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Stem the rot
On Record |
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Education must help Haryana’s
backward areas
JNU must have Bhagat Singh Chair
to study anti-colonial movements
Profile The dying handicrafts of Bishnupur
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Stem the rot POPULISM, rhetoric, hype and glib-tongued promises characterise insensitive and decadent democracies. Such democracies apparently look functional and benign but have a festering underbelly that reeks of sleaze and profanity. The socio-economic and political institutions constituting such democratic systems too tend to acquire identical phony and hollow norms, and idealise the one-upmanship of its pseudo and crafty leaders who always try to hoodwink the gullible people through their assurances. Eventually such institutions lose credibility and people begin to look askance at their future plans. These days, the practice of entering into memorandum- of- understanding (MoU) with foreign universities is quite rampant among Indian universities. In the process, they are hardly bothered about the academic stature and reputation of the contracting university. Such MoUs are extensively advertised to forge an illusory image. There is a big gap between the objectives and results of these MoUs. Most have ended up with the only reward in the form of foreign visits to a few cronies of the university authorities. Many a time, the universities have tied up with third-rate universities abroad, only to refurbish their sagging reputation but without any substantial intent. A vehemently propagandist approach is adopted to advertise such hollow MoUs to present a duff image of the high standards in the university. Perforce the society is dodged and a few lakh rupees go down the drain on the foreign jaunts of some university officers without any academic gains. Likewise some universities have been stridently harping on the inception of ‘futuristic’ and ‘state-of-the-art’ academic courses without investigating their consistency with the surrounding socio-economic environment. A populist hype was generated in some regional universities during the last few years to institute multiple courses in computers and software development; commerce and management; biotechnology and bioinformatics; air ticketing and event management, and hotel management and IT solutions in hospital management etc. Though such courses do have a contemporary relevance, the manner in which they were clamoured and thrust injudiciously upon constituting colleges and institutions resulted in flagrant wastage of resources and disillusionment among public. Riding on the crest of computer euphoria, a regional university conducted a farcical reconnaissance visit of the academic institutions in South India to ‘study’ the efficacy of these courses, and in the follow up indiscriminately planted these courses in the constituent colleges. These courses happened to be duplicate and overlapping in many cases. No preliminary study was undertaken to assess the appropriateness and viability of such varied courses from the point of view of the employability of the prospective turnouts from such disciplines in the regional economy; or regarding the resource availability in terms of faculty and physical infrastructure in the colleges to efficiently handle these courses. The colleges were induced (or coerced) to initiate these overlapping courses in a huff, unmindful of the pitfalls ahead. The students and their parents were left in a quandary. Later, even the University Grants Commission wrapped up and de-recognised some of these. Some of the courses could not even see the light of the day. So what was the outcome of such senseless and populist ploy by the university-compounded confusion in society; turning out an unemployable mass of ‘educated’ youth, and the wanton squandering of resources by the harried colleges in forced staff recruitment and infrastructure provision. Such a hype and hypocrisy may have piled up frustration and agony for society, but surely it did boost the false ego of some university high-ups. Some regional universities gloat over successfully running sundry courses like tailoring and embroidery, jewellery and dress designing, and courses for training television, refrigeration, radio and computer mechanics etc. These course programmes may be adequate to appease the fancy of an ordinary man in the street or a naive politician, but a scholar and an academic may wonder whether this is the objective of university education. While crores of rupees have been invested in the university education system by our planners for the promotion of knowledge and research and for the dispensation of specialised advanced instructions in diverse disciplines in the campuses, some myopic pranksters in the university administration would have no qualms in brazenly preening over trivialities. Our education system does have provision for grooming such auxiliary technical manpower in polytechnics and industrial training institutes. The universities have a specifically exalted role in furthering the frontiers of knowledge. But the populist mentors in