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| Tuesday, August 29, 2000, Chandigarh, India   
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Many voices of BJP THE Parliamentary Committee on Poll Reforms has, through a process not explained, come to the conclusion that state funding of elections would help free the political parties from the baneful control of criminals. No ego clashes, please! |
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HARYANA’S CULTURE Hatchet job by politicians by D. R. Chaudhry THE treatment being meted out to the National Award winning Haryanavi film “Laado” by the Government of Haryana puts the problem of culture in Haryana society in its correct perspective. The dogged resistance being offered to giving tax exemption to the film cannot be understood only in terms of pique of an individual in authority, though this aspect has its own importance. The issue involves larger socio-cultural dimensions. Gas pipeline and Pak factor
Memories of war by D. K. Mukerjee THE 1965 war against Pakistan had just ended and ceasefire declared. The transformation required was dramatic and drastic because our troops had penetrated and captured areas in the Punjab sector of Pakistan and vacating an inch of the area won after heroic deeds and sacrifices could dampen the spirits.
USA may not oppose trainer deal by Aziz Haniffa THE USA is opposed to Israel’s intent to sell two Phalcon radar systems worth $500 million to India, but it is unlikely to block a deal whereby New Delhi hopes to purchase 66 Hawk advanced jet trainer (AJT) aircraft from Britain for the Indian Air Force (IAF) for more than £ 1 billion. Russia dependent on India’s arms purchases
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DESPITE the extraordinary care the leadership took to facilitate its smooth passage, the economic resolution of the BJP evoked the usual mixture of passionate support and strident criticism. General Secretary K.N.Govindacharya lashed out at the national agriculture policy and the way the government was exposing the small scale units to fierce competition. Ms Sushma Swaraj was her shrill self in castigating economic reforms and the handling of the Kashmir affair. So the draft had to undergo drastic changes. The result is obvious. The party speaks from both sides of the court — endorsing government policies and asking it to reach for the moon. The party never had a strong head for economics but forced to shape the country’s goals and the steps to achieve them, it fumbles. Two of the 13-points bring this out. It is all for cutting down “unproductive expenditure” (code word for subsidies) but wants the fair price shop grains to be linked to the purchasing power of the poor which would mean a sharp reduction in prices. This after the budget nearly doubled the prices. The party is agreeable to the government totally withdrawing from any public sector undertaking but is against multinational companies buying them or the emergence of private monopolies. The assumption is that there is a fierce contest to buy up the loss-making PSUs or the government can reserve the units to its preferred men and companies. The end result is a curious mixture of ultra nationalism and economic idealism. The government cannot but ignore the inanities and thus provoke the so-called dissidents to keep beating their swadeshi drums. Apart from political professionals who finetune their stand in line with popular perception, even ideological heavyweights like Mr Govindacharya have jumped on the opposition bandwagon. This attempt to please all stems mainly from a plethora of advisory committees Prime Minister Vajpayee has surrounded himself with. There is the Finance Ministry, the Planning Commission, the redoubtable Mr N.K. Singh in the PMO, the Economic Advisory Council and sundry Ministries pulling in different directions. Of course he wants to consult all sections of the people to build a consensus but in the absence of clear direction, this leads to activating conflicting voices and that seeps into the party ranks too. As it has been happening for some years now. This much about serious business. But drama came from two unrelated developments. The first is the abrupt decision of Mr Vajpayee to leave Nagpur and rush to New Delhi. The explanation is that his osteoarthritis has aggravated forcing him to take bed rest and it is only partly convincing. If linked to his very brief speech and the sharp attack on dissidents, conspiracy theorists are entitled to read meaning into his departure. If he wanted to snub the carping critics, the best way was to return to the capital and is it what he meant? The ease with which he walked down the ramp at the New Delhi airport and got into his car did not show that he was in deep pain. All this is not to deny that he is suffering from arthritis (of the knee) and it can limit a patient’s movements. Much speculation will fill the air in the days to come and there will be efforts to read a political, rather than a health, implication into it. The second was the trenchant criticism of the government by Ms Sushma Swaraj. She has her loyal friends in the media and they strongly plug her candidature every time there is a vacancy in the Union Cabinet. They were sure that she will fill the vacancy caused by the death of Rangarajan Kumaramangalam and live happily ever after. Journalists even selected a portfolio for her — Information and Broadcasting. See what she does. She blasts the Vajpayee government and her own chances of becoming a Cabinet Minister. She is an ambitious politician and would not have damaged her prospects by avoidable intemperate remarks. Yet she did precisely that. Is it because she was sure that she had no chance and was building a political alibi for her exclusion? There are a dozen ways to guess. The BJP may not offer much choice for real policy discussion, but it always sparks temporary and personal controversies of immediate interest. |
