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Beyond belief Power of more To reserve or not |
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Exploding
Iraqi myths
Public sector definitions
Himalayan
passage Make Armed Forces Act humane Defence Notes
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Beyond belief THAT two Army officers can misbehave with women at a New Year party in a posh hotel in Kolkata is beyond belief. Even more unbelievable is that a Lt-Col would lead a group of jawans, armed with automatic guns, to raid a police station and free them from the lockup. From the reports it is apparent that the officers — Major C.P. Singh and Captain Mahesh of the Madras Regiment — were under the influence of liquor. The police arrested them on the complaint of some of the women guests who attended the party. When the report of their arrest reached their colleagues, Lt-Col Pratap Singh took a group of them to the police station where they ransacked the office, snatched the keys of the lockup and “rescued” the duo. Some petty criminals, who were in police custody, took advantage of the situation and escaped. The conduct of the two officers and the “rescuing party” is totally unbecoming of the great institution they belong to. The Indian Army is one of the most disciplined and professional organisations in the world. The officers were arrested for drunken behaviour and they could have been released the next day on bail. There was no need whatsoever for the Army to use force to have them released. In doing so, they took the law into their own hands, which is unacceptable under any circumstances. The police and the Army have their own roles to play in a democracy. If either of them crosses its limits, it will not be in the interest of the nation. While the law should be allowed to take its own course against the accused officers and their colleagues, the Army authorities would do well to do some introspection as to why a Lt-Col-rank officer felt impelled to use force against the police. Their conduct is as abominable as the violence IPS officers under training resorted to when one of them had an altercation with a kiosk owner in Hyderabad. Such introspection will reveal the drawbacks in the system of training the Army follows. Camaraderie in uniform is commendable; it also needs to be nourished. But under no circumstances should it be extended to wrongdoing. It is for the authorities concerned to draw the line and impress upon the jawans not to cross it.
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Power of more THE National Knowledge Commission (NKC) may have stated the obvious when it observed that higher education opportunities in the country were nowhere near adequate. It has backed it up with an important number — India will need at least 1,500 universities to achieve a gross enrolment ratio of at least 15 per cent by 2015. The magnitude of the task ahead is clear when we note that as of today, we just have about 350 universities. China has initiated setting up of 1,250 universities during the last three years. A lot more is happening there beyond the numbers. The Chinese know well that merely reproducing technology developed elsewhere is not enough. There is increasing stress on innovation and the development of new breakthroughs. If something similar has to be done in India, top-quality higher education, with a wide geographical spread and a healthy subject range, will be critical. The 10 per cent growth now being talked about should not make us smug with regard to fundamentals — whether it is sound policy, solid infrastructure or education. The NKC has made some practical suggestions about collating existing college clusters into a university. While these should be explored, a key observation is regarding the size of universities. Smaller universities that can be managed better and do more focused work are needed. The standards of existing universities, too, need to be augmented. Ultimately, attitudes need to change. Universities should be dedicated to higher learning. They should not become fiefdoms of politicians. There should be zero political interference in their functioning. Practices such as appointing IAS officers as vice-chancellors should end. The various recommendations of the Lyngdoh commission should be implemented as well. NKC members have noted on earlier occasions that privatisation of higher education need not mean commercialisation. Some of the world’s best centres of learning are private. There is no reason why businessmen in India cannot set up such centres of academic excellence in the country.
