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Massacre in Assam Burden of justice |
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Clean sweep Ashes whitewash made for great cricket IF English cricket first “died” in 1882, when R.S. Brooks wrote about its “cremation” and how its Ashes had been taken away to Australia, it died again in 1920-21, when Warwick Armstrong’s Australians thrashed them 5-0.
Sino-Pak nexus
Death of a conscience
Butchery masked as judicial execution Chatterati Getting vaccines
to where they are needed
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Massacre in Assam EVEN as recently as in November last, after a series of blasts in Guwahati, both the Centre and the State governments were insisting that the “peace talks” with the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) would continue, while security operations against the group would be “intensified.” Innocent people are paying with their lives for the tragic ludicrousness of this continued farce. Both the governments should share the blame for ULFA’s weekend massacre of dozens of migrant workers. ULFA has never talked peace without waving the gun, and every security agency has averred, if it were not already quite evident, that the group has used lulls in security operations only to regroup, restock and rearm. The militants are viciously targeting migrant Biharis and Bengalis with the clear intention of ethnic cleansing. ULFA has long bemoaned the influx of “foreigners” into Assam, who were changing the demographics of their avowedly “sovereign” state. The banned group’s dwindling support among the Assamese people has only made them more desperate. Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi’s bluster about “no leniency” and the request for para-military reinforcements appear lame and belated. What is more, it was only recently that the Home Secretary returned from the state, declaring it “safe” for the national games. Parties in the bloody farce include the 11-member People’s Consultative Group, whose task has been to talk with the Centre and build bridges, so that “direct talks” with the group could follow. ULFA’s intentions though were never hidden, as on more than one occasion, violent acts would form a prelude to a scheduled round of parleys. And if some credible reports are anything to go by, there have even been pullbacks during critical operations in the Tinsukia district, which would have landed several of their “leaders” in the net. The Centre had gone so far as to declare a ceasefire last August which, ULFA said, it was accepting, only to have army operations resume in September following more incidents. In between, interlocutor Indira Goswami even issued a laughable call for security forces to withdraw from the state. It is incredible that this charade continues and those involved have blood on their hands.
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Burden of justice THE Supreme Court has voiced concern over the failure of the Centre and the states to hasten the alternative dispute redressal (ADR) mechanism and clear the huge backlog of cases. A three-member Bench headed by Chief Justice Y.K. Sabharwal has said that as many as 300 cases are put up before a judge for hearing everyday! If so many cases are thrust upon a judge daily, he can hardly be expected to do justice to his work. Not surprisingly, the judiciary is wilting under pressure. The arrears are mounting in the courts due to three major problems - manpower shortage, infrastructural constraints and procedural delays. Fast track courts, Lok Adalats and the ADR system have helped to some extent, but not much as the arrears have shown a geometrical increase. Though the judiciary has been blamed for the backlog of cases, it does not have any power to create additional courts, appoint staff or augment the infrastructure required by the courts. In this context, the Centre and the states have not acted upon the Supreme Court’s plea to grant limited financial autonomy to the high courts. Why cannot the government accept budgetary demands made by the high courts ordinarily and make allocation by way of planned expenditure? Justice Sabharwal’s suggestion to the Prime Minister to empower the chief justices of high courts to appropriate and reappropriate the funds within the overall budgetary limit merits serious attention. There is a Centrally-sponsored scheme for development of infrastructure in the judiciary. It is based on a sharing of the expenditure by the Centre and the states. However, non-release of matching grants by the states results in the Central grant not being released. Thus, there is need for better understanding between the Centre and the states in this area. Similar cooperation is also required in other fields like extending prompt financial support for the legal services authorities and the ADR mechanism, timely filling up of vacancies in courts and the much-needed changes in the procedural laws as recommended by the Law Commission. Undoubtedly, it is the collective responsibility of the Centre, the states and the judiciary to expedite justice and help the litigants.
