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An outcome of dual loyalty A convincing win |
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Rot in universities CMs should have no say in VCs’ selection Uttar Pradesh Governor T.V. Rajeswar has indeed struck a blow against corruption, nepotism and maladministration by summarily sacking four Vice-Chancellors of the universities at Bareilly, Jaunpur, Kanpur and Meerut. This comes close on the heels of the dismissal of two Vice-Chancellors earlier (Bundelkhand University, Jhansi, and CCS University, Meerut).
Alienating the middle class
The sex spectrum
No trace of Iraq’s missing $1 billion Going beyond free power Delhi Durbar
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An outcome of dual loyalty
Expected as it was, Mr Lal Krishna Advani’s announcement about his decision to demit the office of president of the BJP by December-end would not have received much attention but for his criticism of the RSS. Having been a blue-eyed boy of the RSS all these years and having never lost an opportunity to kow-tow to the “mother” organisation, it is too late in the day for him to berate the RSS for its interference in the affairs of the BJP. The only difference from the past is that this time the RSS wanted to evict him from the leadership of the party. So much for Mr Advani’s righteous indignation over the undue role the RSS plays in the running of the BJP! Come to think of it, those of Mr Advani’s ilk had no compunction in sacrificing the first non-Congress government at the Centre in the late-seventies on the issue of dual membership – of the Janata Party and the RSS. At that time, the argument that Mr Advani and company trotted out was that they shared an “umbilical” relationship with the RSS. They forgot to realise that when they merged the erstwhile Jan Sangh in the Janata Party, the identity of the former was subsumed in the identity of the latter. Again, 25 years ago when they formed the BJP, it was thought that it would remain independent of the RSS. Instead, leaders like Mr Advani preferred to project themselves as ardent swayamsevaks and sought directions from the RSS on questions of ideology and organisational conduct and at times governmental policy. It should have occurred to the BJP leaders that cutting the umbilical chord with the RSS, and not retaining it, was the best option available to them at the time of the party’s birth. Uncut, the chord turned out to be a stranglehold. Since the snapping of ties did not happen, the RSS found it convenient to call the shots in the mistaken belief that it was the repository of all wisdom. If Mr Advani was really concerned about the undue interference, he should have done something to stop it, rather than taking pot shots at the RSS while announcing his impending departure. For all its protestations of nationalism, the RSS is a sectarian organisation with a tunnel vision. Its link with the BJP will keep large sections of people away from the party. As such, the earlier the BJP snaps its ties with the RSS, the better it will be for both the BJP and parliamentary democracy. For Mr Advani, a BJP free from the RSS, or otherwise, is not of much relevance any longer. In any case, he has become yesterday’s leader. |
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A convincing win
Elections to local bodies are considered reliable pointers to what forthcoming Assembly elections have in store. To that extent, the Congress must be pleased with its performance in Sunday’s election to 25 municipal councils and nagar panchayats and byelections in 14 municipal bodies. It captured a majority of them. In fact, it could have done even better had the groupism within the party not come to the fore. It is a convincing victory indeed that defies the anti-incumbency factor, but it should not go to the party’s head. What helped it to a great extent was the fact that the Akali Dal and the BJP had even more serious problems of their own. The Congress will have to do a lot more to keep up the momentum till the Assembly elections due in early 2007. Nor should it have any false notions about the efficacy of measures like free electricity to farmers. The local bodies elections were marred by stray incidents of violence in Amritsar, Patiala and several other places. The Opposition has also alleged rigging and intimidation. Such clashes are indeed a slur on electioneering, but these were not really so widespread as to discredit the whole election process. At some places, the Akali workers were as much to blame as the Congress. The latter as a ruling party should ensure that its cadres are well-behaved, but at the same time, the Akalis too should desist from violence. What matters is that the situation did not go completely out of hand. The experience so far is that the heat generated by elections does not dissipate even after the results are declared. Battlelines remain firmly drawn and that hampers the functioning of local bodies. This tendency deserves to be curbed strongly. While constructive criticism is necessary to ensure that the winning dispensation is always on its toes, that should not become an excuse for unhealthy friction. |