the universities leave no stone unturned to harp on the low-level achievements, which detracts efforts for achieving excellence and quality improvement in the university’s academic and research programmes. Instead of consolidating and exacerbating the quality of existing courses in universities, the hypocrites at the helm of affairs try to project a crafted image of their achievements through hype and rhetorical stances mainly for augmenting their personal position. In the same wane, in the perspective of the current reservation and quota debate, now they are recrudescing about expanding the number of seats in universities and technical institutes to accommodate general category students which is another ploy to ensconce society. This is so because already about 15 million seats exist in these academic institutions as against about 10 million contenders. The scramble is for quality seats and quality institutions and not for the quantum. The need of the hour is to create centres of excellence to promote quality education, rather than conceive a large number of obscure and nebulous courses or create a hype of instituting new ones detached from the reality of resource availability and the nature of economic activity that would help the trained manpower. The universities must abjure a rhetorical approach and be more pragmatic to give the best to society. The writer is Professor of Economics, Punjab School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar
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On Record
BHARTIYA Janata Party president Rajnath Singh’s meteoric rise in the party in a span of 24 years has come after hard work. Former Union Agriculture Minister and former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, he held important positions in the government and in the party. Turning crisis into an opportunity, the 55-year-old leader knows the art of making the impossible into possible. The success or failure of his aim to revive the party’s electoral fortunes in the ensuing Assembly elections in Punjab, Uttaranchal, Manipur and later in Uttar Pradesh would determine his political future. From all indications, this low profile Rajput leader is on a stable path. Excerpts: Q: Is the BJP ready for elections in Punjab, Uttaranchal and Manipur? A: Last time we fought 23 seats from Punjab. There would be no change this time though the talks for seat adjustments are on. Our general secretary Arun Jaitley is holding talks with the Shiromani Akali Dal leaders. Reports from the State BJP are encouraging. The SAD-BJP combine will form the next government in Punjab. We will join the government as well. The people in Punjab are frustrated with the Congress on prices and internal security. Look at the farmers’ suicides. The Congress will be defeated in the elections. Punjab is known as the country’s granary with record food grain exports, but the state government did nothing for the farmers. The Congress came to power in Punjab on the promise of Paani-Bijli for the farmers and look what is happening. In Uttaranchal too, we will form the next government. The Chief Minister will be chosen by the MLAs after the elections. The main issues in Uttaranchal will be development and unemployment. The Congress has failed in all fronts during the last five years. Can you imagine that over 300 people have red light cars in this small state? Consider how government money has been misused. We will select candidates after the January 14-15 meeting of the party’s Central Election Committee. Lakhs of people attended the Dehra Dun rally which has sent a clear message to the Congress. In Manipur, we contested seven to eight seats last time. We will try to increase our presence there. The whole of North-East is terrorist ridden. The BJP is really concerned about it. The Congress should have handled it properly. In fact, it should deal with this as a special type of geo-political situation. Q: What about UP? A: Our Lucknow conclave and the mammoth rally were huge successes. Even the BSP, when it was in power earlier, could not muster such crowds. We have fared fairly well in the local bodies elections winning eight out of 12 cities. We are sure that we will form the government with a clear majority in UP. Kalyan Singh will, of course, will be our Chief Minister. The BJP will be the single largest party in the UP. The main issue is the breakdown of law and order. The Nithari episode near Noida is deplorable. It has been happening for the last two years, but the government should have acted earlier. This could have been stopped. It depends on the Chief Minister. The selection of constables was not fair. There is a general impression that if one sees the list, he will come to know the position. Progress has stopped. Nothing has been done in the past three years. Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav has promised electricity at Rs 2 a unit. Nothing has happened. The state is running on caste-based politics. The Congress is politically insignificant in UP. Q: Who will be your main opponent in UP - BSP or SP? A: The main opponent in UP will be decided by the SP and the Congress. The BJP graph came down in UP last time around. As of now there is no groupism in BJP. Last time our support to the BSP was not liked by the people. However, we tied-up with the BSP with the sole objective of preventing frequent elections in UP. People of the state did not like it. Now having seen the rule by the SP, BSP and BJP, they are convinced that the BJP is the only party that can provide good governance. We are in the process of selecting candidates. Party workers with a clean slate and no criminal record will be given tickets. In fact, the BJP never gave tickets to history-sheeters. Q: What are the main issues in national politics? A: During the three-year Congress-led UPA rule, the prices have risen. We are in the process of carrying out a public awakening programme. There is total internal democracy in the BJP. We are the only party where organisational elections have been held in 24 states. No other party can claim this. This is a common man’s party and not a family party like the Congress. We are the only party where wholetimers are being inducted. In fact, five to seven full-timers are going to work at national as well as regional levels. This is nothing new...it has happened in the past also. Everyone in the party should be given responsibility. Q: Is the hold of the RSS going to increase over the BJP? A: The interpretation of the RSS stronghold over the BJP is wrong. All this is baseless talk. There will be a new team this month. About 20-30 per cent of the people are going to be new. They will be given assignments on the basis of their qualifications, merit and experience. Nobody will be idle. There is a lot of work in the party. |
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Education must help Haryana’s
backward areas THE
Haryana government has displayed keen interest in restructuring the educational scenario. Its focus is on improving the quality of school and college education. With the promise of ‘academic autonomy’, all the universities in the state have been ensured academic vice-chancellors. There is a new thrust on technical education including major initiatives in the information technology sector. Efforts are on to re-invent Haryana with education as a socio-economic imperative and a potential industry to enhance job opportunities. To reckon with the challenges of global market and the competitive field or employment in the IT sector, the government has taken steps to reorient the thrust of the education policy. Quality assurance has become a key word in policy formation. The idea of Rajiv Gandhi Education City near Kundli, proposed to be a “hub of learning, comparable to the best in the world” has stirred a new model of development. It has raised eyebrows among the peasantry and the political circles. In addition, the State Assembly has recently passed the Private University Bill with adequate safeguards to avoid Chhattisgarh-type problems. Higher education in Haryana is essentially entrenched in the accompanied realities of socio-economic fields. Rigidities of caste and gender are still thwarting the inner rhythm of economy and societal relations in the region. Education here is not merely an expertise in ‘spoken English’ or some sudden transformation from an agrarian mind to a technocratic expert; it has also been needed as a vibrant tool to foster liberal outlook and interactive humanism. The government is going ahead with a women’s university at Khanpur Kalan. But in Haryana where the imbalanced sex-ratio is a major socio-cultural irritant and women as a section of society are struggling to come out of the oppressive collaboration of patriarchy with unchallenged ‘rural idiocy’, the rationale behind the plan requires interrogation. The government should come out with a comprehensive plan to seek long-term direction and solutions. This can be done only in a teacher-friendly environment. No policy that considers teachers as non-performing burdens on economy can visualise a viable course of development. Haryana is now getting acquainted with the economic culture of ‘call’ centres. Rural Haryanvis are being told that the National Capital Region is bubbling with job opportunities and non-Haryanvis with greater skills would exploit this potential. This argument is valid, but its social consequences are towards a parochial regionalism that suits the immediate purpose of intimidating the local aspirants for jobs as also widen the gap between Haryanvis and non-Haryanvis. True, Haryana, with its proximity to NCR, will attract global investors. But these gains should finally help the more backward corners of the state. The government should explain its modus operandi in this regard. To earn the status of a model state, the ruling elite should resolve its dilemmas about education as well as the model of development. n The writer is General Secretary, Haryana College Teachers’ Association, RKSD College, Kaithal |
JNU must have Bhagat Singh Chair