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Clean sweep IF English cricket first “died” in 1882, when R.S. Brooks wrote about its “cremation” and how its Ashes had been taken away to Australia, it died again in 1920-21, when Warwick Armstrong’s Australians thrashed them 5-0. Now, 86 years later, most enthusiasts would have felt that another obituary is surely not misplaced, after a comprehensive drubbing by Ricky Ponting’s men down under. The 5-0 victory was all the more special to cricket fans, for it saw two of the game’s greatest bowlers make a final walk back to the pavilion. Shane Warne has exited from all forms of the game, with a staggering 700-plus Test wickets under his belt, while paceman Glenn Mcgrath will not be playing anymore Test matches. And what a series it was! A little over a year ago, Ricky Ponting had to face the ignominy of becoming the first Australian Captain in about two decades to lose the Ashes. It was to the credit of Australian cricket, however, that nobody, except perhaps the most diehard English fans, thought that the Ashes would last very long with the England team. And so it was, with the third match sealing their fate. Ricky Ponting set the stage with that 196 at Brisbane, followed by the 142 at Adelaide. Match-winning knocks all of them, and it was little wonder that he walked away with the man of the series award. Much has been said about the teamwork and the Aussie way of playing cricket. Some other things were evident as well. An extraordinary energy, commitment and character, that do seem to outshine other ways of playing. While the languid grace and imperious style of some of India’s best players have their own charm, for consistent victory, a bit of the Aussie way is what is needed. When Ponting is at the crease, for all his diminutive size, he wields his bat like a medieval swordsman would have, charging down the track on his steed. When he says that Australia can indeed stay at No 1 in spite of the high-profile exits, we had better believe him.
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Do not be afraid of opposition. Remember a kite rises against, not with the wind. — Hamilton Write Mable
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Sino-Pak nexus
GWADAR seaport along the Makran coast of Balochistan in Pakistan has become operational recently. Barring some perfunctory mention, it did not get much attention in Indian media. Its strategic location adjacent to the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman has serious ramifications for India. It wouldn’t take long before it is developed into a full-fledged naval base by Pakistan. Also, the fact that it has been built by China gives it an entirely different twist from India’s point of view. The Chinese provided the financial assistance and the technical knowhow for the project. Gwadar offers them a rare opportunity to reach out to one of the most strategically significant regions in the vicinity of the Persian Gulf. Gwadar is economically significant to Pakistan as any seaport would be to a country, but more than that it is the strategic significance of Gwadar along with the Sino-Pak collusion that it represents that threatens India. China having financed this project would stay put there for time to come. It will not only help Pak navy in devious ways but its presence will also serve as Pakistan’s “forward defence” and deterrence for India. For its own part, China will be able to monitor the sea channels, a mere 250 miles from the Strait of Hormuz, a key trade route. In fact, it’s a major sea route for world oil supplies. China’s presence at Gwadar will give it a direct access to the Persian Gulf. The nature of assistance that China provides to Pakistan invariably helps serve its own strategic objectives in South Asia. Construction of Karakoram highway linking China with Pakistan, transfer of nuclear technology for making the bomb and transfer of hardware like the strategic missiles are all basically meant to achieve its own long term strategic objectives in the region. China has been developing its relations with South Asian countries, particularly Pakistan in a way prejudicial to India’s long-term security concerns. Unfortunately, successive governments have not been alive enough to this fast growing economic and strategic arrangement between China and Pakistan. In the long run, the challenge will come from the Pakistan navy that is gradually seeking to balance lndian naval strength through asset development at the Gwadar port. India’s blue water navy aspirations and desire to dominate the Indian ocean region and show its flag right up to South China sea and Oceania will get a jolt, to say the least. Indian navy is fully conscious of this growing handicap and has been cautioning the government to take note of these developments. In the light of the growing importance of Pakistan navy, it has been assigned a significant role on the global stage recently by the US as a part of a multi-nation “Coalition Maritime Security Force”, also known as the “Multinational interdiction Force”. It will participate in combating maritime counter-terrorism in the vast Gulf region from the coast of Makran in Pakistan to Somalia in Africa. This is the first time that a non-NATO member has been put in command of this force. The regional role that Pakistan has been assigned by the US only