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Rot in universities
Uttar Pradesh Governor T.V. Rajeswar has indeed struck a blow against corruption, nepotism and maladministration by summarily sacking four Vice-Chancellors of the universities at Bareilly, Jaunpur, Kanpur and Meerut. This comes close on the heels of the dismissal of two Vice-Chancellors earlier (Bundelkhand University, Jhansi, and CCS University, Meerut). What is happening in these universities today is the antithesis of the concept and values of higher education. The four Vice-Chancellors sacked were running unauthorised and illegal franchising of centres all over the country. They were distributing degrees such as M. Phil, M.Sc, MBA, M. Tech, and LL M through intermediaries called “facilitators” who coordinated the illegal transactions between the universities and the centres. Thousands of students paid between Rs 15,000 and Rs 30,000 per semester for various courses, not knowing that these degrees were fake. The Governor took the extreme step following an inquiry by two Principal Secretaries of the government. He has now aptly decided to seek their criminal prosecution. But then, Uttar Pradesh is not the only state where the incumbents have brought shame and disgrace to the exalted and hallowed post of Vice-Chancellor. The VCs’ image has taken a beating in most universities in the country today because Chief Ministers handpick persons for the top post on grounds other than scholarship, integrity and respect they enjoy in the academic community. There is indeed a steady deterioration in higher education. How can a university’s standards be improved if the Vice-Chancellor himself is corrupt and does not take care that nobody questions his personal qualities? The Manmohan Singh Government needs to take effective steps to restore the pre-eminent position of the Vice-Chancellor. Malcontents should have no place in the universities. Otherwise, the whole system down the ladder will stink and we will continue to watch incidents such as those in UP. Chief Ministers should have no say on the appointment of Vice-Chancellors. The recommendations of the Education Commission (1964-66) headed by Dr D.S. Kothari and the UGC Committee on Appointment of Vice-Chancellors in Indian Universities (1991-93) need to be implemented in right earnest to regain the lost image of the universities. |
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The artist is not a special kind of man, but every man is a special kind of artist.
— Ananda Coomaraswamy |
Alienating the middle class
If the CPM is the Don Quixote of the Left, tirelessly tilting at the windmills of LPG (liberalisation, privatisation, globalisation), then the CPI is surely its devoted Sancho Panza. The two together have been valiantly engaged over the last one year in saving India from the greedy grasp of the IMF and the World Bank and their “agents” in this country. In their indefatigable struggle, they can rightfully claim to have the support of the organised working class, the designated vanguard of the proletarian revolutionaries. In terms of numbers, however, this seemingly substantial base is less than impressive, for the organised working class in India is said to represent no more than 8 per cent of the total number of the working force. The percentages are even more depressing if the overall picture in terms of the electoral strength of the Leftists is considered. Don Quixote, for instance, for all its bluster, especially after the hardliner Prakash Karat assumed charge, secured a mere 5.6 per cent of the votes in the last general election while Sancho managed a measly 1.4 per cent. It is obvious that the Left’s new-found importance in Parliament has made it lose sight of its limited influence. It is possible to wonder, therefore, that if the CPI’s A.B. Bardhan, D. Raja and Gurudas Dasgupta can storm the airwaves, why cannot the unknown Abani Roy of the RSP which, with its 0.44 per cent votes, is not all that far behind the CPI’s 1.4 ? The reason why the CPI is way ahead where publicity is concerned is that the party still harbours the illusion of being a major force, having retained the original identity of the first organisation of Indian communists. What is more, nearly everyone else, Left and non-Left, treats as such. It is a position which the CPM, though the larger of the two parties, relinquished at the time of the split in 1964. The CPI still regards the rupture as unwarranted, not the least because the CPM itself had split in 1969 when the Naxalites walked out. This may be the reason why even four decades after the breach, the CPI occasionally calls for a merger with the CPM, an appeal which