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To reserve or not TO nobody’s surprise, the private sector and the government do not see eye to eye on the issue of corporate social responsibility, especially in the matter of providing jobs for the weaker sections. Although the Union government has been working on legislation to reserve jobs for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, it has come up against certain obstacles. One, as the Attorney General has pointed out, this cannot be done within the existing provisions of the Constitution. Two, business and industry are opposed to any law on the issue. While Union Minister for Commerce and Industry Kamal Nath has been pushing the case for quotas, now Union Labour Minister Oscar Fernandes, too, has added his voice to the cause by reminding the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) of its responsibility towards the weaker sections. Like reservations in educational institutions, here too the power of populism may eventually force political parties to favour legislation regardless of whether this is the right approach to social justice in the private sector. Already, other ministers such as Mr A.R. Antulay and Mr Ram Vilas Paswan have thrown their weight behind Mr Kamal Nath, and competitive politics may compel other parties to support the demand. And, once this happens, the country will be stuck with another quota conundrum. One way to ward off legislation or a government diktat on the issue would be for the private sector to get more proactive on the issue. In recognition of the growing demand for reservations, the CII Affirmative Action Council has already been set up. But this is far from adequate when the term “affirmative action” itself does not bind industry to any specific obligation or course of action. Therefore, instead of leaving the initiative to the government, it would be best if the apex bodies of business and industry come up with an implementable policy prescription. That would pre-empt the government move by addressing the very issue politicians have seized upon, though for vote bank politics. |
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How oft the sight of means to do ill deeds
Makes ill deeds done! — William Shakespeare |
Exploding Iraqi
myths FOLLOWING the execution of Saddam Hussein, a lot of myths about him and the situation in Iraq have been manufactured by some political leaders in India with vested interests. While there is no need to dispute that the US invasion of Iraq was totally unjustified and the US strategy pursued there has been counterproductive, it is necessary to have a correct assessment of Saddam and the current situation in Iraq if India is to look after its own national interests. First of all, there is no need to shed tears for Saddam. He was not a pillar of nonalignment, a staunch secularist and an anti-imperialist hero. He attacked two nonaligned countries - Iran and Kuwait. He oppressed the Shia majority in his own country and favoured his own minority Sunni sect. He was the blue-eyed boy of the US, which supported him in his war against Iran and when he used poison gas against Iranian troops and his own people. He tried to use the US, and the US tried to use him. He overreached himself and proved to be a stupid adventurer who united all Arab countries against himself when he invaded Kuwait and made them invite the US to head the coalition. Taking an objective and critical view of US policy towards the region does not warrant rewriting history to paint Saddam in glorious colours. No doubt, he was friendly to India and so were his predecessors. That did not prevent the V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar governments from allowing US planes to refuel in India in 1990-1991. International politics has its harsh compulsions. There are no permanent friends and permanent enemies. There are only permanent interests. Let us, therefore, end this hypocrisy about making a hero out of Saddam. Secondly, let us look at the situation in Iraq objectively. There is resistance to US occupation both from the Sunnis and the Shias. The Americans expected the Shias to welcome them as liberators. But the Shias had bitter memories of US betrayal of Shia uprising against Saddam under US instigation in 1991, which resulted in the massacre of Marsh Arabs and their massive displacement. The Shias wanted the Americans to hand over power to them immediately and leave. At the same time, the Shias were not united and there were factions among them, the dominant one being headed by the firebrand cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr. Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani commands great influence over the Shias and is attempting to unify them. The neighbours of Iraq are Sunni countries, worried about the emergence of a second Shia power, apart from Iran. It was this consideration that led Saudi Arabia to persuade the US not to topple Saddam in 1991. There is a tendency in certain quarters to play down the Shia-Sunni divide as an American projection. That would be a mistake. In spite of tense US relations with Iran, the Iraqi Shia government leaders made it a point to visit Iran and affirm their friendship with the Iranians. The worst act of sacrilege in recent decades, blowing up the dome of Al-Samarrah Mosque, was carried out by Sunni extremists. When Saddam was led to his scaffold, he was cursing not only the Americans but the Persians as well. Most of the killings in Iraq are sectarian in nature committed by Sunni and Shia militias. The Sunni neighbours of Iraq -- Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates and Jordan -- have made it clear that they do not want a precipitate US withdrawal from Iraq. It is unlikely that the US will, in spite of the unpopularity of the war at home and the casualties suffered, will let down the interests of the Sunni Arab states and compromise their security. What should, therefore, occupy the attention of the Indian government and political class is an objective assessment of the likely developments in the Gulf region, rather than a lament for Saddam or the denunciation of US policies. Especially those who