symbolises the depth and the strategic dimensions of their relationship. it is in this context that the US Administration had offered eight Orion P-3C maritime reconnaissance aircraft to Pakistan when it already has three with it for its limited requirement of 700 km of coastline. Its presence in the Arabian Sea is bound to affect the predominance of the Indian navy. US wanting Indian navy to perform a similar role in the Strait of Malacca only betrays its intentions to balance the relationship between the two antagonistic neighbours. China’s assistance to Pakistan has been all- inclusive. On the nuclear front, China has promised to build a number of power plants at Chashma and perhaps at Khushab nuclear research complex too. As per some reports, a deal on buying six 300 MW nuclear reactors from China is also likely to be finalised during President Hu Jintao’s visit to Pakistan this month. Pakistan has benefited enormously from its close relations with China. If Pakistan is a reckonable nuclear power today, it’s singularly because of China. And if Pakistan is now going to control the sea lanes in the Arabian sea, its once again because of China only. The underlying objectives that China has in mind are worrisome for India. There is an amazing similarity between what China has done in Myanmar earlier and what it is now trying to do in Pakistan. In Myanmar, when the democratic world was shying away from the Junta, China went in a big way and developed road and river surface communication. The aim was to acquire access from its province of Yunan to the Bay of Bengal. It also developed seaports besides setting up a post at Coco Island in the Bay of Bengal from where it could monitor India’s ship movements and other activities like the missile trials from the coast of Orissa. China has similarly ensured a direct access from Tibet, not only to Pakistan but through it and its Gwadar seaport to the Arabian sea as well. China has thus managed to ensure its access to the Indian Ocean through both the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian sea. Building Tibet into a military fortress on India’s northern frontier, close relations with Pakistan on the western side and Myanmar on the eastern border followed by attempts to reach the southern flank only suggests China’s underlying obsession with rising India. China’s rising influence in South Asia affects India’s sovereignty and security. After Myanmar and Pakistan, China is now making forays into Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and even Sri Lanka. It has been supplying arms to the Nepalese government and enticing Bangladesh by promising to supply nuclear technology. It has already built road and rail communication network in Tibet culminating at strategic points along India’s borders. China’s endeavour to enhance its influence in South Asia is singularly aimed at counter-veiling India’s emergence as a power. The fact that some of these countries, particularly Pakistan and Nepal, side openly with China only suggests its diplomatic clout that it has built in South Asia. China knows it well that its relations with India would be essentially competitive in the long run and hence it’s attempts to thwart India’s rise in whatever way possible. India’s emergence as a power. Its new found clout and the growing ties with the US are seen inimical by China to its long term security interests. Whilst it wants to engage India in the light of these developments, it cannot forget the competitive nature of future Sino-Indian relations. No wonder, despite the problems that mar Sino-Indian relations. China went in for Cooperative strategic partnership with India in 2005, as it has done earlier with a number of major powers like Russia in 1996 and the US and France in 1997. One of the objectives of China’s grand strategy is to enhance its geo-political influence as a maior power, whereever possible. In pursuance of this objective China makes strategic forays in South Asia and other important regions where it feels threatened by US penetration such as Central Asia, Afghanistan. Korea and Japan etc. China resents US unilateralism and its increasing presence in Asia, for it runs counter to its grand strategy of acquiring comprehensive national power. India was aware of Sino-Pak nuclear liaison as well as Pakistan’s missile liaison with Korea all along and yet despite the perilous consequences it did not come out strongly against any of these countries for proliferation of dangerous weapons. It’s time India learns something from these very countries. Can India focus a little more on Balochistan, the lamest but the poorest of Pakistan’s four provinces that has warlike people. Over 70 per cent of its coastline is rich enough in gas and uranium and what’s more has sufficiently forbidding terrain to bleed Pakistan, Can India do what Pakistan does to India all the
times? The writer is former Director General, Defence Planning Staff