the latter invariably turns down. It is not difficult to explain why this proposal and its rejection are a regular feature of communist politics. The CPI evidently hopes to regain its lost influence through reunification while the CPM is probably scared that it may lose its distinctiveness if it succumbs to the CPI’s siren call. After all, when the two went their separate ways, the CPI is supposed to have inherited the “brain” while the CPM had to make do with the “brawn” of the communist movement. So, even now, the latter is probably afraid that it may be tricked by the supposedly cleverer comrades of the CPI into adopting ideological positions which the CPM may not approve. The CPM’s apprehension is not unjustified. At the time of the 1964 split, a major difference between the two parties was on the characterisation of the Congress. While the CPM believed that the party of Jawaharlal Nehru comprised degenerate reactionaries, the CPI argued that there were still a few “progressive” elements in the Congress. It is this belief which led the CPI to align with the Congress between 1970 and 1977. Its argument then was that the “left and democratic unity” — a favourite term of the Left — “cannot be built on the basis of non-Congressism or by surrendering in any way to a sectarian political approach towards the radical sections inside the ruling Congress or the masses following the Congress” (Cochin conclave of the CPI, 1971). But for the Emergency, the CPI would have probably remained an ally of the Congress for a much longer period. Before it joined the Congress camp, however, the CPI had the satisfaction of seeing the CPM support the candidature of V.V. Giri, who was put up by Indira Gandhi for the post of President against Sanjeeva Reddy, who was the nominee of the “reactionary” Syndicate. The CPM’s move, therefore, was a virtual endorsement of the CPI’s line that there were “progressives” within the Congress. So, Sancho Panza could claim to have bested Don Quixote within five years of their parting of ways. The Emergency, of course, was as much of a disaster for the CPI as it was for the country. The CPI’s hope of guiding the Congress (it was then the latter’s Sancho Panza) along the socialist path — as the Left wants to do now — was offset by the unexpected emergence of the pro-American Sanjay Gandhi in the corridors of power. So, the Bhatinda conclave of the CPI in 1978 noted how Indira Gandhi had started to “undermine the parliamentary democratic set-up … establish her personal rule and make her son Sanjay Gandhi her successor”. The CPI also acknowledged that it “had grossly underestimated the sense of suffocation and fear that the continuation of the Emergency was creating among vast sections of the people”. After this self-criticism, the CPI performed another flip to return to the Leftist camp. Its first flip was in 1967 when it left the Progressive United Left Front (PULF), the banner under which it had contested the assembly elections of that year in West Bengal, to join the CPM-led United Left Front (ULF) to form the first non-Congress government in the state under Bangla Congress leader Ajoy Mukherji. The second flip, as has been noted, was when it left the CPM’s company to align with the Congress, and the third was to rejoin the Leftists in 1978. There is a hint of Ms Mamata Banerjee’s oscillations between the Congress and the BJP in this behaviour. But the CPI of today can claim one success — it has finally managed to convince the CPM of the “barren and reactionary” nature of the “old concept of anti-Congressism” (Cochin conclave), though it has taken the party more than three decades to do so. Ostensibly, therefore, Don Quixote and Sancho Panza have resolved much of their differences. They may not have reunited, but the basis of their rupture — the Sino-Soviet split, their differences over the characterisation of the present “stage” of the Indian revolution as people’s democratic or national democratic — has become irrelevant. Not only that, the two along with the RSP and the Forward Bloc have managed to win their highest ever number of seats in the Lok Sabha. In addition, their ties with a much weaker Congress mean that they can put greater pressure on it than before to conform to their economic line. The only snag is that their ideology has died an ignoble death. The CPI’s fatherland, the former Soviet Union, has vanished into thin air while the CPM’s one-time mentor, China, may still call itself communist but has taken to a capitalist path with a vengeance. So, neither Don nor Sancho has a political or economic model which they can hold up as an ideal, as they once used to do. As in a game of poker, they are playing blind, unsure of their base of support outside the trade unions and of the direction they are prescribing for the economy. In the process, they are probably undermining their own prospects by alienating the continuously expanding middle class.
