The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

EDITORIALS

Nightmare in Noida
Human depravity vies with police callousness

IT can’t get more horrifying than this: In Noida, Uttar Pradesh’s showcase city abutting Delhi, the police stumble on a killer and find skeletons of at least 38 children in the house where he was employed by a businessman. Where were the Noida police and the UP government for more than two years when Chandigarh-based businessman Mohinder Singh Pandher and his servant-caretaker were sexually abusing and murdering children they had abducted? Where was the administration when the killing spree was on and parents of the missing children from Nithari village kept complaining to the police? Obviously, the authorities had no interest or inclination in investigating the disappearance of poor children. In some cases, the police are reported to have turned away the parents when they went to report that their children were missing.

According to reports, 38 children from Nithari village, near Noida’s Sector 31, went missing over a period of 30 months but only 19 police complaints were registered. Though five of these 19 have returned home, the skeletons and body parts found suggest that more than those registered missing have been killed. The criminal employer-servant duo has confessed to sexual abuse, mutilation and killing of not only young boys and girls but also grown-up women and dumping the remains of those murdered in the drain behind the house. Evidently, the drains were neither cleaned nor inspected throughout the period of this horror.

The barbaric depravity came to light not because the police were investigating the disappearances of the children but by sheer chance: they nabbed the serial killer who was in possession of a cellphone that belonged to a missing woman, Payal, who was also murdered. The negligence of the UP administration is no less brutish than the heinous crime and Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav should hang his head in shame at what has happened. Those in the administration who are guilty of and responsible for such prolonged negligence of even routine investigation and civic functions should be sacked forthwith, instead of being merely suspended. If the state government shows the least hesitation in taking the urgent measures necessary, the Centre should step in before Noida slips further out of civilised administration.

Jawan’s pay
Make the services attractive

THE new defence minister A.K. Antony has promised better pay and service conditions for armed forces personnel. To deliver on that promise, the defence ministry will have to do more than just make a set of recommendations to the sixth pay commission. And even those recommendations cannot be put together simply by looking for parities between rank, years of service and the like, with other services, including the IAS. On the one hand, the gap between what personnel in the armed forces get and others, including the much-cited private sector, does have to be addressed. But what is needed is a holistic evaluation of the jawan’s contribution to his service and a remuneration package that addresses his needs. Of course, that will mean more money.

If anyone thinks that the armed forces can be made more attractive as a calling, by offering at entry level, money comparable to what a call-centre executive makes when he starts out, they would be wrong — even if that were possible. A whole suite of benefits and perks will have to be factored in, and that is not just cheap booze at the Canteen Stores Department. Steps have been taken in the right direction with regard to educational opportunities, foreign travel and the like, but more will have to be done. Problems associated with support for family, and the education of children, is another important area of concern.

The feeling that a jawan is left high and dry at retirement, or when passed over for promotion, is acute — the skill sets that he leaves with, do not immediately put him in line for a good civilian job. Addressing this problem is not that difficult. A little imagination will also ensure that the benefits that accrue to a life in the forces are first, adequately packaged and delivered, and second, effectively communicated. And, of course, every rupee in the revenue account has to be spent well, with zero “wastage.” Mr Antony has his work cut out for him.

Conditions apply
Ushering in a new era in TV watching

THE Conditional Access System (CAS) introduced in some areas of Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata has a lot to commend itself. It is expected to end the woes of the television viewers who have all along been exploited by the cable operators. They were at the mercy of the operators who charged different rates depending on the area where the consumers stayed. There was no uniform tariff structure giving the cable operators considerable leeway. Worse, the viewers were forced to pay even for those channels they did not want to watch. All this should hopefully come to an end with the arrival of the CAS.

The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has devised two schemes under the CAS regime. One scheme offers a refundable deposit of Rs 999 for a set-top box (STB) with a monthly rental of Rs 30. The second scheme offers a refundable deposit of Rs 250 for a STB with a monthly rental of Rs 45. The STB regime is not being forced upon the consumer. If a person does not want the STB, he has to pay Rs 77 a month for 30 free-to-air channels from the cable operator. Those having STBs can view pay channels for Rs 5 each.

Significantly, the cable operators in the metros are now offering special packages to attract consumers. According to one option, the consumer pays Rs 1,800 plus taxes in advance and gets the STB on an ownership basis, 25 pay channels for one year at a concessional rate of Rs 600 plus taxes and 60 free-to-air channels. In the second option, he pays Rs 600 in advance for 25 free-to-air channels and the TRAI applicable STB scheme. The CAS regime merits a fair trial. Given the TRAI’s elaborate mechanism like a specific time-frame for connection/reconnection, repairs, billing complaints and so on, the harassment of consumers by the cable operators should come to an end. Teething problems like inadequate STBs can be tackled with better planning and coordination.