to study anti-colonial movements As an editor of Bhagat Singh’s documents and also considering him to be a significant thinker of our society, who had close relations with Jawaharlal Nehru, on whose name, the JNU had been established, this writer has proposed that the JNU should establish the Bhagat Singh Chair for the study of the “Anti-Colonial and Anti-Feudal Revolutionary Movements in India during 1757-1947”. This would be the best and eloquent tribute to the memory of our great martyr and the icon of our youth. Looking at the development of Bhagat Singh’s personality on the path of scientific temper, the JNU is perhaps the best place in the country to establish a Chair in his memory. Bhagat Singh himself has proved to be an eminent thinker of the country, apart from sacrificing his life at the young age of 23 years. This writer understands that to fulfill such lofty ideals, fund crunch is a major deterrent. We have a concrete proposal to generate funds for the establishment of this prestigious Chair. The JNU can attract funds from different sources, some of which could be as follows: lGovernment sources: The Central Government has formed a national committee for organising different events for celebrating these nationally significant anniversaries, which means specific amount must have been sanctioned for expenditure. The JNU can approach the Centre in this regard and can hope to get a substantial grant for this purpose through the Union Ministry of Human Resources Development. The Union Ministry of Youth and Culture can also be approached with an assured amount being sanctioned for this purpose. The University Grants Commission would also be sympathetic to sanction grant for such lofty ideal. At least five state governments can be expected to sanction funds for this purpose - Punjab, Delhi, West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala. After getting funds from the Centre, the Chair can be made functional in the School of Social Sciences, with a multi-disciplinary approach. It should have academic and administrative autonomy like the P.C. Joshi Archives, but this Chair should concentrate on research with more number of fellowships as and when it generates more funds. For details, the JNU can start with an expert committee which can explore many more ideas, apart from those expressed in this proposal. Once the Chair starts functioning, an endowment fund can also be planned to expand the infrastructure like library, more number of fellowships for researchers etc. In this regard, the following steps can be taken: An appeal can be issued to Indians, particularly Punjabis settled abroad, to contribute liberally in this endowment fund for expanding the scope of this Chair. This appeal could be put on websites world over and it would attract good response. An appeal could also be issued to the JNU faculty to offer the royalty of at least one of their major books for this cause. Most faculty members will respond positively to this suggestion. To begin with, this writer offers the royalty of his books on Bhagat Singh for this cause - one in joint editorship and another in his single editing. He offers the royalties of both and also, if there is any new publication in his name on Bhagat Singh in Hindi, Punjabi or English. This proposal should be considered quite seriously and all necessary steps required in this direction should be taken. This writer assures his fullest cooperation, if this venture is taken up by the University. It is expected to receive support from all sections of the university – faculty, students and staff. This proposal has been strongly endorsed by Prof Bipan Chandra, eminent historian and Chairman, National Book Trust of India, Prof Prabhat Patnaik, eminent economist, Prof G.S. Bhalla, former Member, Planning Commission, CPM leader Prakash Karat, CPI leader A.B. Bardhan and Mr Shashi Bhushan, former MP. Other eminent personalities who have endorsed the proposal are, Prof. G.K. Chadha, former Vice-Chancellor, JNU, and Member, Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council; P. Sainath, journalist and writer; Prof Mridula Mukhrejee, Director, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library and noted historian; Prof Aditya Mukherjee, Chairman, Centre for Historical Studies, JNU; Prof Sumit Sarkar, historian; Prof Abhiji Sen, Member, Planning Commission and Professor, JNU; Prof Jayati Ghosh, economist and Member, Knowledge Commission; Prof Avijit Pathak, sociologist and Chairman, Centre for Social systems, JNU; Prof Surinder S. Jodhka, sociologist, JNU; Prof Satya P. Gautam, Chairman, Centre for Philosophy, JNU; Prof Tulsi Ram, Dalit thinker and Professor, JNU; Prof C.P. Bhambri, eminent political thinker; Prof Kamal Mitra Chenoy, social activist and Professor, JNU; Prof Kedar Nath Singh, noted Hindi poet and Professor Emiretus, JNU; Prof Varyam Singh, Dean, School of Languages, JNU; Prof Bhagwan Josh, Professor, JNU; Prof Praveen Jha, Professor, Centre for Economic Study and Planning, JNU; Dhananjay Tripathi, President, JNU Students’ Union; Prof Mushirul Hasan, Vice-Chancellor, Jamia Milia Islamia, Sumit Chakarvrati, Editor, Mainstream; and Prof Zoya Hasan, Member, Knowledge
Commission. The writer is Professor, Centre of Indian Languages, JNU, New Delhi |
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Profile Mr Moon has known for long years Vijay
