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Enemy is within The view from Saltoro Not even drinking water? |
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Dissolution of assembly
Exciting encounters
Change in Pak perception Loss of pleasure reading Chatterati
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Enemy is within FRIDAY’S suicide bombing at a Sufi shrine near Islamabad is a grim reminder that terrorism is far from controlled in Pakistan. At the time of writing it is not known whose handiwork the attack was. With a death toll of 25, it is one of the worst incidents of its kind in the country where 180 people have been killed in sectarian violence this year alone. Reports suggest that the blast is linked to the massive protest Pakistan has been witnessing against the alleged desecration of the Koran by the US soldiers at Guantanamo Bay. How killing innocent people can be a retribution for the US wrongs is incomprehensible. But then, terrorism has always defied everything that is sensible. Naturally enough, the affected people have vented their anger at the police, whom they blame for the lax security that allowed the strike to take place. For President General Pervez Musharraf, the attack in the backyard of the Capital constitutes a major challenge. He is under compulsion not only to punish the conspirators but also strike at the roots of terrorism. Pakistan has been a haven for terrorist groups of all kinds engaged in fomenting trouble in places as far away as the Kashmir Valley in India, parts of Central Asia and Afghanistan. The war on terror the US unleashed following 9/11 forced President Musharraf to come down on such organisations. However, Pakistan’s failure to catch some of the top leaders of Al-Qaeda, including Osama bin Laden, who arrived there when the Taliban regime was destroyed in Afghanistan, has been dismal. In fact, it casts doubts on its commitment to root out terrorism from its territory. This explains to a large extent the continued — though reduced — terrorist incursions in Jammu and Kashmir. Thanks to the present anti-terrorist stance of Gen Musharraf, some of these terrorist groups have been rendered jobless. But they seem to have found new targets – within Pakistan – to expend their energies. By now, the General should know how dangerous they can be having miraculously escaped two assassination attempts on him. The resentment the Islamists have over Pakistan’s perceived closeness to Washington is bound to find expressions in such incidents unless the General comes down heavily on them. |
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The view from Saltoro FOR the thousands of Indian soldiers battling extreme climes along the Saltoro Ridge in the Siachen glacier, there is no going home, for some time. There were expectedly no breakthroughs from the ninth round of Indo-Pak talks on demilitarising the zone, but one can take heart from the decision to keep the dialogue going and continue the cease-fire which has been observed by both countries since 2003. No breakthrough can be realistically hoped for, however, unless Pakistan realises that its resistance to authentication of currently held positions is untenable. India is prepared for a `redeployment’ of forces as mentioned in the landmark 1989 agreement, but that has to go with a clear demarcation of where the Line of Control runs beyond point NJ 9842. The 150 kilometre Actual Ground Position Line today runs North along the Saltoro Ridge west of the glacier, with India controlling the heights and the two passes of Sia and Bilafond. Pakistan would like it to run East to the Karakoram Pass, in contravention of the 1949 Karachi Agreement wording of “thence North to the glaciers.” Pakistan claims the territory and does not want to `legitimise’ Indian control with any measures for authentication. While many today debate the strategic value of the sector, India cannot forget the lessons of Kargil. It cannot pull back its troops without a firm assurance that Pakistani forces will not move in. The sacrifices and successes of Operation Meghdoot in 1984 or the re-taking of Bana post in 1987, not to mention lives and limbs lost over the years to the inhospitable terrain, cannot go in vain. Even with clearly authenticated positions, Pakistan could not resist the attempt to take over Indian posts in the Kargil sector in 1999. There is no disputing the costs however, to both countries. Defence Secretary Ajai Vikram Singh has expressed happiness that possibilities hitherto unconsidered were discussed this time. Apparently there is still hope of the two countries reaching an agreement over a period of time. A leap of the imagination is required before `Siachen’ can metaphorically live up to its incongruous name of the `place of roses.’ |
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Not even drinking water? Punjab’s image of being progressive has suffered another dent with the startling finding that after Rajasthan, it is this state that has the largest number of rural households uncovered by any drinking water supply. Water is a basic need and the government has failed to meet this minimum requirement of citizens. What makes the situation in Punjab so pathetic is lack of governance and efforts on the part of the government to make use of resources available for providing drinking water to the less fortunate citizens in the rural areas. First, there was this scheme called Swajal Dhara, financed by the Centre. It was introduced in seven districts of the state, but failed to take off in six of these because the panchayats concerned could not contribute the requisite 10 per share of the funds required, mostly for lack of information and motivation. If this is