ARTICLE

Chasing a chimera
BJP’s new level of divisive politics
by S. Nihal Singh

Nothing illustrates the confusion and lack of direction in the Bharatiya Janata Party as clearly as the spectacle of leaders lining up to throw their figurative hats into the ring for a non-existent post, that of prime minister in a BJP-led government in New Delhi, rather in the spirit of Luigi Pirandello’s famous tale of Six Characters in Search of an Author. First came Mr L.K. Advani. With his unerring instinct for putting his foot into his mouth, he told a TV interviewer that he was the prime minister-in-waiting by virtue of being the Leader of the Opposition.

Mr Advani warmed to his theme. He felt compelled to bare his heart to reveal that Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee would not nominate him for the post although he had done precisely that in the case of the former prime minister. Mr Vajpayee’s answer came at the party conclave in Lucknow. Rather like humouring a frustrated colleague, he said he would indeed recommend Mr Advani for the highest executive post in the land.

Mr Rajnath Singh, the newly minted party president, was not amused; nor was Mr Murli Manohar Joshi, among other BJP notables. Echoing the theme of the former prime minister suggesting that the route to power in Delhi lay through Lucknow (gearing up for assembly elections), the president said he was the bridegroom all set to take the bride’s party to Delhi. It took the Bihar chief minister, Mr Nitish Kumar, to point out that the post of leader of the National Democratic Alliance, which had ruled in Delhi under the BJP’s leadership, was not vacant.

Beyond the comical nature of these claims and rebuttals lies the stark fact that though the Congress party ruled the country for more than 50 years and took its seat in the opposition ranks after a brief period of painful readjustment, the BJP’s six years in power have been so heady that it has not been able to revert to an opposition role at the midway mark of a Congress-led government. The impression the BJP leaders give is that they cannot wait to resume their ministerial berths and perks and are not, therefore, willing to reconcile themselves to a mere opposition role.

The two attributes the BJP and its earlier avatar Jan Sangh used to boast about — integrity and discipline — were quickly dissolved in the first months of attaining power in Delhi although victories in the states had earlier given party members a liking for power and pelf. In office, the BJP began to resemble the Congress more and more, with one stark difference. It had taken the Congress decades to succumb to the temptations of office but the BJP was willing to give in to these temptations after months of acquiring power, as if it were making up for lost time.

In his own way, Mr Vajpayee alluded to the need to curb factional fights at the party meet, but Mr Rajnath Singh’s hat was already in the ring with the bridegroom imagery. And he had stolen a march over other hopefuls of the second rung, presumably left fuming. Their consolation was that the assembly elections in UP would take the party president down several rungs because it was unlikely that the party would be able to improve its lowly third position in the state, after the Samajwadi and Bahujan Samaj parties whose order could be reversed. In any case, one suspects that Mr Rajnath Singh’s elevation in the party hierarchy was tied to Uttar Pradesh.

It is, of course, understandable that with both Mr Vajpayee and Mr Advani realistically out of the reckoning for a future prime ministership, leaders of the second rank should promote their own interests. A tragic death has taken out one formidable candidate, Mr Pramod Mahajan; the surprise is that public jockeying for the top position should have started so soon against the backdrop of uncertain party prospects.

Uttar Pradesh seems to have determined one plank of the BJP’s future platform in the next general election. It is Hindutva with a difference. Rather than emphasising the Ayodhya temple issue the BJP did nothing about while it was in power, it will appeal to voters on the basis of the Congress party’s alleged appeasement of Muslims. This dovetails into the BJP’s traditional theme of being a party that looks after the country’s security interests, unlike the Congress, which is allegedly soft on terrorism. There was, indeed, telling symbolism in the great welcome given to the triple gold shooter of the Asian Games, Jaspal Rana, at the Lucknow gathering.

The credo of the BJP being different from, and a cut above, other political parties was exploded years ago, but it would be a tragedy for the Sangh ideology if the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the party’s mentor, were to be tarred with the same brush. RSS workers are major assets for the BJP at election time and at the leadership level, the RSS has given the party senior leaders to instill discipline and a measure of probity. That the dividing line between the two organisations is getting blurred is shown by the presence of the Gujarat chief minister, Mr Narendra Modi, a veteran RSS man, and his role during the Gujarat pogrom.

