to, by the guardians of the Indian civil aviation, the existence of an office of the Director General of Civil Aviation notwithstanding. "VIP" has an exclusive and strong political overtones. It implies political characters — from Governor to Chief Minister to an ex-Prime Minister and includes prominent, high-profile MPs and in some cases industrialist MPs too. Regretfully, this class of "VIP" does not yet figure in the operations manual/blue book of emergency situations, thereby creating a void in the rules and regulations in the flight safety radar, which happens to be the primary job of the regulatory body of civil aviation in India. And this class of VIPs in India is highly mobile, thanks to availability, affordability and accessibility to possess and operate aircraft, the import of which in recent years has boomed. Thus, virtually every state government has its own aircraft and rotorcraft. Several large, and not so large, industrial houses have their own fleet of flying machines. Luxury hotels also transport their high-end clients by aerial route. A mushroom growth of charter/lease operators ensured "timely" criss-cross movement of VIPs before and during general election of India in April-May 2009. In the guise of passenger operators, there now exists in India a plethora of aircraft owners/companies some of whom clandestinely take VIPs and potential VIPs on board to get favour in future. Nevertheless, do these operators take care of flight safety, aircraft maintenance, logistics, crew comfort and proper compliance of the law of the land? If indeed they do, then why so many air accidents in the Indian sky? Should not the Ministry of Civil Aviation/DGCA come hard on each and every aspect of aviation operations? It should start with the import of aircraft itself. When aircraft are imported strictly for commercial passenger services, should one be used for non-commercial purposes, personal use and the cultivation of the VIPS on board? It is understood that some of these operators cut corners to make cash and the DGCA has neither adequate number of qualified professionals nor the ability to make the operators fall in line with the law of the land. To make matters worse, some of the aircraft pilots and cabin crew either get overawed by the "VIP on board" or are too submissive to assert themselves to ensure flight safety in the midst of inclement weather. The obliging pilots also seem to forget their role and responsibility during a flight. According to Aircraft Act 1934 and Aircraft Rules 1937, the pilot-in-command of an aircraft in a given situation is "the boss" and his decision is "final" and binding on all passengers, VIP or no VIP. If the met department informs him of an impending storm, he can abort the flight or delay it. If the aircraft is found not to be in tune with the stipulated "weight and balance" or "overloaded", the pilot can straightaway refuse to operate till the situation normalises. In short, the judgement or decision of the pilot/captain of the plane cannot be challenged. Yet this band of miniscule professionals appears to be repeatedly failing to do its assigned job. And that calls for strong action and intervention, if need be, by the state regulatory authority, DGCA. Who is going to police the police? For far too long the organisation has been beset with avoidable embarrassment as the "civil aviation police officers" also get overawed by the "elite civil aviation operators" of the country's non-scheduled operators and "private" air craftwallas thereby giving rise to a scenario like that of pilots facing the "VIP on board". The Indian civil aviation indeed seems to be facing a crisis for which one has to look inward. Who takes note of the entry and exit of the aircraft in/out of India? Who looks after the safety, security and operations thereof? Who enforces the law of the land? The answer is all too known and yet! Today, however, one is constrained to recall a small but significant real life story of glory of the 1950s in which were involved a top VVIP and a "rule-bound", obstinate ("kharoos" in colloquial term) but ace pilot. Defence Minister Krishna Menon was on board an Indian Air Force Sikorsky-55 helicopter with Flight Lieutenant S.K.Majumdar in command. Majumdar found the take-off weight to be above the prescribed "weight and balance" owing to "extras" accompanying the "VVIP on board", hence he politely yet firmly gave two options to the passengers. Either reduce the weight and fly or stay put inside, with the captain saying goodbye. VVIP Menon fretted, fumed and vowed to "fire" the pilot for "defiance, disobedience and insubordination,". VVIP Menon, however, soon had to discard the "extras" accompanying him. Majumdar made his point clear: "I cannot put the life of my minister in peril. Carrying out the minister's order would have meant not carrying out the my line officer's order which stipulated that flight safety is supreme". Majumdar (then in the early 30s) was the first helicopter pilot of India who retired with a zero accident record to his credit, "defiance, disobedience and insubordination"
notwithstanding.