not bad enough, consider this. Haryana has got Rs 100 crore from the 12th Finance Commission to tackle the problems of depleting watertable, waterlogging and salinity. Punjab too faces these problems, but its political leadership and bureaucracy, say media reports, did not present this issue before the commission to claim funds. Because of the over-exploitation of underground water resources, the watertable has been sinking over the years. To draw water for irrigation and domestic use, villagers are forced to install submersible pumps, which are very expensive. At many places in the state underground water is polluted and unfit for consumption due to the over-use of fertilisers and pesticides. That puts the citizens’ health at great risk. Reports of villagers suffering from deadly diseases like cancer are not infrequent. The rising incidence of water-borne diseases pushes up the cost of maintaining public health in a state strapped for funds. The state and the citizens are paying a heavy price for poor governance. |
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Being defeated is often a temporary condition. Giving up is what makes it permanent. — Marilyn Savant |
Dissolution of assembly
THE belated dissolution of the Bihar assembly has given rise to another political controversy after the dust had settled in the neighbouring Jharkhand. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee characterised the dissolution as “a murder of democracy”, while Prime Minister Manmohan Singh defended the proclamation, saying that there was no option left for the Centre. The Centre’s decision to dissolve the assembly, which had come into existence only in February, 2005, is based on the recommendation of Governor Buta Singh. According to him, “an atmosphere of horse-trading of the worst kind prevailed”. Media reports indicate that a sizeable section of the LJP legislature party members was ready to cross over to the JD(U) and the BJP. They were taken to Jharkhand, which is ruled by the NDA - a clear indication of impending horse-trading. Dissolution of the assembly at this point of time has frustrated the hopes and aspirations of the “horse-traders” and their supporters on the one side and the “horses” themselves, which were ready to be traded on the other. Apart from the political fallout of the exercise of constitutional power under Article 356 by the President of India on the advice of the Council of Ministers, there are legal issues which merit consideration. Is the decision to dissolve a duly elected assembly in the given circumstances valid? Soon after the elections in February last, the constitution of the assembly was notified by the Election Commission. However, no session of the Assembly was convened. There was no election of a Speaker and no appointment of a Chief Minister. No single political party or combination of political parties commanded the requisite strength of the newly elected Assembly to be able to stake a claim to form a government which could be considered seriously by the Governor. While imposing President’s rule in March, the assembly was kept in animated suspension with the hope that some of the political parties would come together to form a viable coalition government. The leader of the LJP was in a position to help formation of a popular government, but he kept on stipulating rigid pre-conditions which were not acceptable to either side. He failed to break the alliance of the JD(U) and the BJP and at the same time opposed the formation of a secular government led by a leader acceptable to the RJD, which is the largest single secular party. Under the circumstances, what were the options before the Governor? Two courses were open: either to allow the formation of a government led by JD(U)- BJP combine through “horse-trading” or to recommend dissolution of the assembly so as to enable the political parties to seek a fresh mandate from the people. Dissolution of the assembly was the only course which is consistent with the constitutional ethos. As the proclamation dissolving the assembly was issued after President’s rule was approved by Parliament, its validity is difficult to assail. The reason given by the Governor cannot be regarded as irrational or unethical. The only thing that can be said is: why was the assembly not dissolved earlier? The next question to be considered is how to prevent a repetition of such developments? As soon as it becomes evident that no single political party or group of parties is in a position to form a viable government, the Governor need not remain a passive spectator for months together as in this case. He can summon the newly elected House with the limited agenda of election of a pro-tem speaker who will administer the oath of office to the members and conduct the election of the Leader of the House, making it clear that in the event of no candidate emerging as the Leader commanding the support of a majority of the members of the House, the Governor would be left with no option but to recommend imposition of President’s rule and dissolution of the assembly. There is no legal or constitutional impediment in adopting such a course after giving a few weeks’ time to the parties and members concerned to make up their mind. The Supreme Court has in S.R. Bommai’s case (1993) approved the floor test recommended by the Sarkaria Commission, though in a different context, as the proper method of ascertaining the strength of a Leader who claims majority support. The court has since then directed a composite floor test to be conducted first in Jagadambika Pal’s case in Uttar Pradesh in 1998 and again recently in the case of Jharkhand. Even though the competence of the court to issue such directions is questionable, having