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Death of a conscience OFTEN I wake up in the dead of night hoping to clear the mess the day left. But these days I wake up a bit too much, startled out of sleep by images of innocence that went down D-5’s killer drain. Scores and scores of human remains, crying for attention, for dignity, for justice and not one of them from a complete whole. Seems the tragedy is yet to unfold, the first signs of an apocalypse rising in the eyes of parents, who cried hoarse for days and months and years before succumbing to silence that defines the system. Still silent, they are trying to make sense of the government’s reward — no, not justice for their missing kin, but pieces of papers or cheques as you call them to pay off for the lost children, who would have raised countless calls for mercy before kneeling to satanic desires. The police understands the pain; only it must deal “strongly” with emotion. So it does — with batons and everything else that underlines the “system’s strength”. Never mind the bleeding hearts and souls and the simmering angst that rises in the hearts of the poor with the force of a tsunami but returns even without hitting the shore. This tsunami will not only be predicted, it will be contained with might. The system is trained to handle it. Perhaps because it has weak origins — it is born in the hearts blunted by poverty and in the eyes conditioned to denial. It can, in all fairness, rise, but it can’t bring down the system. The converse, however, is possible no matter how many rules get bent in the process and how many innocent lives get drowned. Such is the dynamics of poverty in this country. Come to think of it, we are part of the rut. No wonder I often wake up in the dead of night, hoping to clear the mess the day left. But the mess of Nithari will never get cleared. It’s too huge, too deep to be handled. And the moment I begin to touch it, some questions return to stalk my conscience and bring my efforts to naught. “Where were you when the children were dying, when they were being plucked like buds from rose plants? Were they not lifted from the very streets you throng? Why didn’t you see them going? Why didn’t you stop them then:” questions come rushing like a flood of shame, threatening to blow my mind to pieces and reduce my heart to smithereens. I grapple for answers, not one comes to mind. What comes is shame and a sense of hurt on the indifference that typifies our attitude towards the deprived. They float around us like air — vital to our survival — yet we refuse to see them, to acknowledge their presence, to extend them a helping hand. As reason dawns on my benighted mind, my nerves start to rack. In the wake of mounting guilt, I tremble and hide and escape from reality, hoping I am not alone in torment, hoping the nation is reflecting with me. In my heart rest painful memories of an invisible people who lost their all to lust and diabolic obsession. And as I begin to count, the list of invisible people gets thicker. It features the maid in our house, her ever-elusive child, the rag picker down the road, even the gardener’s daughter who watches with a sense of wonder as buds nursed by her father bloom into full roses. “This time I will ensure that her wonder lasts. I will at least try”: I resolve hard and return to
sleep.
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Butchery masked as judicial execution The
lynching of Saddam Hussein – for that is what we are talking about – will turn out to be one of the determining moments in the whole shameful affair in Iraq. George Bush and Tony Blair have devised a militia administration in Iraq so murderous and so immoral that the most ruthless mass murderer in the Middle East could end his days on the gallows as a figure of nobility, scalding his hooded killers for their lack of manhood and – in his last seconds – reminding the thug who told him to “go hell” that the hell was now Iraq. Of course, Saddam gave his victims no trial; his enemies had no opportunity to hear the evidence against them; they were mown down into mass graves, not handed a black scarf to prevent the hangman’s noose from burning their neck as it broke their spine. Justice was “done”, even if a trifle cruelly. But this is not the point. Regime change was done in our name and Saddam’s execution was a direct result of our crusade for a “new” Middle East. To watch a uniformed American general – despite the indiscipline of more and more US troops in Iraq – wheedling and whining at a press conference that his men were very courteous to Saddam until the very moment of handover to Muqtada al-Sadr’s killers could only be appreciated with the blackest of humour. Note how the best “our” Iraqi government’s officials could do by way of reply was to order an “enquiry” to find out how mobile phones were taken into the execution room – not to identify the creatures who bawled abuse at Saddam Hussein in his last moments. How very Blairite of the al-Maliki government in Iraq to search for the snitches rather than the criminals who abused their power. And somehow, they got away with it; acres of agency copy from the Green Zone reporters were expended on the Iraqi government’s consternation, as if al-Maliki did not know what had transpired in the execution chamber. His own officials were present – and did nothing. That’s why the “official” videotape of the hanging was silent – and discreetly faded out – before Saddam was abused. It was cut at this point, not for reasons of good taste but because that democratically elected Iraqi government knew all too well what the world would make of the terrible seconds that followed. Like the lies of Bush and Blair – that everything in Iraq was getting better when in fact it was getting worse – butchery was supposed