claim to be friends of Iran should pay attention to the likely role of Iran in the region. There are an increasing number of advocates in the US for permitting the Shia majority in Iraq to assert its power. If that power is not exercised in a secular way there are dangers of Sunni and Kurdish areas seceding from Iraq. That in turn will have repercussions on the territorial integrity of not only Iraq but also Turkey and Iran. On the other hand, there can be a realpolitik compromise between Iran and the US to preserve Iraqi unity and use Iranian influence to moderate the Shia fervour in Iraq and persuade them to share power with the Sunnis and the Kurds. It is in this regard the bipartisan Baker Commission had advocated that the US should engage Iran in negotiations to stabilise the situation in Iraq. That strategic development depends not only on President George Bush, but also on the Iranian leadership. However, there are powerful Sunni interests, particularly Saudi Arabia, who would not like to see growth in Shia Iran’s influence and stabilisation of Iraq as a Shia-dominant state and an increase in oil production in Iraq and Iran. Saudi oil interests have powerful connections in the US. Consequently, the issue of stabilisation of Iraq invoking Iranian influence has become a major factor dividing Washington. In order to buy time, President Bush is likely to decide on increasing the US troops in Iraq. Meanwhile, there are possibilities of ethnic cleansing of Sunnis from Shia areas. India can do nothing in this complicated situation. There is also nothing to be gained by denouncing Saddam’s execution and alienating the Baghdad government, which represents the Shia majority in Iraq and which will be in power in the post-American phase. International politics is not as simplistic as feeling virtuous by denouncing the big, bad Americans. Those who profess to be friends of Iran on the nuclear issue may like to ask: why the Iranian reaction to Saddam’s execution happens to be that it would increase tension in the short run but is good for Iraq in the long run. The verdict of history will be that Saddam Hussein was a disaster for the peoples of Iraq, Iran and the Arab world. He initiated a chain of disasters starting in 1980, a year after he assumed power, with his invasion of Iran. To lionise him as an anti-imperialist hero is a total denial of
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Public sector definitions FORMER Union Minister Vasant Sathe is perhaps one politician who isn’t afraid to call the shots and tell it like it is and he has just taken on the most sacred cow of ’em all — the public sector. Addressing a public meeting in Nagpur, he regaled his audience by succinctly defining the meaning of the exotic jargon employed by the public sector in India to justify its “dubious” existence at the tax payers’ expense. Herewith the meaning of the more commonly used hype. PSUs: Public Sector Undertakers. Heavy Engineering Corporation (HEC) has turned the corner. HEC has turned yet another corner as it has been constantly doing during the past 50 years and now finds itself in a “cul-de-sac”. Working capital: A gourmand’s delight which a public sector undertaking polishes off with relish after having a hearty repast of authorised capital and issued capital. Research and Development: Re-inventing the wheel. Functional Director: A senior convented executive with full and unfettered authority over vital decisions like the quantity of stapler pins, flat files and punching machines to be purchased by the stationery section. Technological upgradation: Installing second-hand, hand-cranked coffee dispensing machines in the senior executives’ canteen. Budgetary projections: Precisely calculating the amount of grants, subsidies and handouts that can be catched out of the tax payers pockets. Personnel management functions: Appointing one’s kith and kin as senior covenented executives on a five-figure salary. Economy drive: Printing and distributing expensive diaries and calendars. Business strategy: Sanctioning sole-selling agencies to one’s kith and kin. Overseas branch expansion: Opening offices in posh European and North American cities where the Chairman-cum-Managing Director’s only daughter and son-in-law are staying or where his grandchildren are enrolled in fashionable finishing schools. Administrative ministry: A government department responsible for blocking all attempts at progress. Scientific management: Appointing a favourite, but out-of-work brother-in-law as a “consultant” or a fancy retainer. Government Director: A person responsible for implementing the dog-in-the-manger policy. Management services functons: Ensuring that the sinecure employees are provided with stapler pins and gem clips to playfully make chains during working hours and the high-pressure Managing Director is well stocked with jotter pads to doodle during important Board meetings. 24x7. Making whopping losses 24 hours a day, all 7 days of the week. Commanding heights of the economy: Establishing a dominant position in the manufacture of joss sticks, shoe uppers and pooja and yagna
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Himalayan
passage THE momentous shift in Nepal towards a democracy is a stupendous achievement of the Nepalese people.In the critical stages of the peaceful revolution, New Delhi’s role could have been a life-giving one, or it could have sounded the death-knell. India’s every move was watched in Nepal and by the international community. And, India emerged unscathed – or with flying colours, in the view of some influential Nepalese observers – in this crucial foreign policy test. New Delhi, including extra-governmental players like the CPM’s Sitaram Yechury, did not make one wrong move. At all times during the tumultuous months of 2006 they were fully tuned in, in sync with the mood and ready with the right input at the required moment. India had to be ever-present on the scene, but not visible; available but not interfering. New Delhi had to be on its toes, think on its feet, throw its full weight behind the movement for democracy, appear hands-off, remain hands-on, keep a cool head and not turn its back on any