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THE Parliamentary Committee on Poll Reforms has, through a process not explained, come to the conclusion that state funding of elections would help free the political parties from the baneful control of criminals. The committee, headed by veteran parliamentarian Inderjit Gupta, has evidently come to what appears to be an erroneous conclusion on the basis of data on the role of unaccounted money in meeting even the legitimate requirements of candidates for running their campaigns. However, the issue of state funding is extremely complex and needs careful scrutiny before good public money is pumped into the election process for chasing out bad money supplied to candidates in sacks and suitcases by the underworld dons. In theory it sounds reasonable for the Centre to create a separate election fund with a corpus of Rs 600 crore annually to which the states would be required to make a matching contribution for breaking the evil nexus between crime and politics. State funding would also ensure a level playing field irrespective of their economic status and political affiliations of the candidates. However, the members of the Parliamentary Committee have come to what is without doubt an impractical recommendation because they have presumed that the consensus among them represents popular support to the demand for state funding of elections. The proposition that introduction of good money would free the electoral process from the vice-like grip of goons and goondas is not based on sound logic. There are not one, but several flaws in the recommendations. Instead of creating a level-playing field state funding would give unfair advantage to candidates of national parties in relation to independents and candidates representing regional and other state-level parties. As it is, the current yardstick adopted by the Election Commission for granting national or state recognition to political parties has created a piquant situation. The CPM, which is the backbone of the ruling Left Front in West Bengal for the past 25 years and is in power in Kerala and Tripura, has been asked to explain why its national party status should not be withdrawn on the basis of the percentage of votes it got in the last Lok Sabha elections. If the recommendation for poll funding in its present form is accepted, and the Election Commission also carries out its threat of
derecognising the CPM as a national party, the Marxists would have a legitimate reason to see red. Those who give the example of Germany and Austria for padding their pro-funding argument need to be told that electoral malpractices which have been injected into the Indian system over the past 50 years are like a highly malignant cancer. And no two cancers respond similarly to the same line of treatment. What is good for Germany and Austria may not work in India until certain other measures are taken for removing the already recognised flaws in the electoral laws. The larger issue is not the role of dirty money, but the entry of criminals in mainstream electoral politics. Criminals no longer fund elections. They now get elected through blatant use of money and muscle power. Veerappan is currently in the news and is likely to be granted immunity from prosecution by the Karnataka and Tamil Nadu governments. The current laws cannot stop him from contesting elections. If he does contest as a candidate of a recognised national party, a politically incompetent state would be obliged to fund his election campaign in the event of the Parliamentary Committee's recommendation being accepted. Keeping in mind the election of Ms Phoolan Devi to the Lok Sabha on the Samajwadi Party ticket, the rise of the Bandit King from the South to political glory cannot be ruled out. Besides, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are swarming with political Veerappans who would be more than happy with the state helping them win elections and terrorising people. The Parliamentary Committee has got its priorities wrong. The current laws which allow "unconvicted" criminals to contest elections need to be abolished first before the question of state funding is thrown open for public debate. |