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The sex spectrum
The theme of sex in song and story and folklore in almost all cultures and civilisations testifies of its irresistible appeal, though how one uses one’s insight or vision — or one’s outlook — in regard to sex depends considerably upon the way one’s imagination has been shaped over the years of adolescence. In this vast spectrum arching over sublimity to rank, stinking obscenity, we may see the dialectic of man-woman consummation. There are moments of lyric beauty and charm — and moments of disgust, terror and damnation. Such is the power of sexuality that it can turn a man into a saint, or into a satanic figure. Such diverse experiences may be witnessed in all genres of literature, though the novel, the play and poetry, each in its own way are best suited to render such experiences, for the spirit of the moment determines its value, its hour of arrival. In Shakespeare’s plays, for example, one sees the entire range of sexuality — from the sunshine beauty of love-play in his earlier comedies, and in the late romances to the sexual nausea and disgust of King Lear wandering about on the dark heaths of his lost kingdom. In a speech on “Appetite” and “Authority” i.e. sex and power, the playwright reveals the link between sex as power, and power as a dominion over both state and woman’s body. Indeed, woman’s tragedy is essentially a genital tragedy, for her body is so made that a rape or an assault renders her helpless. Tolstoy, the celebrated Russian novelist, even when very old, couldn’t resist the temptation, and he called this instinct “a bedroom tragedy”. H.G. Wells, the well-known English novelist too in old age almost trembled when a young woman crossed his path. The instinct of sex is, indeed, so powerful as to darken the imagination even of the best men in the world. No wonder, brothels have been a part of society in one form or another for centuries. In fact, separate parts of some cities even today are officially recognised as “red’-light” areas. And other awful sins such as incest, homosexuality, lesbianism etc. have never been eliminated. Today, in the U.S.A., “gay” marriages are a common knowledge. And yet, there is a sweeter, a nobler side of sex and this fact has been celebrated in religious scriptures, amongst other forms of art. Some of the oldest temples in South India, for example, show the sublimity of sex even as they show carved stone-figures of women in attitudes of erotic love. For, in religious hymns and songs, woman’s place as mother, wife, daughter is shown as her destined role of procreation. In the Guru Granth, for instance, woman as spouse ennobles a man, and lifts him to new heights of love. The spousal metaphor is to be found in the hymns almost all the Sikh Gurus. For man-woman union is a consummation — a road to divinity, a union with the Lord. The body beautiful has been a source of mystic delight in poets like the American Walt Whitman and Theodore Rothke, amongst others. This wondrous experience has, in so many well-known cases, transformed the very nature of both saints and sinners. In Hindu scriptures, woman as Shakti, the goddess of power, as man’s temple of prayers exemplifies the divinity lodged in her body. Thus, both aspects of sex reveal the compulsive nature of sex. |
No trace of Iraq’s missing $1 billion
ONE billion dollars has been plundered from Iraq’s defence ministry in one of the largest thefts in history, The Independent can reveal, leaving the country’s army to fight a savage insurgency with museum-piece weapons. The money, intended to train and equip an Iraqi army capable of bringing security to a country shattered by the US-led invasion and prolonged rebellion, was instead siphoned abroad in cash and has disappeared. “It is possibly one of the largest thefts in history,” Ali Allawi, Iraq’s Finance Minister, told The Independent. “Huge amounts of money have disappeared. In return we got nothing but scraps of metal.” The carefully planned theft has so weakened the army that it cannot hold Baghdad against insurgent attack without American military support, Iraqi officials say, making it difficult for the US to withdraw its 135,000- strong army from Iraq, as Washington says it wishes to do. Most of the money was supposedly spent buying arms from Poland and Pakistan. The contracts were peculiar in four ways. According to Mr Allawi, they were awarded without bidding, and were signed with a Baghdad-based company, and not directly with the foreign supplier. The money was paid up front, and, surprisingly for Iraq, it was paid at great speed out of the ministry’s account with the Central Bank. Military equipment purchased in Poland included 28-year-old Soviet-made helicopters. The manufacturers said they should have been scrapped after 25 years of service. Armoured cars purchased by Iraq turned out to be so poorly made that even a bullet from an elderly AK-47 machine-gun could penetrate their armour. A shipment of the latest MP5 American machine-guns, at a cost of $ 3,500 (Ł 1,900) each, consisted in reality of Egyptian copies worth only $ 200 a gun. Other armoured cars leaked so much oil that they had to be abandoned. A deal was struck to buy 7.62mm machine-gun bullets for 16 cents each, although they should have cost between 4 and 6 cents. Many Iraqi soldiers and policemen have died because they were not properly equipped. In Baghdad they often ride in civilian pick-up trucks vulnerable to gunfire, rocket- propelled grenades or roadside bombs. For months even men defusing bombs had no protection against blast because they worked without bullet-proof vests. These were often promised but never turned up. The Iraqi Board of Supreme Audit says in a report to the Iraqi government that US-appointed Iraqi officials in the defence ministry allegedly presided over these dubious transactions. Senior Iraqi officials now say they cannot understand how, if this is so, the disappearance of almost all the military procurement budget could have passed unnoticed by the US military in Baghdad and civilian advisers working in the defence ministry. Government officials in Baghdad even suggest that the skill with which the robbery was organised suggests that the Iraqis involved were only front men, and “rogue elements” within the US military or intelligence services may have played a decisive role behind the