Mr Modi’s name is being promoted for the top leader’s post in a party bereft of tall younger leaders. It would be a disastrous, if logical, selection because the BJP could then hardly survive in its present form. The party has played a divisive role in the past but if men like Mr Modi were to bring their polarising religious politics to the national canvas, they would introduce a new level of noxious and divisive politics.

One gets the impression that the BJP is still seeking answers to the all-important question of how to return to power. The fact that the edifice of the National Democratic Alliance has been preserved as a vehicle for a future victory implies a Janus-faced bargain. It wishes to trade on its Hindutva anti-Muslim card to win over a larger constituency in the Hindi-speaking states while assuring skittish coalition partners that they should not take the BJP’s slogans too literally. How many partners will remain in the NDA, come election time, remains to be seen. The Telugu Desam, for instance, has chosen to complete its transition out of the NDA.

MIDDLE

Jeevan Daan
by Ramesh Luthra

Small-screen visuals of a vehicle caught in the recent floods in Rajasthan sent shivers down my spine. I had never witnessed such a devastating scene. The ill-fated car along with its occupants was swept away by the fury of the surging waters in the twinkling of an eye! A horrifying scene indeed! I closed my eyes tight as I shuddered and recoiled literally feeling the force of the waters pushing me round my waist.

Nostalgia swept over me for the scene had flashed back upon my “inward eye” the Nightmarish event of my childhood years ago. An equally blood-curdling scene still stands imprinted on the retina of my mind.

I had barely seen five summers and five winters. Father decided to visit his sister at Abbotabad (now in Pakistan) during the weekend. Father’s cousin too accompanied us along with his wife.

Everything went fine till highway. Then came a “Barsati Nullah” that visibly looked harmless. Dry in patches it was. Car could easily pass through it. Lo! Right in the middle of it the black Austin refused to budge an inch. Father and uncle rushed out and started pushing it from behind. But it was not to be. God knows from where swirling waves gushed in instantly. A cloud-burst somewhere nearby had probably caused the flash flood.

In a jiffy water level rose enormously — rather was rising every moment. The very thought that we would be washed away by the strong current anytime made us jittery. Oh! Watery grave! Were we destined to meet this horrible end?

Now aunty was at the wheel. Much to our chagrin even repeated muscle power failed to push the car. What if we had to spend the night too there? Our hearts missed a beat. Pa and uncle shouted desperately for help hoping someone might come to our rescue. Holed up in the car with tearful eyes we raised our hands in prayer. Wasn’t less appalling than little Prince’s plight in the well near Kurukshetra.

Mother hugged brother and myself showering kisses endlessly as if it was time for final parting. And aunt creamed stretching all her vocal chords. Seemed it would tear the skies apart. Much to our dismay she fainted draining all life of us.

They say God does answer prayers…. Miracle did happen. Farmers ploughing land on the bank luckily heard our cries and shouting. They brought bulls to pull the car out of deep waters. Thank God we were on the bank after a short while.

Farmers’ rustic first aid helped aunt regain consciousness. Shivering in wet clothes we reached bua’s place late in the right.

The close shave with death left us shattered. It took quite some time and effort to get back to normal. Ordeal of return journey loomed large before us though an army truck escorted us. Much to our surprise not a drop of water was visible till the farthest end. Wonder of wonders virtually. Mother and aunt threw coins in the “nullah” and we bowed our heads before “Jal Devta” as a mark of gratitude for giving us “Jeevan Daan”.

OPED

Nepal’s rebirth
Many challenges on the road ahead
by Shastri Ramachandaran lately in Kathmandu

Nepal’s revolutionary transformation from an autocratic monarchy to a Maoist-driven republic may well go down as a world first in this century. Rare is such a political and constitutional quantum leap, in such a short span, even in the 20th century, which witnessed the triumph - and demise - of many democratic and communist revolutions. In what turned out to be one of the fastest peace processes ever concluded to end an internal war, down went the Shah dynasty that ruled the Himalayan kingdom for 238 years.

At the dawn of the New Year, Nepal is poised on the threshold of a new era, surging with hope and expectation that the meek in one of the world’s poorest countries may begin to inherit the earth. Yet, at this turning point in its history, the prospects on the horizon cannot obliterate the awesome challenges on the road to a new democracy.

In setting out on this journey full of promise and potential, the Nepalese can draw courage from the oppressive trials and tribulations they have overcome in recent years; especially 2006, when people’s power brought about a tectonic shift towards a radically new political order. Even those who wanted a monarchy, however ceremonial and effete it may be, were relieved at being rid of King Gyanendra from the throne. In less than five years, Gyanendra who ascended to the throne after the palace massacre in June 2001 chipped away at everything the monarchy represented. He demolished it.