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THE fight against militancy in Jammu and Kashmir is in such a crucial stage that all security agencies — and civilians — have to put their shoulder to the wheel. At such a time, reports that there is bickering even among various security agencies make depressing reading. To be sure, such ego clashes among various arms of the state are nothing new but that is one luxury Kashmir cannot afford at this stage. The rivalries are very petty at times. Most of these relate to who should take the credit for a successful operation. But these bring a bad name to the country. While the agencies like the BSF are under the operational command of the Army, the border security personnel feel that the Army tends to hog the limelight. Recently, the Army flashed news stories regarding the killing of militants by its troops. The BSF cribbed that the groups of militants had actually been killed in several operations along the international border and in the Rajouri sector in operations predominantly involving the BSF. On the other hand, the Army alleges, with some degree of truth, that discipline in paramilitary forces is not what it should be. At the same time, the Jammu and Kashmir police feels neglected. Whenever a joint operation is conducted, the various agencies rush to take credit, magnifying the role of their own men and downplaying that of others. The police lambastes the Army and the BSF for its “failure” to reduce the flow of infiltration and arms smuggling while the latter feel that lower ranks of the police have many militant sympathisers. Such bickering has a deleterious effect on the anti-insurgency operations. Since there is tension even at the senior level, the jealousies are all the more acute among the lower ranks. Whatever may be the other plus points of the military operations, the Army has not evolved a proper system to feed the media about the daily incidents. Since reports on encounters and militant strikes have to be first cleared by the corps or divisional commanders, there are unnecessary delays. The communication network of the police can be put to good use but it is not, for obvious reasons. All this leads to piquant situations which are fully exploited by Pakistan. The Army and the BSF usually pass on information about encounters and border trouble to only select news agencies and newspapers because they do not have a complete list of phone and fax numbers of newsmen. The result is that the figures mentioned in these particular newspapers differ widely from those used by other publications. Such “discrepancies” come handy to Pakistani agencies which twist the facts to give a pro-Pakistan slant. What the Army has failed to appreciate is that in today’s situation, the media has to be seen as a force mulitplier and not a necessary evil. If arrangements are not made to keep them up to date with facts, there are chances that rumours and unconfirmed reports will gain currency. Since the various agencies are under a unified command, they must also learn to share honours. The common enemy can be tackled better if they eschew ugly squabbling among themselves. |
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HARYANA’S CULTURE THE treatment being meted out to the National Award winning Haryanavi film “Laado” by the Government of Haryana puts the problem of culture in Haryana society in its correct perspective. The dogged resistance being offered to giving tax exemption to the film cannot be understood only in terms of pique of an individual in authority, though this aspect has its own importance. The issue involves larger socio-cultural dimensions. Culture is not a finished, static thing. It is a process, as Raymond William reminds us, that “has continually to be renewed, recreated, defended and modified”. Ideology is a highly popular term in the discourse of modern-day politics. Ideology, as observed by Lloyd Fallers, is “that part of culture, which is actively concerned with the establishment, and defence of patterns of belief and value”. Ideology is thus an activist dimension of culture. In the modern complex world, it is not possible to advance any kind of meaningful politics without coming to terms with culture and ideology. Since cultural and ideological dimensions are either conspicuous by their absence in Haryana politics, at their worst, or extremely weak, at their best, the absurdist dimension in Haryana politics, is inescapable, making its ruling elites as the progenitor of the “Aya Ram Gaya Ram” phenomenon in Indian politics. Any serious attempt to question the rationale of this syndrome at socio-cultural or political plane is bound to invite the wrath of the ruling elites. An identity of its own, reform movements, growth of metropolitan centres, development of language and literature and other fine arts, a forward looking middle class elites are a few of the important factors which determine the level of social and political consciousness of the people in a state. These factors have been largely absent in Haryana. For centuries, geography has hampered the Haryana region. First the Mughal and then the British could not permit the emergence of a powerful state on the periphery of the capital city of Delhi (Bharatpur state being the only exception). Thus, Haryana grew under the shadow of Delhi and its growth has remained stunted. In the absence of statehood in the