regard to the separation of powers in the Constitution, no one can object to similar directions being issued by the Governor of the state concerned. The office of Governor is a high constitutional office. It should remain above controversy. The Governor is not an agent of the Central Government. The Constitution requires him to take decisions objectively. He has the undoubted discretion when there is a hung assembly to call upon a leader to form a government who in his opinion is in a position to command the requisite support. At times, it is not an easy task. In Jharkhand, the Governor’s decision was found to be incorrect. However, the fact remains that in that state democracy is in the grip of five independent MLAs who were sworn in as ministers on the very first day along with the Chief Minister and given plum portfolios as a reward for their support. Had the Bihar assembly not been dissolved, the defectors from the LJP would have been the greatest beneficiaries like the five independent MLAs of Jharkhand. Was this the kind of democracy visualised by the founding-fathers of the Constitution? The developments in Jharkhand and Bihar, once again, underline the need for electoral reforms. The NDA had promised electoral reforms in its manifesto in 1999, but did not fulfill the promise while in power. The UPA government is also committed to electoral reforms in its common minimum programme. But so far there is no move in this direction. The Law Commission and the National Commission, reviewing the working of the Constitution, among other expert bodies, have emphasised the need to amend the existing laws governing elections, to arrest a further degeneration of democratic institutions. Experience shows that the parliamentary system cannot work satisfactorily with too many self-centred political parties in the arena without any discernible ideology or commitment. Elections have become a commercial enterprise to most of the candidates. The Prime Minister should take the initiative to convene an all-party meeting and explore the possibility of arriving at a consensus on electoral reforms. The national parties must rise above party lines to save democracy. The Election Commission too has to take steps to amend the Symbols Order and revise the norms for classification of political parties in a more realistic manner so as to reduce the number of recognised political parties, both National and state parties. Like too many cooks spoiling the broth, too many political parties only try to share the spoils of office. Unless the political parties themselves are regulated to ensure transparency and accountability and the right to contest is also made subject to fulfilling certain conditions of eligibility, it would be difficult to secure governments of the people, by the people and for the
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Exciting encounters THERE is pain and
suffering in every life. When the burden becomes intolerable, we seek distractions. But life can be made full of little thrills and pleasures by giving importance to every moment and every activity and time that’s been so richly spent. There are a few memorable memories of my long association in Punjab with political masters of different political parties and ideologies. We were only three occupants in the Punjab Government aeroplane flying to Kulu, Manali — the Chief Minister, his childhood friend and myself. I could see the grandeur of the peaks of mountains crowned with snow and surrounded by thick woods. There was a solitary temple also. The urge that impels men to raise temples on top of mountains, where man can seek cleansing of his inner-self from soiled thoughts started agitating my mind and I was engrossed watching the beauty. All of a sudden the childhood friend shot me this question: Now that you have been working with the Chief Minister for more than three months, what difference do you find between him and the earlier ones you have worked with?” My spontaneous reply was: “Earlier I used to dream about Hema Malini, Madhuri Dixit, Vyjanthi-mala and other beauties from Bollywood but now it is the Chief Minister always.” I relished the rapid change of expressions in their faces. It was for the first time in Punjab that a non-Congress Government was formed. Being a tried horse I was the first officer to be posted with the new Chief Minister. I was silently watching the transformation all around. One day, after an informal Cabinet meeting, a newly appointed young minister enquired as to what kind of changes had I noticed between the earlier governments and the newly formed one. Without hesitation I explained that earlier most of the visitors would come with matters of personal gains. But now a worker would come and say in Punjabi “Maara Jea Katal Ho Giya hai Thanedar Nu Telephone Kar do jee”. My elusive but crisp reply brought laughter all around and thus ended another sensitive encounter. The Department of Finance was one of the subjects entrusted to my boss and I had to brief him about its functioning and update his knowledge. During discussion I told him that the Finance Department was like a newly married bride who never says “yes” at the first instance. I showed him a file in which they had opposed the proposal and recommended its rejection. I told him that this very file would be resubmitted after some time with a revised recommendation. He kept a note of it. My prediction proved true as the file came back with a revised proposal. I told my boss that the bride had come. “What does she say?” asked the political master. “Yes” was my prompt reply. Thereafter, he started enjoying the working of the department and was instrumental in introducing many drastic and dramatic
changes.
