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Rape in the train IIT exam reforms |
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Hard for business India needs to be unbound Despite years of reforms and a steady inflow of foreign direct investment, India remains a pretty difficult place to do business. That is what many businessmen know. And that is what two prominent global institutions —the World Bank and the International Finance Corporation— think.
Empowering women
The bone setter
Dateline
Washington India’s gold
imports sparkle How Britain copes
with costlier fuel
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IIT exam reforms Protests
against the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development’s decision to introduce some long overdue reforms in the entrance examination for admission to the IITs are unwarranted. Clearly, if the aspirants dispassionately take a close look at the reforms, they will understand the rationale behind these much-needed changes. The decision to make a first class with 60 per cent marks in the Class XII or equivalent examination mandatory for those taking the entrance test will restore the importance of the Class XII board examination. It will give a new thrust to both teaching and learning in the high schools which were hitherto neglected because of the students’ eagerness to scrape through the IIT entrance test. The IITs, modelled on the Massachussets Institute of Technology in the US, are known for their global brand and the criterion of a first division for entrants is thus wholly necessary and reasonable. The two other reforms — a single objective-type examination, instead of the present two-tier test, and prescribing only two attempts — are equally welcome. The new format will give an edge to those having better analytical ability and comprehension skills. This is the way it should be because the existing pattern of questions is often criticised for its routine approach, leaving little scope for testing the aspirants’ analytical faculties. Similarly, objections to the number of attempts an aspirant can take to clear the test are not based on sound reasons. Two attempts are good enough for an enterprising candidate to make it. Significantly, these reforms, to be effective from next year’s entrance test, could see a reduced influence of the mushrooming coaching centres in the country. Devoid of the spirit of scientific inquiry, these have commercialised professional education and have emerged as a big parallel industry today. Worse, these have destroyed the school system and mint crores in the name of preparing the managers of tomorrow.
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Hard for business Despite
years of reforms and a steady inflow of foreign direct investment, India remains a pretty difficult place to do business. That is what many businessmen know. And that is what two prominent global institutions —the World Bank and the International Finance Corporation— think. The report sponsored by the two, which ranks India behind all South Asian countries except Afghanistan in doing business, may sound a little harsh and unfair, but the reality on the ground is different from what is projected by the government. The report, much to the annoyance of some, ranks Pakistan as the top reformer in this region. Against the dismal Indian ranking at 116— 25 points behind China — Pakistan occupies the slot at 60. To be fair, the report recognises the Indian progress in slashing stamp duties by 50 per cent and simplifying and enforcing collateral agreements requiring minimal court involvement. The report essentially highlights legal and infrastructural hurdles prevalent in South Asian economies. Reforms are helping small and medium firms to grow and create jobs, it notes. Much, however, remains to be done to create a congenial business environment. There are administrative hurdles which discourage imports and exports. For instance, it takes an entrepreneur to submit 15 documents and secure 27 signatures to import goods. Instead of wasting time and energy on challenging such reports, it is better to work towards removing the irritants that scare away businesses. The reform process has slowed down, no doubt, because of the well-known differences among the UPA coalition partners. The Leftist influence on government policies at the Centre is a deterrent to foreign investment. Massive efforts to build highways and modernise airports notwithstanding, the state of infrastructure remains woefully inadequate. Lack of political will, particularly at the state level, a laid-back bureaucracy reluctant to shed control, the red tape, rampant corruption and rigid labour laws are among the factors responsible for stopping the country from taking full advantage of the current international euphoria over its growth. |
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Questioning is not the mode of conversation among gentlemen. It is assuming a superiority.