pre-modern period, there was no flowering of feudal culture, which could lay the foundation for further cultural growth. Given many centuries of stagnation, it is no wonder that Haryana lacks a forward-looking middle class elite, which could foster a scientific and secular outlook, the very foundation of a democratic polity. The popular image of Haryana as a modern progressive state is largely misplaced. Even a casual visitor to Haryana with a keen sense of observation can notice that its social life has very low cultural content. Instruments that enrich cultural life — good newspapers, film industry, theatre movement, cultural organisations, etc. — are plainly missing in the state. There is not a single art gallery in the state where a young, upcoming artist could display his/her works. There is hardly any contribution of Haryana in the fields of fine arts, music, dance, drama, social or physical sciences in modern times that lend meaning and vitality of life. The rich traditional craft is dying fast and the vibrant folk theatre is being vulgarised through semi-obscene ragni competitions. There is no realisation, let alone any serious attempt at any level, to re-vitalise the traditional folk art and craft in tune with the need of the changing times. In short, Haryana has become a stinking cultural ghetto where fishy creatures abound and flourish. This is not to overlook or minimise the tremendous strides made by Haryana in material growth by way of green revolution and excellent physical infrastructure, though the first has reached its plateau and the second is in a state of decay now. The hiatus, the yawning gap between the material growth and cultural advancement or the lack of it, is the basic negative and contradictory force that is responsible for the deformity of the state. This has thrown up a ruling elite that is singularly afflicted with the curse of underdeveloped sensibility and distorted vision of life. Once, a Central Minister in Delhi introduced the man who ruled Haryana with an iron fist for a number of years, to Raj Kapoor. Raj Kapoor then was at the height of popularity in the film world. The Haryana strong man looked askance at him and then said: “Do you have an industry in Faridabad?” This man takes pride in proclaiming that he has seen only one film in his life so far and the number would not increase. He watches only news on the TV. Whenever there is an item dealing with cultural activities like dance, drama, music or painting etc he presses the “mute” button on the remote control and restores the sound when the item is over. The department of culture and the academies supposed to work for the growth of Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi language and literature are always starved of funds in the state and are there to serve only the decorative purpose. Once, this author, then a member of the Haryana Planning Board, pleaded in a meeting of the Board for more funds for the department of culture to enable it to play its requisite role in the advancement of Haryanvi culture as the existing allocation was bare enough to meet the salary demand of its skeleton staff. The suggestion was brusquely shot down by a neta with the observation that the state had no funds for useless things like “culture-vulture”. The cultural deformity and cretinism in the state is responsible for the growth of ruling elites in Haryana who are covetous, acquisitive and predatory in nature. The state is there to be plundered and the people to be fooled in the name of caste and community. Development, employment, clean administration, peace and harmony in the state are mere cliches to be used unabashedly at the time of elections to garner votes. Once in power, the state capital is a mere extension of one’s farmhouse, an added branch of one’s trading concern. Members of the ruling family, their relatives, their minions and henchmen make hay while the sun shines. Politicians do make money everywhere as politics is substantially the money game now in India but the open extortion from industrialists is the norm only in a state like Haryana (more on this some other time). And the irony is that Haryana politicians often complain that industrialists are not investing in the state! Bureaucracy, the steel frame of the Indian administrative structure, has developed feet of clay in Haryana and its members, with honourable exceptions that prove the rule, are always eager to dance to the tunes of the hatchet men in the political arena. Any political change at the time of elections is a change from Tweeduldum to Tweedledee. So long as the oppressive social structures operating through iniquitous hierarchical, patriarchal, caste, property and gender relations remain intact, no meaningful change can be envisaged. Any form of art that seriously questions the existing oppressive social formations and structures is bound to invite the wrath of the ruling elites who sustain themselves through the status quo. Any attempt at destabilising the status quo at conceptual or social plane through art or social activism spells out doom for the ruling elites and must be put down with all the ruthlessness needed. Ibsen’s “A Doll’s House” is a play about