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Change in Pak perception Jawaharlal Nehru never heard from any of his Pakistani counterparts in the 17 years he headed the Indian Government that the two of them had come to develop rapport and harmony. Not even Morarji Desai, who was awarded the highest Pakistani civilian honour, was ever informed by Gen Zia-ul-Haq, who had regular weekly conversations with him, that rapport and harmony existed between the two. That good luck has come only to Dr Manmohan Singh, the 14th Prime Minister of India. The man who bestowed that happiness on Dr Manmohan Singh was the General who planned and executed the Kargil war and survived that defeat. General Musharraf’s recent encomiums to Dr Manmohan Singh validate the ancient wisdom of Mahabharata’s patriarch, Bhishma, that for a king (read modern head of state) there are no inherent friends and no enemies. Circumstances make friends and enemies. This was more profound wisdom than the oft-quoted Palmerstonian maximum that for a country there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies but only permanent interests. Bhisma’s wisdom tells us that even perception of permanent interests can alter due to a change of circumstances. For Pakistan, circumstances have changed so radically that its perception of its permanent interest in respect of Kashmir has changed. Therefore, rapport and harmony with Dr Manmohan Singh have developed in place of hostility and mistrust, which highlighted the relations between the rulers of the two countries in the last 58 years. General Musharraf is the first Pakistani ruler to talk of a solution to the Kashmir issue not based on religion or territoriality. Till now a solution based on the unimplementable UN resolution of 1948 was an article of faith for all Pakistani rulers. That in turn was based on the Pakistani demand that Kashmir’s future should be decided on the basis of the two-nation theory. Credit must be given to General Musharraf for giving that up and adjusting himself realities of today. The General himself has attributed his change of stand to the changed international situation. Therefore, in India there must be an attempt to understand the changes in the perceptions of the General. Pakistan’s Kashmir policy was rooted in its own birth due to partition, which was the consequence of the British cold was strategy. The British Government decided in early 1946 that they needed a cooperative and friendly Muslim state in the north-west of India to countervail the anticipated Soviet advance into the oil-rich Middle East. In their plan Kashmir was assigned to Pakistan, especially the Gilgit and Northern areas. Unfortunately, the plan did not work that way since Lord Mountbatten was not privy to the British partition plan and signed the instrument of accession of Maharaja of Kashmir. These details based on recently released British documents are a subject-matter of Ambassador Narendra Singh Suala’s forth coming book on partition. The British consequently repudiated Mountbatten’s acceptance of the Kashmir accession and Philip Noel Baker worked hard to get the Security Council slant in favour of Pakistan. In 1971 Pakistan expected that its services in promoting US-China raproachment that led to Kusinagar’s secret visit would be repaid by their joint military support against likely Indian intervention in Bangladesh. These things did not happen and hence the Pakistanis entertain a sense of betrayal against the US. Though Gen Zia-ul-Haq kept quiet till 1983, the US involvement with the Pakistani armed forces and the ISI for the war against the Soviet forces in Afghanistan and their willingness to look away from Chinese support to the Pakistani nuclear programme once again emboldened the Pakistani leadership to start covert intervention, first in Punjab and then in Kashmir. Again the vituperative anti-India pronouncements of President Clinton during his trip to China in the immediate wake of the Indian nuclear tests and the publicly displayed Chinese anger and an increasing reliance of the US on Pakistan to deal with Osama bin Laden encouraged General Musharraf to try out the Kargil adventure only to be rebuffed strongly both by President Clinton and the Chinese. The next four years was a period of intense learning for General Musharraf. Only 9/11 happened but also there were total realignments in international relations. Though Pakistan was needed as a base for the US for its operations in Afghanistan and