section or be too up-front when counsel was sought. And India managed to do all that; and also shift from its long-standing position of support to the twin pillars of constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy to the sole pillar of multi-party democracy with the Maoists, if they went with the political mainstream. This is a major diplomatic accomplishment, thanks to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukherjee. Some observers went so far as to describe Shiv Mukherjee, and Shyam Saran (the previous Ambassador), as “God’s gift to Nepal”. That they can say so openly in select gatherings even as they criticise New Delhi on other issues, such as Kalapani and security, reflects a new appreciation of the big neighbour. It also indicates that India-baiting is passé, at least among the responsible classes who realise that Nepal’s political and economic development is dependent on whole-hearted and clear-headed support, cooperation and assistance from across the southern border. Dr Manmohan Singh’s support to Nepal’s political roadmap reinforced with an economic package when Prime Minister G.P. Koirala visited New Delhi in June was clear a signal that India is committed to financial assistance for immediate needs as well as reconstruction and long-term infrastructure development. The Seven-Party Alliance (SPA) headed by Mr Koirala and the Maoists, too, have abandoned their anti-India rhetoric. The Maoists were anti-India during the years of the monarchy when the two were pitted against mainstream parties. Those who form the SPA now also played the anti-India card when these parties were on opposing sides in Parliament. When the Nepali Congress (NC) was in government, the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) was wont to accuse it of kowtowing to New Delhi. CPN’s turn in office saw NC politicians returning the compliment. When the NC and CPN were a ruling alliance, the royalists and Maoists flogged the ‘Big Brother’ theme to provoke and corner the government. That was then. Now, the SPA and Maoists -- though divided by ideology, rivalries of power politics and differences on major issues -- are one in their democracy project, which cannot succeed without inclusive economic development and massive financial assistance. Unlike the “international community”, which is just vocal about democracy, New Delhi has to put its money where its mouth is. Responsible sections across the spectrum are only too aware of this. That has not prevented certain elements, especially vestigial, royalist columns, from trying to vilify India, vitiate Nepal-India relations and create panic. Two recent instances are instructive. Surprisingly, even sections of the media that ought to know better, are taken in by the falsehoods calculated to foment trouble. One report attributed petroleum shortage to Indian Oil Corporation slashing fuel supplies to “strangulate” Nepal. The other accused India of grabbing 500 bighas of land bordering Uttar Pradesh. Enquiries reveal that both reports are baseless. The one about IOC reducing oil supply triggered panic and sent people rushing to fuel stations. The situation eased only after the Nepalese Minister for Industry, Commerce and Supplies set the record straight. The report in two Kathmandu dailies stated that IOC cut supplies to tighten the screws for recovering money owed by Nepal Oil Corporation. The fact is that in December, the off-take of petroleum products was higher than in November. IOC had not only delivered planned supplies on schedule but had also agreed to additional supplies to meet the increased demand. In the second case, a Nepali daily’s story of Indian encroachment appears to be a misleading interpretation of the boundary pillars on the 1800-km border. Aligning of the pillars, underway since 1980, is carried out by a Joint Technical Committee of the two countries. This is a bilateral process where a joint team - not surveyors from any one country - is tasked with identification and demarcation of the border. In any case, the boundary pillar’s placement, reported as an “encroachment”, was not executed in 2006, but months before. With trouble brewing in Nepal’s Terai areas adjoining UP, the report could have been intended to spread further disaffection and stir up the situation. These should serve as cautionary tales of elements out to disrupt peace in Nepal, thwart stability and order, spread panic, create hostility, wound Nepal and damage Nepal-India relations. As South Asia’s oldest nation-state marches to the 21st century’s newest revolutionary beat, a few of Nepal’s enemies may be within, working overtime to derail the elections slated for June. If that happens, the longer intervening period would allow ample scope for mischief and all that has been tied up can unravel with unforeseen consequences. |
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Make Armed Forces Act humane THE 147-page report of the Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Committee on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) says that it had been guided by three basic conditions while devising a solution. First is the “the security of the nation, which is of paramount importance”. Second, “it is equally the duty of the Union and the States to not only respect the fundamental rights conferred upon the citizens of India by ... the Constitution, they are also under an obligation to ensure the conditions wherein the citizens can enjoy and avail [their] ... fundamental rights.” Third, the “armed forces of the Union are meant to ensure the defense of the Union and all its parts.” While the deployment of the armed forces at times may be unavoidable, the report however stresses that “too frequent a deployment, and for long periods of time, carries with it the danger of such forces losing their moorings and becoming, in effect, another police force, a prey to all the temptations and weaknesses such exposures involve.” Such exposures, it notes, “may well lead to the brutalisation of such forces – which is a danger to be particularly guarded against.” After the alleged extrajudicial execution of 32-year-old Thangjam Manorama Devi, Manipur faced unprecedented civil