Nambiar, India’s Permanent Representative to the UN till 2004. Obviously, he is impressed by Mr Nambiar’s profound knowledge and diplomatic skills and appointed him to a high-status
postion. Among the first two key appointments made by Mr Moon was that of 63-year-old
Nambiar, who will be his Special Adviser with the rank of Under-Secretary-General. “We share deep confidence and respect for each other”, the Secretary-General has gone on record saying. Nambiar’s job will be to advice the Secretary-General on a wide range of issues. He will also follow important issues for Mr Ban and be able to represent him in New York and elsewhere at a high level, liaising with Permanent Representatives of various countries. As a member of the UN Policy Committee, Mr Nambiar will assist the Secretary-General in implementing his proclaimed agenda of reforming the world body. One of the objectives set by Mr Moon is to implement the much needed reform of the UN to ensure “continuity along with change”. Having joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1967, Nambiar turned out to be one of the bright spots of the much coveted Indian Foreign Service. In early years of his diplomatic career, he handled India’s relations with China. Those were the years when the hostility between the two most populous nations of the world had touched lowest ebb following the 1962 war. Serving in Hong Kong and Beijing, he specialised in the Chinese language, a very difficult lingo to learn. His early experience came handy when Rajiv Gandhi undertook his historic visit to China in December 1985 which brought a “breakthrough” in the India-China border dispute and the relations between the two countries moved towards
normalisation. Mr Nambiar was at that time Joint Secretary handling East Asia affairs and one, among others, who did ground work for the Indian Prime Minister’s momentous meeting with the top Chinese leaders of that time. He also functioned as India’s Ambassador to China from 1996 to 2000 when times had changed and so also China, having opened up to economic reforms. Mr Nambiar had thus seen the worst and the best in the relations between the two countries. Another trying time for Mr Nambiar was when he was moved to Pakistan from Beijing. Though the term lasted barely for 18 months, it was a turbulent period in the Indo-Pak relations. He had seen both the times - the disastrous Agra Summit and President Pervez Musharraf leaving in a huff and December 13, 2001 attack on Indian Parliament. The relations between the two countries had plummeted to a new low after the December 13 attack. Mr Nambiar’s recall from Islamabad marked a dramatic escalation in tension in the sub-continent. During his brief tenure in Pakistan, Mr Nambiar’s first meeting with President Musharraf was interesting. The idea of the meeting came up when the then Pakistan Foreign Secretary, Inamul
Haq, called Mr Nambiar to his office to hand over a statement. During the course of talks, the Foreign Secretary asked him if he had met the President. When Mr Nambiar replied in the negative, Mr Haq asked if he would like to see General Musharraf. Mr Nambiar’s reply was that he would be glad to meet the President but he had nothing concrete to convey. As the news of the proposed meeting trickled down, the Pakistani media went wild with speculation that the High Commissioner was to meet General Musharraf to deliver an important message on behalf of the Prime Minister of India. One English daily speculated that Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee was inviting the Pakistan President for a summit in Delhi. The
Nambiar-Musharraf meeting, however, turned out to be significant; the idea for a “composite” dialogue between the two countries
crystallised. Mr Nambiar has described his stay in Islamabad as the one “conditioned by Pakistan’s political landscape. It was restricted by the fact that there was no Parliament. Political parties were not functioning as the country was ruled by a military ruler. In that sense, I did not get a full measure of the political rule there. The Press, the NGOs were all working under a predetermined sub-text”. Mr Nambiar’s next posting was to the UN as India’s Permanent Representative. After retirement, he was drafted for various assignments of the world body. He became a confidant of former Secretary-General Kofi Annan who made him a member of his team of top advisers. With his appointment by Mr Moon as Unde Secretary-General, Nambiar becomes an important functionary in the UN hierarchy. He is the second Indian to get the high-profile
job. |
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The dying handicrafts of Bishnupur INDUSTRIALISATION