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Palestinians are getting real Something
different is happening among the Palestinians. Their political leaders and civil servants are spending more time planning for a Palestinian state than criticizing the Israelis for their intransigence. During the first congress of the leading Palestinian movement, Fatah, in 20 years, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas refused to be dragged into belligerent rhetoric. He insisted that although Palestinians have the right to use all forms of resistance, he chooses diplomacy. The 2,000-strong congress of Fatah activists from around the world agreed last month to a platform that does not refer to armed resistance. Nonviolent direct action, however, is a different matter. No one understood Abbas' call to look forward more than Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. After the congress, he huddled with his key staff and Cabinet ministers to create a plan that aims for a Palestinian state in two years. Fayyad unveiled this blueprint in late August, outlining a practical approach to terminate the Palestinian economy's dependence on Israel, unify the legal system and downsize the government. The plan also involves building infrastructure, offering tax incentives to garner foreign investment, harnessing natural energy sources and water, as well as improving housing, education and agriculture. Among the other strategic ideas in Fayyad's plan are an oil refinery, a new international airport in the Jordan Valley and the reclaiming of the existing Qalandia airport north of Jerusalem. The prime minister has told U.S. officials that "we want to receive (President Barack Obama) landing in his Air Force One, not the Marine helicopter" from Israel. Fayyad told The Times of London that he made the plan public in order to "end the occupation, despite the occupation." He went on to say: "We have decided to be proactive, to expedite the end of the occupation by working very hard to build positive facts on the ground, consistent with having our state emerge as a fact that cannot be ignored. This is our agenda, and we want to pursue it doggedly." Previous Palestinian initiatives contained a requirement that Israel quit the occupied territories as a prerequisite for peace. That put the Palestinians in a no-win situation. The attempt during the 2000 Camp David summit with President Bill Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and PLO leader Yasser Arafat stands as the most prominent example of Palestinians being faced with an unfair offer but getting the blame for the negotiations' failure because of their insistence on a total end to the Israeli occupation. By taking the initiative this time and moving dramatically toward building a framework for a Palestinian state – rather than accepting defeat and Israeli occupation in perpetuity – Fayyad has been able to keep alive the widely accepted call for return to pre-June 1967 borders while keeping intact both his moderate political positions and his intense commitment to Palestinian liberty and a Palestinian state. If the Israelis want compromise, they must show a serious intention for peace in the negotiating room and not just in public declarations. The Palestinian premier was careful to stress the idea of a de facto state rather than a unilateral declaration of statehood because of a 2002 U.S. congressional resolution "expressing congressional opposition to the unilateral declaration of a Palestinian state and urging the president to assert clearly United States opposition to such a unilateral declaration of statehood." Politically, it will be difficult for Hamas, Fatah's militant rival, to reject this plan. Fayyad's approach does not compromise on Jerusalem or the right of return and is in line with the consensus issues agreed on by Palestinians. Thoughtful mainstream Israelis will have a hard time publicly opposing this plan, though hard-line Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu party leaders have unsurprisingly disparaged it. The strategically savvy plan meets rather than contradicts Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's calls for an economic peace; at the same time, it exposes the futility of continuing settlement activities in areas that will make up the Palestinian state. Although Fayyad's ideas do not make any political demands on Israel or the international community, it is essential that the U.S. and the other so-called quartet members – Russia, the European Union and the United Nations – protect this plan. No Israeli settler, civil servant, soldier or political leader should be allowed to jeopardize
it. — By arrangement with LA Times-Washington Post
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Chatterati THE Finance Minister recently ordered the two external affairs ministers to shift out of their five-star accommodation and go to their respective state bhawans. Both of them have shifted to the guest houses of the forces but not to their state bhawans. S.M. Krishna's problem is that he is very superstitious and is having renovations in his government house according to full vastu measures. And may be the changes are on his own billing. He is a rich man. His son-in-law is a rich businessman, who owns Café Coffee Day all over the country. The junior minister, Shashi Tharoor, is a high flier who is not used to Indian culture yet. He needs a plush five-star gym and services that simple bhawans cannot provide. Being a first-time MP he will hopefully get used to the Congress Gandhian culture of simple living and high thinking. There are a lot of senior Congress ministers living in much smaller houses than what can be allocated to them keeping in mind their positions. Can you imagine a Pranab or Chidambaram staying at a five-star? No way! They are very comfortable in their bhawans. Their houses are also so basic. On the other hand, we have many senior politicians like Suresh Kalmadi, Amar Singh and Mayawati who have made their government houses into palatial bungalows. The Congress is trying to save money on travels of VIPs and not hosting Iftaar due to the drought. Shashi Tharoor's Iftaar was hosted at the five-star Taj Mansingh. Wonder, what Mrs Gandhi will say to this now, keeping in mind how simple her own family is! The Prime Minister and Mrs Gandhi's Iftaars' have always been hosted in their lawns. Bihar politicians Nitish, Lalu and Paswan, always hosted elaborate Iftaar parties, where they hugged, smiled and joked together. In the last two years they have not hosted Iftaars — last year because of the Kosi floods and this year because of drought. Several MPs, when not allocated houses of their liking, stay at Samrat Hotel. Ex-MPs Govinda and Dharmendra had an outstanding bill of Rs 1.3crore. Seventy-four MPs, from May to July, owed Rs 3.71 crore as the room rent, that too at the discounted rate. At Hotel Ashok the pending bill of MPs is Rs 93.9 lakh and at Hotel Janpath it is Rs 40.5 lakh. This amount that the government spends on the MPs could have done wonders in the renovation of their respective state guest houses and would have provided great accommodation for MPs and ministers.
Love in times of terror It was unexpected, yet refreshing and amusing that one saw JKLF leader Yasin Malik with his Pakistani wife dining at a posh five-star Chinese restaurant. A very pretty and confident girl dressed in jeans and a trendy top. More surprising was that they were in the company of Iqbal Dyethin of the PDP party in Kashmir. Dinner diplomacy or some negotiations out of Kashmir or could be just good relations keeping their political agenda out of their dinner dates. Yasin is in his mid-forties whereas his wife Mushaal Mullick is 23 years old. She belongs to the elite society of Pakistan. Her late father was a renowned Pakistani economist, Professor M.A.Hussein Mullick, who was one of Nawaz Sharif's advisers too. Yasin has been arrested over 200 times, spent four years in solitary confinement, including a year with mentally challenged prisoners in Agra. But he has given up violence now and has turned the JKLF into a political party. Mushaal has a visa only for three months and then she will be off to the LSE's Islamabad campus. After that she wants to go off to the London LSE campus which was her father's dream for her. Different backgrounds, different goals, but obviously two hearts found love across the
border.
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