— Samuel Johnson |
Empowering women
Is
a decade too short a period for doing gender justice. This is the defiant query being raised after the hypocritical stand of all parties on the Women’s Reservation Bill? Every time, for the last 10 years, Parliament met, women representatives had been assured in all solemnity by each major political party that it hoped to pass the Bill in that very session. But like an advertisement of a commercial product, the minute warning is not readable, though there is a mention that it depends on a consensus among the political parties. What a convenient excuse, knowing full well that some parties had loudly and openly been proclaiming that the Bill, introduced in 1996, was not acceptable to them. It was also unrealistic on the part of women’s organisations to expect members of a male-dominated legislature to accept self-abnegation and surrender their privileges without a real fight. That is why I have for years, in recognition of the ground reality, been advocating an increase of seats by one-third, whether by keeping it reserved for women or making double-member constituencies (as it existed even up to the 1957 general election for the scheduled class — which would have enabled certain one-third representation for women in addition to even winning the male seats). The Congress has now suggested an alternative of an increase of one-third seats. Considering that the Left has at least committed that though it prefers the 1996 version, it will go along with the latest; the BJP’s stand is inconsistent. Originally, it had said that it would support the revised Bill. The latest reaction from Mr Advani says that the BJP will only agree to the parties nominating one-third and not as a reservation of the seats. In any case, if the Congress and the Left agree on the latest version, the DMK has already given its support for the revised version. There is thus no reason why the Bill could not have been passed in the last session. The clamour of regional parties is not even a murmur and can be drowned and washed away if both national parties are genuinely for the Women’s Reservation Bill. The caste-exploiting leaders further weaken the movement by seeking to divide it and demanding women reservation on a caste and religious basis. Women’s groups should not allow themselves to be divided by sub-quotas. A split in their ranks will only make it easier for males to retain their dominance and defeat the laudable objective of developing a women-oriented political agenda. Opponents of the Bill refuse to treat women as equals. It is this mindset that is sought to be destroyed by the Bill, which selfish politicians are resisting while pretending to fight for social justice. Apart from the fact that the provision of sub-quotas will weaken the women’s empowerment movement, such a provision will also be constitutionally bad as being violative of Article 325 of the Constitution. Faced with this constitutional problem, the fossilised version of the Election Commission of mandating the parties to nominate women for one-third of the seats is sought to be revived. The suggestion that the Election Commission may not grant recognition to the political parties which do not comply with this requirement is a non-starter as no power vests in law in the commission to insist on nominating in a particular manner. But there is a more serious infirmity. The reality is that even the strongest party has no more than 200-250 seats where there is a reasonable chance to win. Male party bosses will conveniently nominate women on seats — so, an appearance of one-third reservation will be created, but in reality it will be a fraud on the spirit of reserving seats for women. The excuse of consensus is dishonesty, knowing the reality. It is like the ironical folklore popular in North India of exposing the hypocrisy of persons — “Naa nauman tail hoga naa Radha nachegi” — (there will never be nine maunds of oil, and Radha will, therefore, never be compelled to dance). Here the consensus excuse is like nine maunds of oil and Radha not dancing is the equivalent of political parties using the lack of consensus as a convenient excuse. The main political parties must be warned to stop playing games. Of course, the constitutional amendment would be required to increase the strength of the legislatures, but so would be if parties are to be compelled to nominate for one-third seats. The argument that the women’s quota will be monopolised by urban women is a red herring. There are about 200 OBCs in the Lok Sabha. It is a stark reality that it is not their public service, but merely the caste configuration that has preferred them. Similar results will follow even after reservation for women. The only difference will be a big chink in the male bastion. That is the real reason for opposition by male MPs. Some time back, a periodical had carried a piece on this question. The opinion polls manage, considering that a recent such poll showed that 78 per cent of the population was in favour of women’s reservation and the majority was against sub-quotas. This is a welcome sign as it indicates that society is accepting women as a group in its own right, and not as an appendage of either the male community, or a caste or religion. After all, the UK has 600 members of Parliament with a population even hardly one-tenth of our population. It will also lead to smaller constituencies which inevitably make it easier for women to contest. Space in the legislatures is no problem, according to senior officers of Parliament. Passing the amendment should not take time if major parties are supporting it. Thus, the delay in passing the Bill cannot harm the movement in any case, whatsoever the alternative constitutional amendment would be required. Also, at present, the Delimitation Commission is working and could make necessary changes in the constituencies. Women activists have a ready-made army in over a million women panchayat members. Let this instrument be sharpened and made effective to usher in a more gender-just era in politics. I feel women organisations should give a call that in all the forthcoming elections women will not vote for a candidate of the parties that are opposing the present Bill. Maybe, the message will go accordingly to the parties concerned. Reservation for women in the country’s politics, it is firmly believed, would check the muddy atmosphere that men have created. Reservation will help raise social consciousness in our political life and help break the present nexus between criminals and politicians that is posing a real danger to our democracy.
The writer is a former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court.