The people and political parties, aided by the Maoists, gave it just that one last push Gyanendra brought upon it in April 2006. Thereafter, events moved in quick succession: the dissolved Parliament was reinstated, Nepali Congress leader G.P. Koirala was made Prime Minister, Maoist rebels called a three-month ceasefire and the king was stripped of his powers.

In June, the Maoists returned - after a lapse of three years -- to peace talks with the (Seven-Party Alliance) government headed by Mr Koirala. The two sides agreed on an interim government, which would include the Maoists. Five months later, in November, Maoist supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda and Prime Minister Koirala signed a historic peace agreement.

The accord marked the end of the Maoists’ 10-year “People’s War” with their declaration to join an interim government and disarm their fighting forces under UN supervision.

The next big milestone is elections to the constituent assembly (CA) in June 2007. In the acts leading up to it, the first one slated in the New Year is an interim constitution to clear the decks for the Maoists to join the government. Six months -- to the CA election -- seems a short run. In reality, it is a very long haul.

The ground is fraught with formidable pitfalls amidst fears of whether the Maoists would give up their old war-like ways and adapt as another political party of the mainstream to enable free and fair elections.

Despite dreams of a peaceful and participatory democracy rising from the rubble of the crumbled monarchy, the situation today is nightmarish. If there is a state in Nepal, it is so fragile that there appears to be no evidence of it. Neither is there any semblance of an administration though the SPA Government of Mr Koirala is highly visible in its negotiations with the Maoists.

The Royal Nepalese Army has been deservedly withdrawn for its atrocities as a praetorian guard. The police force, too, seems to have disappeared somewhere along the way in these last six months. As a result there is no agency to enforce law and order.

The Maoists are the most potent force on the scene today. Their writ runs unchallenged and despite their declaration to join the mainstream reports continue to pour in of extortions and intimidations. Hordes of Maoist cadres descending on hapless families demanding “donations” - and food and lodging -- is reported even more widely now, particularly in areas where they were not sighted before. Neither the administration nor the other parties are able to stand up to check these excesses. The other political parties, including those in the SPA, cannot counter the Maoists as the latter are feared and their diktats complied with by intimidated sections.

It is an open secret in Kathmandu that for all their declaration of the Maoists’ weapons being under UN lock and key, the rebels have set up safe houses and stashed away sizable chunks of arms for “contingencies”. Politically, the Maoists are more focused than the “bourgeois” parties. They have a clear map of where they want to go and how to get there; and they command the resources and cadres -- and firepower, too, if required -- to reach their goal without let or hindrance. So much so, that observers say the “rebel government” is the “real government”.

All this adds up to a situation where they enjoy immense advantages when the elections are held. Conditions for a free and fair election are far from existent; in fact, there appears to be no resolute evidence of these being created. In the absence of a visible state and government, the Election Commission, for all its brave efforts, cannot accomplish enough.

It has to work not just overtime but 48x7 if it has to have the infrastructure in place for polling in June. This means more than getting organised. It actually involves the EC and government penetrating areas that were, and remain, under Maoist rule; putting in place transportation and communication networks; setting up everything - from electoral rolls, booths and ballot papers to strong boxes, security forces and the atmosphere for election agents of all parties and the voters to come forward.

Nepal’s grand project of an inclusive democracy depends on the provision of these ordinary and familiar requirements that are taken for granted elsewhere in South Asia. Unless that happens and every one with a stake, including the Maoists, pitch in with their bit, the scaffolding for building the republic may not deliver the desired structure.

El Nino set to usher in extreme weather
by Cahal Milmo

A COMBINATION of global warming and the “El Nino” weather system is set to make 2007 the warmest year on record with far-reaching consequences for the planet.

The forecast for the next 12 months is of extreme global weather patterns which could bring drought to Indonesia and leave California under a deluge.

The warning, from Professor Phil Jones, director of the Climatic Research Unit at the University of East Anglia, was one of four sobering predictions from senior scientists and forecasters that 2007 will be a crucial year for determining the response to global warming and its effect on humanity.

Professor Jones said the long-term trend of global warming – already blamed for bringing drought to the Horn of Africa and melting the Arctic ice shelf – is set to be exacerbated by the arrival of “El Nino”, the weather phenomenon caused by above average sea temperatures in the Pacific.

Combined, they are set to bring extreme conditions across the globe and make 2007 warmer than 1998, the hottest year on record. It is likely temperatures will also exceed those of 2006, the sixth warmest in global records.

Professor Jones said: “El Nino makes the world warmer and we already have a warming trend that is increasing global temperatures by one to two tenths of a degrees celsius per decade.