has been accompanied by a decline of handicrafts in many countries including India during the British times. Globalisation and industrialisation today also are leading to the disappearance of certain handicrafts in many parts of India. Should we try and save some of these unique handicrafts by helping the workers to modernise and innovate so as to survive against machine-made goods or just let them die a natural death and get permanently replaced by machine made products and imports? Apart from losing age-old craft traditions, there is a danger of a rise in unemployment and human distress that can lead to unrest. Bishnupur is 185 km from Kolkata in Bankura district of West Bengal. Unlike Singur, it does not have very fertile land - it is a Lal Matti (red earth) area. Most inhabitants of this small and sleepy town are highly skilled and are involved in some craft or other. But for most there is a lack of full time work and artisans and weavers remain unemployed for long periods. Bishnupur is also famous for its beautiful terracotta temples on the town’s outskirts. Built by Malla kings in the 17th century, the temples continue to attract tourists by their amazing terracotta work carved by hand. Centred in Bishnupur are the famous Baluchari sari weavers who continue to draw inspiration from the temples around them. The speciality of Baluchar saris is the ornate border and pallu, usually embellished with figures drawn from the Ramayana and Mahabharat that are carved on the plaques covering the bricks of the temples. The weavers who by dexterous manipulations of a Jacquard loom, are making beautiful saris, are poor because they work on piece rates and when orders are thin, they cannot earn enough and are often compelled to selling onions and potatoes. Most weavers cannot afford looms themselves as they cost around Rs 60,000, and have to work for some one (usually a mahajan) who owns a Jacquard loom. The loom requires a room with a high ceiling because the punched cards through which the threads come to the loom have to be located at a height of nine feet. Weavers are too poor to afford such rooms. Some weavers are employed by a cooperative and are paid around Rs 200 per day. The silk is from China and Baluchari saris cost around Rs 1100 but they sell in New Delhi or other cities for over Rs 5,000 each. Such saris can only be worn on special occasions. Globalisation has changed the dress pattern even in Kolkata. If only weavers could get patterns for products that use their skills and use the border designs in items like tableclothes, napkins, curtains, ties and dress materials, their employment would be more regular. It can easily be done but it is not being done. May be because Bishnupur is far away from Kolkata and not easily accessible for designers and weavers to work together. In nearby village of Panchmura, artisans of clay are creating beautiful terracotta works. They are often (twice or thrice a year) selling in distant fairs and melas organised by the state government but mainly, they sell from their homes. Transportation of fragile but heavy terracotta items remains a perpetual problem. The potters sell cheap but by the time goods reach their destination, they are marked up by a 100 to 200 per cent. While they remain poor, the middlemen are prospering. There are problems of getting the right clay and an efficient furnace also. The fashion for biodegradable, ethnic and nature-oriented products has not made a big difference to the lives of these potters. Basically they still are making Bankura horses, elephants and copies of ancient toys. Actually the craft has been historically linked with local folklore and worship and the goddess Manasha who was propitiated by offering an elaborate terracotta ritual object. Bankura horses and elephants were offered as ritual sacrifice to the gods. The potters also look to the temples of Bishnupur for ideas and inspirations. Bishnupur is also famous for Kansa utensils which have a unique sheen but the workers making a living by making Kansa and bell metal utensils now are only a few in number. Bishnupur is run down and looks poor with narrow lanes and clogged drains. In most families the younger generation is not opting for the family occupation and many who are unemployed and disgruntled are joining rebel groups. In the old days, they would have become artisans but today they see no future in following the crafts tradition. Should the traditions be kept alive or allowed to die with talented weavers and exquisite shell and metal carvers becoming auto-rickshaw drivers or petty shopkeepers? May be the option is closed.n |
U indicates Taijasa. Those who know this, by mastering even their dreams, become established in wisdom. In their family Everyone leads the spiritual life. —The Mandukya
All creatures take birth as sin-less and full of nectar and maintain basic purity in its existence even if their own evil doings soil them over with impurity temporarily. —The Vedas Mere birth does not make a good king. If the prince is disrespectful of his elders and discourteous to young, he is not worthy of being the king. He must be noble in behaviour as well as in birth. —The Mahabharata |
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On September 28, 2006, the birth centenary of the country’s supreme martyr, Bhagat Singh, has begun. The Government of India, in its Gazette notification (May 2, 2006), has included Bhagat Singh birth centenary in its programme of celebrating five national anniversaries of important events of our national history. 
INDIA may have been left behind in the race for the prestigious post of the Secretary-General of the United Nations but an Indian will guide and advice the new incumbent Ban
ki-Moon in the affairs of the world body.