scenes. — The Independent |
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Going beyond free power
The decision of the Government of Punjab to give free electricity to all farmers in Punjab has vindicated the stand of the earlier Akali-BJP regime. However, there is an important difference between the recent and earlier decisions in the sense that the government will now compensate the Punjab State Electricity Board for the revenue loss. This is a more sensible decision and will save the PSEB from starvation and non-farm sector population from bearing the additional bills. The political leadership, policymakers and economists may have different views about this decision, but the state government is well within its rights to give such benefits to the resource poor farmers. It is significant to note that even under the WTO-regime, agriculture across the globe is highly subsidised. In fact, agriculture cannot survive without subsidy. The developed nations, in fact, have increased subsidies to farm states manifold after signing the WTO agreement. The predominantly agricultural states of India must prevail upon the Union Government to declare (through an Act) farmers having up to 10n acres as resource poor farmers so that they may be taken out of the WTO regime. There are nearly 11 lakh total operational holdings in Punjab. Of these four lakh (marginal and small farmers) are simply surviving with a very bleak future. Another three lakh farmers (semi-medium) will join them in 10 years or so. Thus nearly seven lakh (64 per cent) farmers desperately needed such a help. Since, electricity will be available to farmers free of cost, it will not be added to their cost of production. Consequently, it will help consumers in terms of lower prices of foodgrains. The decision, I suppose, will be welcomed by the farmers in Punjab but may face criticism from non-farmers. The important issue still is that farmers/villages should be given round-the-clock power for household consumption and an assured supply for the farm sector to take care of their irrigation requirements in such a manner that the use of diesel in the farm sector may not increase than the existing level. Any additional use of diesel in the farm sector would add to the cost of farmers as diesel is costlier than electricity. At the same time government/farmers must take steps to ensure more and more irrigation by canal water. That would not only save power but also avoid further depletion of the watertable. The judicious use of water and rainwater harvesting are sine qua non to save water and power. Another pitfall of this decision is that the other sections of society will also demand freebies. In view of the ensuing assembly elections, the government may fall into a trap of competitive populism. If that happens, it would adversely affect the development process in the state. Already, the state has slipped down from the first to the third position, in terms of PCI, among the major states of India. The moot question, however, remains that will such fringe benefits to farmers address to their problems regarding education, health, employment and poverty? The answer may be not be in the affirmative. Because primary health and education have almost collapsed in the rural areas. The poor parents are compelled to send their children to the self-financed so-called model private schools. The fees and other funds charged from a student range from Rs. 100 to Rs. 300 per month in such schools. The teachers in most of such schools are far less qualified and grossly underpaid than their counterparts in the government schools. The curse of tuition work is rampant in such private schools. As such the parents had to cough up an additional amount for that also. There took place a sizeable shifting of students from the government to the private schools during the last two decades. Such a forced shifting of students to these so-called private model schools compels the parents to pay through their nose for the service which they could otherwise get at a much lower price. Moreover, the constitutional commitment of the government to give free compulsory education up to the elementary level may not be fulfilled as most of the poor parents may not be able to send their wards to the costly private schools. If, along with free electricity to farmers, rural education is given at a reasonable cost (may be some reasonable amount of fee and funds be charged by the government schools) every parent can save not only between Rs. 250 to 500 (for two children) but would also manage quality education for their children at an affordable cost. In view of the improved financial situation of the state (as has been given by the Chief Minister), the government must transfer additional funds to the elementary education in particular and secondary and higher education in general. In fact education, being