to have been presented as a solemn judicial execution. Worst of all, perhaps, is that the hanging of Saddam mimicked, in ghostly, miniature form, the manner of his own regime’s bestial executions. Saddam’s own hangman at Abu Ghraib, a certain Abu Widad, would also taunt his victims before pulling the trap door lever, a last cruelty before extinction. Is this where Saddam’s hangmen learned their job? And just who exactly were those leather-jacketed hangmen last week, by the way? No one, it seemed, bothered to ask this salient question. Who chose them? Al-Maliki’s militia chums? Or the Americans who managed the whole roadshow from the start, who so organised Saddam’s trial that he was never allowed to reveal details of his friendly relations with three US administrations – and thus took the secrets of the murderous, decade-long Baghdad-Washington military alliance to his grave? I would not ask this question were it not for the sense of profound shock I experienced when touring the Abu Ghraib prison after “Iraq’s liberation” and meeting the US-appointed senior Iraqi medical officer at the jail. When his minders were distracted, he admitted to me he had also been the senior “medical officer” at Abu Ghraib when Saddam’s prisoners were tortured to death there. No wonder our enemies-become-friends are turning into our enemies again. But this is not just about Iraq. More than 35 years ago, I was being driven home from school by my Dad when his new–fangled car radio broadcast a report of the dawn hanging of a man at – I think – Wormwood Scrubs. I remember the unpleasant look of sanctity that came over my father’s face when I asked him if this was right. “It’s the law, Old Boy,” he said, as if such cruelties were immutable to the human race. Yet this was the same father who, as a young soldier in the First World War, was threatened with court martial because he refused to command the firing party to execute an equally young Australian soldier. Maybe only older men, sensing their failing powers, enjoy the prerogatives of execution. More than 10 years ago, the now-dead President Hrawi of Lebanon and the since-murdered prime minister Rafiq Hariri signed the death warrants of two young Muslim men. One of them had panicked during a domestic robbery north of Beirut and shot a Christian man and his sister. Hrawi – in the words of one of his top security officers at the time – “wanted to show he could hang Muslims in a Christian area”. He got his way. The two men – one of whom had not even been present in the house during the robbery – were taken to their public execution beside the main Beirut-Jounieh highway, swooning with fear at the sight of their white-hooded executioners, while the Christian glitterati, heading home from night-clubs with their mini-skirted girlfriends, pulled up to watch the fun. No, it’s not about the wickedness of the hanged man. We merely shamed ourselves in an utterly predictable way. Either you support the death penalty – whatever the nastiness or innocence of the condemned; Or you don’t. That’s all. By arrangement with
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Chatterati What does a Dilli-walla feel about the year gone by? Well, it's a mixed bag of emotions. 2006 was really bad on the bijli, pani front and everyone is praying for things to improve this year. All civic agencies, like the MCD, DDA and the like came in for fulsome abuse. The judiciary redeemed matters by speeding up trials and giving some landmark directives like the one on Police Reforms. But traffic continued to be a nightmare and a stage has come when Dilli-wallas themselves want a serious and disciplined drive against the rude and callous drivers of Delhi. Two most enduring images of 2006 will remain etched in the memory of many – demolition of 1 MG road, the fashion mall of the high and mighty, and the longest silent procession of the educated middle class against reservation quotas in educational institutions like AIIMS. What is most heartening in the beginning of this year is that, according to an opinion poll by a daily newspaper, Mahatma Gandhi is still the hero of Dilli-wallas and would be the best brand ambassador for India.
Guilty cops The sexual abuse and killings of so many children in the Nithari village in Noida district can be ranked as the most ghastly crime of 2006. What is even more revolting is the initial attempts by the ruling politicians of UP to play down the blood curdling incidents. In a typical damage control exercise, the UP CM's brother fobbed of queries saying that these things happen in Delhi too. So shameful was the administrative response that an avalanche of outraged sentiments forced the government to suspend some police officers. A case like this anywhere in the world would be investigated by the federal agency but here, much to the delight of the Chief Ministers, law and order is a state subject; hence the CBI cannot take over unless concurrence is given by the state government. Thankfully, that has now happened. What this means is that if the case has no political ramifications, only then will it be handed over. The concerned cops should be dismissed at all levels. Firstly for negligence, then for not filing F.I.Rs, then for asking for money for filing reports, and then taking bribes to let go off the culprits. The cops are as much to blame as the perpetrators themselves.