the emancipation of women. Nora, the female protagonist in the play, is a doll in her husband’s house, a mere “my little lark”, and “my little squirrel” for the male possessor. However, the position of a woman in a hierarchical and patriarchal agrarian society of a state like Haryana is much worse. She is a beast of burden, “a pair of shoes” for the male possessor. Urmi in “Laado” like Nora in Ibsen’s play, is “meri morni” for the husband in whose life’s concerns and plans she figures nowhere. She revolts against this subhuman existence. This is a blasphemy for those who preside over the system. John Drummond, a former big boss at the BBC, while speaking at the Edinburgh Book Fair recently lamented that the English nation was losing its sense of culture. But what about a state like Haryana where the “sense of culture” has yet to strike roots? Governments cannot make culture. True. However, they can and should promote culture if the society has to acquire health. However, this is too much to expect from the ruling elites who thrive through the deformity of culture. This is the dilemma, which is to be resolved by the activists in the fields of culture and politics. And no price is too great in this direction. The writer, a Reader at Dyal Singh College, New Delhi, specialises in Haryana affairs. |
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Memories of war THE 1965 war against Pakistan had just ended and ceasefire declared. The transformation required was dramatic and drastic because our troops had penetrated and captured areas in the Punjab sector of Pakistan and vacating an inch of the area won after heroic deeds and sacrifices could dampen the spirits. The Army decided to take a group of a few Punjab Ministers and officers just after a couple of days of ceasefire to acquaint themselves of the great achievements and ground realities. I was fortunate to find a place in this team. Captain Goel, a young officer belonging to Chandigarh, was our guide. We travelled through the occupied areas once belonging to Pakistan, and reached a small town called Burkee. There was not a single civilian. It seemed all of them had been evacuated to safer places. Once colourful houses lay in decay. We were led to a hut. To our surprise it was actually a bunker made of concrete. Inside were big cannons and guns pointing towards our land and forces. It was full of sophisticated fighting equipment, ammunition and empty used shells. These were left behind while retreating in a hurry. The much boasted and publicised pride of Pakistan, the Patton tanks, which they claimed had no match, lay destroyed. The valiant deeds of our armed forces belied their false claims. We came across a damaged tank still occupied by a dead Pakistani soldier. One of the damaged houses contained furniture and all kinds of household items similar to those we have in our homes. I noticed a cup and saucer of the same shape and design which would be used by my Muslim friends. I picked up one as a memento. Soon we reached the famous Ichchogil Canal. Milestones displaying the number of miles to Lahore were installed on both sides of the canal. These were similar to the ones we witness on our national highways. Our victorious men had added “easy” before one milestone to read as “Lahore 4 easy miles”. The soldiers on the other side had retaliated by adding “Bloody” and the milestone read “Lahore 4 bloody miles”. The hostile attitude, anger and fire inside had still to be conquered although the war had ended. I was shellshocked to see the same reaction amongst our soldiers. There was no discussion or rejoicing on the way back and silence prevailed. Only the sound of the engine or the blowing of the horn would break it. I was throughout praying for our men on our side of the canal who were close to the possible resumption of bloody encounter any moment. Had the war really ended? I was pondering. This journey into the past is 35 years old, which has mingled into the sand of time. However, conflicts, encounters, wars, terrorism, killing of innocents have continued. Recently Sindhu Puja was performed at the high altitude of Leh when the Prime Minister of India had remarked that the gushing current of the Sindhu, which is a river of friendship, will carry the message of peace, brotherhood, cooperation and tranquility wherever it flows. Every time I read this, I see through the mystic cloud the two milestones on the Ichchogil Canal and the terrifying attitude on both sides of the canal. Sooner or later we will have to confront the grim reality and let the gushing water of the Sindhu. |