disobedience over the demand for removal of the AFSPA. This act empowers non-commissioned officers to search without warrant, arrest without warrant and shoot even causing death. The security forces enjoy virtual impunity for any excesses while exercising these unrestrained powers as no one can be prosecuted without the permission of the Central government. Under the AFSPA, the authorities only need to be “of the opinion that whole or parts of the area are in a dangerous or disturbed condition such that the use of the Armed Forces in aid of civil powers is necessary.” The Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Committee report has unambiguously recommended the repeal of the controversial law in Manipur and in the Northeast. “The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, should be repealed .The Act is too sketchy, too bald and quite inadequate in several particulars. The Act, for whatever reason, has become a symbol of oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and high-handedness,” says the report The panel gave its report in June 2005 but the Manmohan Singh Government has neither officially accepted nor rejected its findings. The recommendations done by the panel has many worthy suggestions but its suggestion of scrapping AFSPA is not justified. It is true there have been many instances where the army and the para-military forces have violated the basic human rights of the ordinary citizens taking recourse into this law, but to scrap it all together is not justified. There are many areas in the Northeast which have parallel governments run by militant outfits such, such as in many remote areas in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Tripura. To deal with such areas and to bring them under the control of the government of India, such strong anti-terror laws are required. When the whole country is suffering from terrible forms of terrorism, to scrap such laws would be harmful to the basic foundation of the country and its unity in the long run. The Northeast is a very remote corner of India, with its only connection with the rest of India being a 33 sq kms of area called the chicken neck. To allow further consolidation of the terrorist outfits in that part of the country would mean ultimately handing over this part of India to the militant groups. Northeast India is strategically very important for the country as it is surrounded by different countries, from all sides some of which are hostile to India. To allow such laws to go would give a free hand to all those militant outfits which operate from across the border from those hostile countries. The requirement now is to include safeguards within AFSPA so that the law becomes more humane to ordinary citizens and more stringent towards the militant outfits. The Indian government should initiate more interaction between the Indian armed forces and the local population in the Northeast so that a friendly atmosphere is created, which will help in the normalization of the situation. Those soldiers found guilty of human rights violations such as rapes and molestations, should be tried by the court of law and severe punishment should be given to the culprits. |
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Defence Notes INDIA is close to finalising a multi-billion dollar deal for the retrofit of its 52, frontline, Mirage-2000 fighter aircraft, in a bid to give them a fresh lease of life. As of now, there is still no clear indication about the country going ahead with its plans for acquiring 126 multi-role fighter aircraft in a mega defence deal. Besides arming the Mirage-2000 with the futuristic new ‘Matra Mica’ air-to-air missiles, the upgradation would also include the mounting of a joint tactical information datalink system, compatibility with helmet-mounted sights, heat-seeking missiles and long range sensors. The upgradation deal, which is at the finalisation stage, would be undertaken in India sometime later this year. It would involve a complete change of radar systems, combat display systems and electronic warfare systems. The retrofit would be undertaken jointly by a French-India consortium.
More T-90 tanks With the indigenously produced main battle tank (MBT) Arjun still to get battle clearance from the army, the force is to get at least 300 new upgraded T-90 MBTs with new fire control systems. The tanks with the new systems would be imported from Russia at an estimated cost of Rs 3,900 crore and are likely to be inducted into the army over the next two years. With this, the total number of T-90 tanks with the army would cross the 600 figure mark. India had come to an agreement with Russia to produce a total of 1,100 T-90 tanks. Under the Indo-Russian deal signed in 2002, India was to have purchased 140 T-90 tanks off-the-shelf and another 186 tanks were to be produced indigenously under transfer of technology. However, the new deal is for the third batch, which would also include equipping the tanks with the new fire control system and night operational capability.
New howitzers As part of an effort to maximise its firepower the Army would soon be inducting new 155-mm howitzers. While the trials for the howitzers are underway, the army would soon evaluate the results and choose the best option. The Indian Army had shortlisted three howitzers -- the Swedish Bofors, the Israeli Soltam and the South African Denel. It plans to purchase about 150 of the howitzers while more would be manufactured here under transfer of technology. Of the three contenders, the South African firm has already been blacklisted following allegations of indulging in ‘corrupt practices’ for an earlier contract. The other two have been tested extensively in the field trials in the desert and are now undergoing cold weather trials in Ladakh. |
No government on earth can make men, who have realised freedom in their hearts, salute against their will. — Mahatma Gandhi Man attains to the Great through the praise of the Great One. — Guru Nanak Even as a mother protects with her life her child, her only child, so with a boundless heart should one cherish all living beings. — The Buddha |
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