Rajasthan bound On New Year's Eve, the most preferred destination shifted closer home for Delhiites. Rajasthan was de riguer, the place to be seen at the year end, and it upstaged sea-kissed Goa. The most high profile party was in Jaipur, at the Gem Palace, where a group of French tourists hosted a party touted as “the party.” Whatever happened to happening Goa? It has gotten jaded, that's what. Besides Jaipur, another haute destination was the Mehrangarh Fort in Jodhpur. Partying in Delhi has taken a major beating, as Delhiites are less willing to play host. Blame it on gatecrashing, a popular Capital pastime.
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Getting
vaccines to where they are needed Each year, 2 million to 3 million children in developing countries die from diseases that could be prevented by vaccines available today. Market forces have failed to answer the call for solutions. Now, a unique partnership of the world’s wealthy countries brings hope that we can overcome this market failure and beat these killer diseases. If successful, it will provide scientists and manufacturers the opportunity to develop, test and deploy the vaccines faster than ever. The return on this investment? The prevention of 4 million child deaths from pneumococcal disease. The most common cause of vaccine-preventable deaths – a bacterium known as pneumococcus that leads to bacterial pneumonia, meningitis and other diseases – is a growing problem in need of urgent attention. AIDS increases its risk by nearly 40 times, and antibiotic resistance makes treatment less effective. If pandemic influenza strikes, more than 4.5 million additional cases of childhood pneumococcal pneumonia will occur worldwide before it runs its course. Millions more children die from diseases such as malaria and HIV/AIDS that don’t yet have vaccines but could within the next 10 years. A major roadblock to developing and deploying vaccines that prevent such diseases is the initial high investment required by companies. To recoup their investments, companies often charge $50 to $100 per dose in developed countries – beyond the means of poor countries that often spend less than $15 per person each year on all health care. Manufacturers are reluctant to invest millions on the research and development necessary to create viable and desperately needed vaccines if they are unable to recoup their costs. The 2006 Group of Eight summit in St. Petersburg, Russia, took the first step in addressing this problem by proposing an innovative financing mechanism called an “advanced market commitment,” or AMC. Italy, Canada and the United Kingdom committed to financial support for such a mechanism; some other nations have expressed support but have made no monetary commitment. This approach provides front-loaded financing for vaccine development, creating a market that will attract manufacturers. Bound by legal agreements, sponsor countries or foundations agree to provide financial commitments to subsidize the purchase cost of future vaccines for a period of time, and vaccine manufacturers agree to meet criteria for vaccine effectiveness and to provide the vaccine at affordable prices. Manufacturers receive payment only if their product is demanded by poor countries, ensuring that the sponsors’ funding goes to support vaccines that meet the needs of these countries. An independent body ensures that the vaccines conform to rigorous standards for safety and efficacy. In this way, the mechanism will speed creation of vaccines to treat the most prevalent communicable diseases in the world’s poorest countries and provide them at affordable, predictable prices. The AMC is a new way for partners in the private and public sectors to solve an old problem. Working together, the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations, global health experts and representatives from developing countries have come up with an operating structure and an initial pilot project. Working with the World Bank, an independent committee of experts chaired by the former health minister of Malawi recommended pneumococcal disease as the best candidate for the pilot project. The lifesaving benefits of this pilot project will be realized only if donor governments and foundations make concrete funding pledges that can drive development and production. It is estimated that the pilot pneumococcal vaccine project would require donor contributions of $1.5 billion over seven to nine years. Britain, Canada and Italy have committed to $1 billion. The United States should join these allies by pledging $30 million next year as the first installment on its commitment. Today, thousands of the world’s poorest children will die from treatable, preventable pneumococcal diseases. We cannot continue to accept the delays of the past as inevitable. With innovative approaches such as advanced market commitments, for the first time we have market-based solutions to market failures. All that’s needed is political will from donor countries and foundations to leverage the best efforts of scientists and increased capacity from vaccine companies. By arrangement with
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It is so easy to perceive the faults of others. But how difficult it is to see one's own faults! of others his own passions will keep growing even though he may strive to hide them. —The Buddha Faithful believers, spend of what We have provided for you, spend of what We have provided for you, before there comes a day on which there is no barter and no friendship and no mediation. And it is the ungrateful who abuse and oppress. —The Koran He who comes to know God, becomes like Him. — Guru Nanak
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