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Gas pipeline and Pak factor WITH the global oil prices rising threefold over the last two years and now touching $ 30 per barrel, India’s oil import bill has ballooned. This has caused a flutter in the dovecotes of the government, which has, therefore, intensified its search for natural gas in the countries neighbouring India. The world’s largest natural gas reserves are in Iran and central Asia. Last month, an Indo-Iranian joint committee was set up to examine all aspects of constructing a pipeline in order to transport natural gas from Iran to India. At the time of writing, an Indian team comprising officials of the Ministries of External Affairs, Defence, Petroleum and Commerce is in Teheran for the first meeting of the joint committee. The issue is not at all simple. Rather, it is a complicated conundrum. India is literally caught between the devil and the deep sea. If the pipeline is constructed over land, which is technologically the more viable option, it would have to pass through Pakistani territory, which means that New Delhi would have to reckon with the devilishness of Islamabad. On the other hand, constructing a pipeline along the sea-bed in the deep Arabian Sea would be rife with almost insurmountable technological difficulties. These points were discussed during the visit of External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh to Teheran in May this year. Both Iran and Pakistan are hoping against hope that India would agree to the 2500 km overland pipeline project, which would cost about $3 billion. Iran has not been able to profitably exploit its large natural gas reserves and sees in India a huge market. After his recent visit to New Delhi the Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Aminzadeh said that Iran had received a guarantee from Pakistan regarding the security of an overland pipeline, which would be treated like a sacrosanct energy corridor. He also talked of multinational guarantees for the overland project in the form of an agreement among the three nations — India, Pakistan and Iran — as well as legal commitments from Pakistan to the international consortia which would be investing in the project. As for Pakistan, it sees a tremendous economic benefit in the overland project. It is intimated that Pakistan could earn an annual royalty ranging between $500 million and $700 million. It would also benefit to the extent of $200 million annually through purchase of natural gas at a discounted price. The Pakistani Chief Executive, Gen Pervez Musharraf, during his recent visit to Teheran, signed a deal with Iran on transfer of Iranian gas to India through Pakistan. More recently, Pakistani Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Usman Aminuddin gave an interview to the well-reputed Khaleej Times in which he tried to address India’s concerns regarding the overland pipeline. Protagonists of the overland route feel that an international interlocking arrangement, involving a number of players, should act as a check against Pakistan’s proclivity towards perfidious behaviour. They point out that, to further internationalise the character of the project, energy-starved Japan and South Korea could also be involved. Part of the natural gas reaching India could be converted into liquified natural gas (LNG) and supplied to these countries. There are two other suggestions to ensure greater security of gas supplies. One, India should make such a contractual arrangement that it would only pay for the gas actually received. Two, the penalty clauses for disruption of supplies on Pakistani territory should be severely punitive. Two oil and gas majors, Australia’s Broken Hill Pty Co (BHP) and France’s Totalfine Elf, have shown an interest in the overland gas pipeline project. BHP, which was engaged by Iran to carry out a pre-feasibility study of the project, has come out with a favourable report. The Australian giant is also interested in investing in the project should it receive India’s concurrence. The result of BHP’s findings has been passed on to New Delhi. India’s fears are genuine. Islamabad could, despite international guarantees, either damage the pipeline passing through its territory or hold out threats of doing so in order to blackmail India. The sad fact is that Kashmir-mad Pakistan, obdurately engaged in a proxy war against India, just cannot be trusted. It must also be noted that the so-called Pakistani assurances about uninterrupted transfer of gas are based on media reports. Islamabad has so far not made any direct overture to New Delhi. India has a counter-proposal. It involves the setting up of a huge terminal in the Iranian port city of Bandar Abbas, where the natural gas could be converted into liquified natural gas (LNG) and transported to India in special tankers. Subsequently, the LNG could be reconverted into natural gas at an installation in India. Iran is not effusive about this proposal dubbing it as too expensive. The under-the-sea-pipeline proposal seems to have ruled itself out on technological grounds. One of the difficulties is that a seabed pipeline should be made of material which could withstand the weight of sea water for a long time. Nowhere in the world has a seabed pipeline project on such a scale been attempted. India’s efforts to tap Oman’s gas reserves by constructing an under-the-sea 1200 km pipeline have failed. The two-billion-dollar joint venture between Oman Oil Corporation and the Gas Authority of India, for which a memorandum of understanding was signed in 1993, was scrapped a month ago. It seems that for the time being India will have to make do by tapping the natural gas reserves of Bangladesh. The American oil and gas giant, Unocal, is working on a $1.7 billion proposal to build a 1000-mile overland pipeline from Ashuganj in Bangladesh to Delhi. Bangladesh could expect to earn an annual gross revenue of $500 million. |