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The bone setter
In
a remote village in J&K, where I was born and brought up, there were no roads, no electricity and no running water. Doctor? only a word in the dictionary; that too nobody had heard it or had it in the village. When somebody fell ill, “Dadi Maan Ke Totke”, were the treatment. For very serious illness people would go to a government hospital in a far-off town. Fractures or dislocations in the bones were successfully (was it so?) treated by a bone setter, who lived in a village some six miles away. He didn’t charge anything in the belief that the God-given gift will be withdrawn from him. For his living he used to roast grams and corn for the villagers. A middle-aged woman fell down in the rainy season on the slippery ground and had severe pain in her pelvis region. On the advice of seniors in the village she was taken to that gentleman on a wooden charpoy by her sons and neighbours. When confronted by the bone setter, she refused to be touched by anybody, except her husband. The bone setter was upset and worried but respected the sentiments of the lady. He went into meditation — the recluse as he was. He opened his eyes after long time and sent for the village head, requesting him to come with his horse. There were whispers in the crowd. Nobody knew why he was asking for the horse. He accommodated the lady and the palanquin bearers in his house. The horse came and was ordered to be kept hungry and thirsty for 24-hours. After 24 hours 5/6 measures of grams were procured and kept aside. The lady was mounted on the horse and her feet were tied under the belly of the animal. The hungry horse gulped down the grams in no time. His thirst for water increased all the more and the poor animal drank a trough full of water. Slowly the belly of the horse began to expand and, lo, the miracle happened with the sound of a “click”, the bone was at its right place. I was a very small boy, when my grandmother told me this story. She was a good story teller. I learnt a lot from her. I was her favourite grandson. She concluded the story with another incident about that innovative bone setter. Maharaja Hari Singh had a fall from his horse, dislocating his knee bone. He was summoned to the palace at Jammu. After successful treatment the bone setter was presented with a purse and a pension of Rs 5 per month, which he politely refused. He had a strange wish. He requested that the tax on the rock salt, imported from the British India, should be abolished. The Maharaja was hesitant first, because it was a source of good income in the state. But he relented, when the bone setter got up, bowed, and was about to go disappointed. |
Dateline Washington
Senator
Mushahid Hussain
Sayed, Secretary General of the Pakistan Muslim League and Chairman of
Pakistan’s Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is part of the
Pakistani delegation attending the United Nations World Summit in New
York this week. In a conversation with this writer on the eve of
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s meeting with Pakistan President
Pervez Musharraf, Mr. Sayed said he was pleased with the momentum in
the peace process and was confident this pace would continue. Here
are excerpts: Is Pakistan committed to the gas pipeline project
with Iran and India? Yes. Pakistan is committed to the gas
pipeline with Iran. This pipeline is a trilateral project and we hope
it will continue to remain on track. Is there pressure from
Washington on Islamabad not to go ahead with this deal? We are
well aware of the American concerns as far Iran, but Pakistan has
pressing energy needs which makes it imperative for us go ahead with
the pipeline. The Americans have expressed their reservations to us
but they have a political motivation because of their differences with
Iran. When it comes to Iran they have political concerns, unlike India
or Pakistan. Are there any circumstances under which Pakistan
would be willing to pull out of the Iran gas pipeline project? We
don’t see any linkage between our pipeline with Iran and our
relations with the United States. What is Pakistan’s stand on
the Iran nuclear standoff? Pakistan wants a peaceful resolution
of the Iran problem. As long as countries are conforming to IAEA
[International Atomic Energy Agency] resolutions they have the right
to pursue a peaceful nuclear weapons programme. We hope this issue
will be resolved in its entirety. Just as there is a dialogue with
North Korea we hope a similar dialogue will take place with
Iran. Iran is a friend of Pakistan and this region in Asia is
extremely volatile. We cannot afford more instability in the area. Does
Pakistan seek a civilian nuclear deal with the U.S. on the lines of
the kind reached with India? The Indian civilian nuclear
initiative [which President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh finalised on the latter’s visit to Washington in July] has
already run into trouble in the [United States] Congress. We already
have a similar deal with China. And that deal is without any strings
attached so we don’t seek a similar initiative with the United
States. What expectations do you have of Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh’s meeting with President Musharraf in New York on September
14? I expect that this summit will reinforce what the two sides
have been able to attain in the past year and a half. We might see
an announcement about a possible visit by Gen. Musharraf to India. I