a merit good, deserves public funding. As such, the rich state like Punjab, must spare 6 per cent of its GDP for education Rural health is another area which needs an immediate attention of the government. Primary rural health is the responsibility of the government. If it is properly given to people, every family could save Rs. 250 to 500 per month. Thus, by giving free electricity every farmer is given the benefit Rs. 300 to 450. However, by giving quality primary education and health, each rural family may benefit Rs. 500 to Rs 1,000 per month. Nevertheless, I do not oppose the decision of giving free electricity to farmers. What I suggest is that the rural people must also be given quality education and health services. Only that would ensure the supply of a literate and healthy work force which is of utmost importance in this phase of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. More so, the skilled and healthy workers would have a much higher productivity as compared to unskilled, illiterate and unhealthy
workers. — The writer is a Professor in the Economics Department of Punjabi University, Patiala |
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Delhi
Durbar The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), the organisation responsible for cultural diplomacy, is all set for a make-over, given the profile of the new team which has taken charge here. For starters, it has acquired a high-profile Chairman, Dr Karan Singh, who is known for his knowledge of Hindu culture and philosophy. Dr Singh will be assisted by a high-profile officer of the foreign service. Pavan Varma, who has just finished a stint as head of the London-based Nehru Centre, takes over as ICCR Director-General. Varma is remembered for the books he has authored and his periodic appearances at page 3 parties. He is being joined by Monica Mohta, also of the IFS, who is moving from the Pakistan desk to the ICCR as its Deputy Director-General.
Omar takes a break As a minister in the NDA government, National Conference chief Omar Abdullah had a hectic schedule. The pressure on him seems to have eased considerably after his party lost the elections. Perhaps that’s what pushed him into taking a break as he is all set to go to the US on the prestigious Eisenhower fellowship which gives him time and space to research subjects of his choice. Unlike other celebrity sons, Omar Abdullah did not pull any strings to get the fellowship. In fact, he filled an application form like all other contenders and even went through an hour-long interview.
RJD’s easy solutions RJD leader and Rural Development Minister Raghuvansh Prasad Singh has the unusual knack of coming up with easy solutions to complicated matters. As the RJD is getting ready to begin seat negotiations with the Congress for next month’s assembly poll in Bihar, the RJD leader has come up with a ready solution to clinch the issue. Prasad suggests that the strongest candidates be fielded on the seats on which the RJD finished second or third in the last assembly election, irrespective to which party he belongs. He maintains that there is no point of talking about the total number of seats to be given to the Congress at this stage. “The seats of each party should be counted after candidates have been identified,” he says. Is Digvijay Singh listening?
Mani Shankar in soup Petroleum Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar has often been envied by his colleagues in the Cabinet for his ability to remain in the news. This is fairly
understandable given the high-profile ministry he heads and the equally important and “newsy” mega projects that he is handling like the Iran-India and Myanmar gas pipeline projects. Although these are still at the drawing board stage, the ministry has missed no opportunity to hit the headlines. Recently, however, the voluble minister found himself in the news for entirely different
reasons. First, he courted controversy over his proposal to appoint two government directors on the ONGC board. He was again in the eye of a storm when he recommended the names of Congress politicians for appointment on the boards of oil PSUs.
— Contributed by Prashant Sood, Manoj Kumar, S. Satyanarayanan and Anita Katyal |
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From the pages of October 7, 1906
PIONEER’S DIVISIVE ROLE
The “Pioneer” is again at its old game. Of late, it has been trying hard at the mischievous game of setting the Mahomedans against the Hindus. But we think our Mahomedan brethren are too shrewd not to realise whether our contemporary’s solicitude for them proceeds from a sincere desire of promoting their interests and welfare, which it so disinterestedly affects or from the selfish motive to make a cat’s paw of them in thwarting the noble attempts which the Bengalis (both Hindus and Mahomedans) are now making for the regeneration of the country, which is alike the home of the followers of the Koran and of the Vedas. A little reflection will convince our Moslem brethren that the “Pioneer” and other Anglo-Indian papers are consistently playing one race against the other with the ulterior object of consolidating Anglo-Indian interests. |
God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. — Book of quotations on
religion Lord, my love is true! Take my head, Lord—sever this head! My love bids death farewell. — Kabir Let me share my knowledge with all who wish to do so. — The Upanishads People seldom see the halting and painful steps by which the most insignificant success is
achieved. — Book of quotations on
success |
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