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USA may not oppose trainer deal THE USA is opposed to Israel’s intent to sell two Phalcon radar systems worth $500 million to India, but it is unlikely to block a deal whereby New Delhi hopes to purchase 66 Hawk advanced jet trainer (AJT) aircraft from Britain for the Indian Air Force (IAF) for more than £ 1 billion. Administration officials said they were opposed to the proposed sale of the Phalcons to India as the Israeli radar systems would act as force-multipliers and make the IAF’s fighter aircraft “more effective in a combat mode.” The Phalcon, which was developed in the USA and provided to Israel, has mid-air refuelling capabilities, they said. “The Phalcon is not just a radar and it doesn’t just detect planes. It also directs the defensive effort and makes it more effective for those who are directing the fighter aircraft. So it would make the Indian aircraft more effective in a combat mode,” the officials said. On the other hand, according to the officials, the Hawk AJTs “are more or less indigenous” aircraft developed by Britain and do not raise concern because they are “essentially trainer aircraft.” Earlier this month, Defence Minister George Fernandes confirmed that negotiations for the purchase of the Hawk AJT were at an advanced stage. The officials noted that the USA was aware that the IAF has been keen to acquire sophisticated trainer aircraft because its Russian-made MiG-21s, which make up the backbone of its fighter fleet, “keep crashing and they need an aircraft that can be helpful in training”. The officials pointed out that “the Hawks don’t present a force-multiplier problem” like the Israeli Phalcon, and hence the US administration is not “so much concerned over the deal between India and Britain as it is over the deal between New Delhi and Tel Aviv.” Over a month ago, Israel gave in to heavy US pressure and scrapped a deal to sell the same Phalcon systems to China after both the administration and Congress raised serious concerns over the proposed sale and warned that it could jeopardise American aid worth billions of dollars that flows to Israel each year. In the case of the defence deal between India and Israel, the officials said that there is also the concern that it might come under the ambit of sanctions imposed by Washington after the Pokhran nuclear tests in May 1998. There was also concern about the transfer of US technology used in the Phalcon system to third parties, they said. “We like to have a say in (the Phalcon deal) when it comes to third party transfers and that is the case anywhere,” one official said. He pointed out that “third party transfers come under US sanctions law and if Israel wants to sell systems with American equipment, we will probably have to say no because we ban third party commercial sales if they ultimately came from the US in some way.” Earlier, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright had indicated Washington’s concern over the sale of the Phalcon system to senior Israeli officials accompanying Prime Minister Ehud Barak for the Middle East peace talks that took place in Camp David. The sources said Albright had told the Israeli officials that the USA hoped Tel Aviv would confer with Washington before making any decision on whether to go ahead with the sale. The decision to forgo the sale of the Phalcon system to China evidently was also taken by Tel Aviv so that it would not be at a disadvantage where US goodwill was concerned in the continuing US-sponsored Middle East talks. The sources said the reported remarks by a senior Israeli defence official in Tel Aviv that any sale of the Phalcon systems to India would require US approval was a manifestation of Washington’s concern. Although some economic sanctions imposed against India after its May, 1998, nuclear tests have been lifted, the US embargo on supply of sophisticated military equipment and dual-use technology to India remains. All entities that have any links to India’s nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles programmes have been put on the dreaded “Entities List.” Analysts here acknowledged that while the USA was elated at India’s establishment of diplomatic ties with Israel and strongly supported economic and other scientific cooperation, it frowned over any Israeli help to New Delhi’s nuclear weapons or ballistic missile programmes or even any sophisticated conventional arms that could tilt the balance of power in South Asia.— IANS |