“Together, they should make 2007 warmer than last year and it may even make the next 12 months the warmest year on record.” The warning of the escalating impact of global warming was echoed by Jim Hansen, the American scientist who was one of the first to warn of climate change in 1988.

In an interview with The Independent, Dr Hansen predicted that global warming would run out of control and change the planet for ever unless rapid action is taken to reverse the rise in carbon emissions.

Writing in today’s Independent, Sir David said progress had been made in the last year but it is “essential” that a global agreement on emissions be struck quickly.

The demands came as the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), the United Nations agency that deals with climate prediction, issued a warning that El Nino is already established over the tropical Pacific basin.

It is set to bring extreme weather across a swathe of the planet from the Americas and south-east Asia to the Horn of Africa for at least the first four months of 2007.

El Nino, or “the Christ child” because it is usually noticed around Christmas, is a weather pattern occurring every to two to seven years generated by above-average sea temperatures. The resulting accumulation of warm water off North and South America causes trade winds to die and brings increased rainfall and storms to the Americas from Peru to California while drought hits Australia and the western Pacific.

The last severe El Nino, in 1997 and 1998, caused 2,000 deaths and a worldwide damage bill of more than 20 billion pounds.

The WMO said its latest readings showed a “moderate” El Nino with sea temperatures 1.5C above average is taking place which, in the worst case scenario, could develop into an extreme weather pattern lasting up to 18 months, as in 1997/98.

It said: “Unusual and sometimes severe climate change patterns are known to have occurred during El Nino events of the current magnitude.” The UN agency noted that the weather pattern was already having “early and intense” effects, including drought in Australia and dramatically warm seas in the Indian Ocean, which could affect the monsoons.

It warned the El Nino could also have the perverse effect bringing extreme rainfall to parts of eastern Africa, which were last year hit by a cycle of drought and flooding.

Although the weather phenomenon is separate from global warming, scientists know that a combination can lead to an exceptionally warm year.

In 1998, during the last El Nino, the average worldwide temperature was 0.71C above the 30-year average, making it the warmest year on record. Professor Jones said: “The long-term warming trend has moved upward from what was recorded 1998. The addition of El Nino in 2007 means there is a really good chance the world will be hotter than 1998.”

Globally, 19 of the hottest 20 years on record have occurred since 1980.

Last year would also have been even hotter were it not for the effects of La Nina, the “twin” of El Nino which is caused by lower than average sea temperatures.

By arrangement with The Independent

Delhi Durbar
Advani’s team on tenterhooks

It is not just the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Lal Krishna Advani, whose long years of relationship with the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh came under strain after his visit to Pakistan where he praised Pakistan founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Others facing problems include his followers and erstwhile members of his team.

A little bird tells us that Rajnath Singh, who took over the reins of the party in January last year and was confirmed at the Lucknow session of the party’s national council, is in the process of finalising the names of his team. Initially, he did not effect any major change. But now the situation has changed and the list is being drawn up under the monitoring of the RSS.

Journos red-carded

Journalists have been slapped with a red card. From January 1, 2007, all central government accredited correspondents will become ‘Red Card’ holders. You might well want to attribute this to the tremendous influence the Left Parties have on the Congress-led UPA government. Well, the new Press Accreditation Card being issued by the Press Information Bureau to all the accredited correspondent for the year 2007 is red in colour.

A prayer or two

In the last days of every year, important, rather very important, persons are seen visiting religious shrines, churches, gurdwaras, mosques and temples. But when National Security Advisor M K Narayanan was spotted at the capital’s Ayyappa temple in R K Puram offering his prayers at the sancto sancturam, it became a topic of discussion in around the famous South Indian religious centre.

Clad in typical dhoti, Narayanan was at the temple for sometime. He offered to his guard, who was maintaining a strict vigil, the prasad that was given to him by the head priest. In view of the terrorist threats in and around the new year, the NSA was seeking blessings so that the nation could safely move into the new year, observed a devotee.

No room

The recent criticism over the high rates of hotels in Bangalore during the high profile international air-show Aero India 2007, to be held there in February, recently forced the Ministry of Defence to come out in defence and give a detailed explanation.

Secretary Defence Production K.P Singh very categorically stated that there was no shortage of hotel rooms in Bangalore and that the rates were not as high as had been reported in the media. He pointed out that people who had approached the Ministry of Defence had been able to get rooms easily and only those who were possibly going through private channels were getting higher rates. But how much intervention would the ministry be able to do?

Contributed by Vibha Sharma, S. Satyanarayanan, R. Suryamurthy and Girja Shankar Kaura