don’t expect any major earth-shaking announcement but I expect that
the summit will continue the momentum in our relationship that has
been evident since the January 6, 2004 joint statement issued in
Islamabad. The peace process is on track and this summit will reaffirm
that. Do you foresee any stumbling blocks to the process? There
are challenges. Sometimes there is a war of words - people make
allegations without substance. When Manmohan Singh was in Washington
on July 18 we saw a discernible change in his tone and there was a
certain shrillness that was uncharacteristic of the Prime Minister. We
knew he was speaking from a certain location and the message was
intended for a different audience. Has Gen. Musharraf’s
administration developed a rapport with the Manmohan Singh
government? Pakistanis see Atal Bihari Vajpayee as a man of
substance. We see Manmohan Singh as, what we say in Urdu, a sharif
aadmi. President Musharraf has developed a good rapport with him and
has a respect for him and the Pakistani side is comfortable discussing
things with him. The Indian Prime Minister met the Hurriyat
leadership recently. What do you think about the promises he made to
the group? We are very happy the bilateral dialogue has been
converted into a trilateral dialogue. This has been Pakistan’s
long-standing demand and we are very happy this has been done. We
feel that is should lead to some alleviation of the suffering of the
Kashmiri people under the occupation of the Indian Army and we hope
and expect that there will be a follow-up on the ground in concrete
terms on the announcement made during the Prime Minister’s meeting
with the Hurriyat. What role, if any, are the Americans playing in
the peace process? The Americans were very active during the
period of crisis between India and Pakistan, particularly in 2002.
They were busy trying to avert war, which means they were keen to
promote peace. The process of normalisation between Pakistan
and India now has a momentum of its own and stands on its own merits
and this is being sustained despite the change of government in
India. The general American response has been positive. They are keen
that tensions be diffused between Pakistan and India and understand
and realise one way of diffusing tensions is to resolve the question
of Kashmir. But beyond that broad policy commitment I don’t think
the Americans would be keen to get embroiled in subcontinental affairs
because they have their hands full with the war in Iraq and
Afghanistan and are not capable of handling another crisis. |
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India’s gold imports sparkle The lure of gold has made Indian imports rise phenomenally by a huge 61.2 per cent during the first half of 2005, says a new global report. “The striking feature of the first half of 2005 was the phenomenal rise in both gross and net imports (by India), with the latter pushing towards the 500-tonne mark against 306 tonnes during the same period in 2004,” London-based precious metals consultancy GFMS Ltd said in its report released on Wednesday. The GFMS Gold Survey 2005- Update 1 estimates that all categories of offtake in India achieved record highs, with jewellery fabrication rising by nearly 50 per cent year-on-year. “However, both coin minting and bar hoarding rose by over 60 per cent,” the report stresses. Explaining one of the reasons for the phenomenal rise in Indian gold consumption, GFMS CEO Paul Walker said, “There is no disputing the fact that the adjustment of price expectations, both amongst the end consumer and through the value chain, has supported higher demand.” In early 2004, there was a substantial rise in prices, which was followed by a dip towards the yearend and yet another rise, which is expected to continue. But the fact that the price in the first half of 2005 was notably lower than the average price in the last quarter of 2004 appears to have encouraged offtake, he felt. “One of the key drivers of gold jewellery demand in the first half of 2005 was the success of the World Gold Council initiative to promote the auspicious day of Akshay Tritya (which fell on May 11) as a day to purchase new gold,” Walker said. Although behind the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East achieved the second highest growth rate of jewellery demand during the January-June, benefiting from stronger GDP growth, a record increase in oil prices and currency strength, with the latter offsetting some of the increase in the dollar gold price. In particular, Turkey set another record for the first half of the year with jewellery offtake registering a 16 per cent year-on-year gain. East Asia notched up a 10 per cent rise in offtake with China leading the way with a 14 per cent gain. “The gains in jewellery offtake were noteworthy given that dollar gold prices rose by nearly percent year-on-year. However, the gold price increase, measured in a number of other currencies, was more modest during this timeframe,” the report pointed out. In particular, the fact that Indian prices experienced only a modest rise over the first six months of 2005 meant that “their impact on this price sensitive market was muted and certainly contributed to the country’s remarkable first half performance, with jewellery fabrication rising by 47 percent year-on-year”. Higher GDP growth and an acceptance of prevailing price levels were also key factors behind the rise in jewellery fabrication in India. The dramatic rise in bar hoarding and coin fabrication, both of which witnessed an over 60 percent rise - a faster growth rate than that seen in jewellery- “reflected a secular shift in the market share between strictly `investment’ gold and jewellery”, the report states. — Indo-Asian News Service |