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Russia dependent on India’s arms purchases INDIA has “tremendous leverage” over Russia as the latter’s military-industrial complex will be hard pressed to survive without India as a reliable client, says the U.S. government’s top defence analyst. Mr Richard F. Grimmett, senior defence analyst at the Congressional Research Service, the think tank of the U.S. Congress, said Russia’s standing as the second largest supplier of defence hardware was largely due to purchases by India and China. “Since the demise of the Soviet Union, Russia finds itself strapped for cash, and weapons sales are one of the key means by which hard currency is obtained,” Grimmett, who obtains his data from the Pentagon, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and other intelligence agencies, told India Abroad News Service. Thus, he said, “India has got tremendous leverage over the Russians, because it appears from the kind of things they’ve been seeking, they are prepared to pay substantial prices for advanced sophisticated goods.” Consequently, New Delhi has been playing hardball with Moscow in recent defence deals and leveraging agreements to acquire the most advanced weapons as well as advanced Russian technology to indigenously develop defence hardware, said Grimmett, who has brought out the annual government report on global arms sales for the past decade. “It’s not just (about) paying the price. Part of these arrangements involve transfer of technology and know-how to India so India can develop the factories and the plants to ultimately build these things themselves,” he said. “So at some point, if these arrangements continue, India is going to be independent in its capability of building many of these weapons,” he said. Grimmett’s most recent report, delivered to Congress last week, pointed out that international arms sales surged last year to nearly $30.3 billion, the highest level since 1996, and the U.S. solidified its position as the world’s biggest arms dealer with $11.8 billion in weapons sales — more than a third of the world’s total and more than all European countries combined. Russia was number two, with $4.8 billion in sales, nearly double the $2.6 billion it made in sales the previous year. The report said nearly half of the Russian sales in 1999 came from an agreement to sell China 40 to 60 Su-30 fighters, while virtually all of India’s $1.6 billion in weapons purchases last year were made from Moscow. The bulk of the $1 billion Pakistan spent in arms purchases in 1999 were for weapons systems from China, Grimmett said. According to the report, “Russia’s principal arms clients since 1994 have been China and India. Among Russia’s notable arms deals during recent years have been the sale of 40 new Su-30 MK fighter aircraft to India.” “Various elements of a longer range plan for procurement as well as co-production of a number of advanced Russian weapons systems were agreed to with India in 1999, which are likely to result in significant aircraft, missile and naval craft sales to the Indian government in the near future,” the report said. Grimmett said that according to U.S. intelligence, India and Russia had been “working most of this summer on a substantial series of new contracts,” and during Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes’s trip to Moscow, he had complained to the Russians about India’s dissatisfaction “with the performance of previous equipment that had been purchased or had been sold on conditions.” While acknowledging that the proposed sale of some 310 T-90 main battle tanks to India by the Russians “has pretty much been wrapped up,” Grimmett said New Delhi has been peeved over the performance of some T-90 tanks it had evaluated. The engines of these tanks had overheated in the desert. —
India Abroad News Service |
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The greatest mystery in life is not life itself but death. Death is the culmination of life, the ultimate blossoming of life. In death the whole life is summed up, in death you arrive. Life is a pilgrimage towards death .... From the moment of birth, death has started coming towards you, you have started moving towards death .... And death comes in many ways. When you die that is only one form of death. When your mother dies, that is a death to you too — because ... she was occupying a great part of your being .... Even when your enemy dies something will die in you because the enemy was also involved in you. When your childhood disappears ... you have died as a child. And then one day the youth moves into old age: he has died again. There are a thousand and one deaths. — Osho, The Revolution ***** No mahatma can give you happiness or peace of mind with his puff of mysterious charm. It is your own deed, your own intention and your own practical life that shall give you happiness and peace. —
Param Sant Param Dayal Faqir ji Maharaj, True Religion of Humanity, Chapter I ***** Truth, righteousness, peace and love — these are the four pillars on which the mansion of happiness is built. —
From the discourses of ***** Gladness will spring up within me, and so rejoicing, all my frame will be at peace. I shall experience a blissful feeling of content; and in that bliss my heart will be at rest. —
Mahavagga 8. 15. 13 ***** Happiness can be built only on virtue and must of necessity have truth for its foundation. —
S.T. Coleridge (1772-1834), English poet and critic ***** We seek abiding happiness in ephemeral things which can afford only transitory happiness. For eternal happiness we must know and realise our eternal parent i.e. God. —
Baba Gurbachan Singh, Precious Pearls |
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