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How Britain copes with costlier fuel They’re
back. As in the autumn of 2000, a motley collection of farmers, hauliers and aggrieved motorists is threatening to bring chaos to Britain’s case. They claim that the soaring price of petrol is destroying their livelihoods, and point out that half of the price of every litre of fuel sold goes to the Treasury in tax. The only solution, in their eyes, is for the Chancellor, Gordon Brown, to cut the fuel duty. Unfortunately these protesters are labouring under a delusion. Unlike in 2000, the rising price of fuel has nothing to do with the Chancellor. The duty on fuel has been frozen since October 2003. Tax actually constitutes a smaller percentage of the retail price of petrol than it did five years ago. Mr Brown is taking proportionately less — not more — from the motorist’s pocket. The steep rise in fuel prices is a result of events outside Britain. Rapid economic growth in China and India is increasing the demand for crude oil. The US remains as voracious a consumer of energy as ever. Instability in the Middle East has pushed up prices. And last month, Hurricane Katrina knocked out 10 per cent of US refining capacity. All this - not the greed of the Chancellor - is the reason petrol prices have edged above (pounds sterling)1 a litre for the first time. The idea, peddled by the protesters, that the Chancellor can wave a wand and create lower motoring costs for ever is risible. The price would probably come down in the short-term, but fuel prices will always ultimately depend on the global availability of crude oil. What these protesters are in effect demanding is a subsidy. Yet such subsidies already exist. Only half of the fuel sold in the UK pays duty at the full rate, thanks to a range of discounts and exemptions. Many of the farmers threatening to participate in motorway “go-slows” today run their vehicles on duty-free diesel. None of this is to argue that high oil and other energy prices do not have serious implications for the British economy. They clearly do. Electricity prices have begun to rise and inflation is creeping up. Many small businesses will need to look for more efficient ways to transport their wares. It will be tough for many. But these firms will need to do this anyway if they are to survive in the long term. Oil is a finite resource and global demand looks set to remain high for some time. So far the Chancellor’s response to these protests has been disappointing. He has rightly refused to reduce fuel tax - but yesterday he appeared to blame the present situation on the oil-producing nations of Opec, accusing them of not pumping out enough barrels. He implied that this is what is needed for the crisis to subside. Yet at the root of the problem is the world’s dependence on this one diminishing resource. The Chancellor has an opportunity. Treasury receipts are increasing as a result of the higher fuel prices. And the Government is receiving substantial revenues from North Sea oil. This money should not go on balancing the Chancellor’s increasingly precarious books, but on promoting a more environmentally sustainable British economy.
— The Independent |
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From the pages of Lord Minto’s task
The Anglo-Indian newspapers and a section of the non-official Europeans are doing not a little to increase the difficulties the Viceroy has to surmount. The “Pioneer,” the “Englishman”, the Indian “Daily News” and the “Times of India” are doing all they can to prejudice Lord Minto against the educated classes generally and the natives of Bengal particularly. The “Englishman” has already done its best to mislead Lord Minto by suppressing the truth as regards the state of affairs in Eastern Bengal and Assam, and to excite his feelings against the Bengalis by publishing incorrect and untrue accounts of imaginary occurrences. The “Pioneer” has out-heroded Herod himself in assisting the Englishman in its ungracious task. It has published several articles full of venom and rancour of the worst possible type against the Bengalis. Lord Minto has by this time seen that it is essential that he should himself look carefully into the condition of affairs in Bengal and in the new Province of Assam and Eastern Bengal. Attempts have been made, are being made-they will continue to be made - by interested persons to persuade His Excellency to believe that the present unsatisfactory state of affairs is ascribable to the growth and development of what is known as the Swadeshi agitation, and that the movement itself can be checked or “nipped in the bud”. |
Two men look at a rose plant. One sees the lovely roses. The other only sees big thorns. Each sees what he wishes to see. So it is with God! — Book of quotations on Hinduism Man cannot make a worm, yet he will make gods by the dozen. — Book of quotations on
religion Satyameva Jayate (Truth alone shall triumph). — The
Upanishadas He alone is happy as well as great who needs not to command in order to be something. — Book of quotations on
happiness |
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