they decided that of all Pakistani Generals, General Musharraf was their best bet in the war against terrorism they continued to entertain deep suspicions about the Pakistani General, the ISI and the nuclear establishment and treated General Musharraf with extreme caution. The US also announced on March 25, 2005, that it was committed to help India to bailed itself as a world class power in the 21st century and Pakistan as a modern and moderate Islamic state. The hyphenation of India and Pakistan of previous five decades was dropped. This radical change of circumstances has persuaded General Musharraf that he has to change his stand vis-a-vis India and particularly Kashmir. Therefore, there is reason to believe that General Musharraf’s recent pronouncements are not just tactical posturing, but the result of his assessment of fundamental changes in circumstances in international politics. |
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Loss of pleasure reading Sherre Sachar comes from a book-loving family. Her father is an award-winning author, and the graduating senior thinks that settling down with a good book should be one of life’s great joys. But as she prepares to leave high school and head to Cornell University, she is tired of reading. The extensive required reading in her Austin, Texas, high school classes—including Advanced Placement English Literature, where she flew from one classic to another—left her with no time to pick up books she thought would be fun. And she was frustrated by teachers who offered either too little help in understanding the complex texts or conducted tortured efforts to wring symbolism out of every word. “I haven’t read a book for pleasure in about three years,” said Sachar, 18. ``If I do, it’s in the summer, and I might only get through one book because I’m so sick of trying to read. It’s not fun anymore.’’ Allowing students some choice in what they read and helping them understand the content is a difficult balance to strike for today’s teachers, educators say. With high-stakes standardised testing driving curriculum and teachers increasingly required to use scripted lesson plans, what is getting lost for many teachers is the freedom to allow students to explore books of their choosing—and the time to explore the meaning, the educators say. And many students, especially in high school, simply have no time to read what they want. In advanced classes, teachers often rush through tomes and require students to read year-round. Over one Christmas break, Sachar had to read two hefty novels, ``One Hundred Years of Solitude’’ and ``Midnight’s Children.’’ Summer had its mandatory reading, too, and her father, author of the Newbery Medal-winning ``Holes,’’ said her experience left him thinking that ``sometimes the top schools confuse quantity with quality.’’ Allowing students to pick their own books is more than a democratic reading experiment. Studies show that reading achievement is significantly improved when students have an opportunity to choose from a selection of interesting texts rather than being dictated to. It is more often in 10th grade and above where choice tightens and meaning is dictated, said John H. Bushman, director of the Writing Conference Inc. and a University of Kansas professor. Curriculum often demands that these students read classics, even if students have no ``clue about the theme, the syntax, the vocabulary and for the most part they really don’t care because the literature does not connect to them,’’ he said. There is no ``making meaning as readers’’—allowing students to bring their experiences and thoughts into the analysis of meaning—because many students don’t understand what they have read, he said. Teachers are left to ``tell them what it means,’’ he said. —
LA Times-Washington Post |
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Show of grandeur by Devi Cherian MANY of the business tycoons were left dumb-founded as they attended the party hosted by ITC supremo Yogi Deveshwar. Not everyday that Raza Hussein comes to design your party sets at the Nandiya Gardens of the Maurya. Air-conditioned food counters were put up for the taste buds of nearly 200 VIPs there. At least there were two waiters per person dressed in national flag colour pagdis. There were men dressed as monkeys and horses to keep in touch with the ancient time. Ghazals were mixed with pop music. For a change there was Pizza Hut and Italian restaurant Diva at the ITC Hotel. Some thought it is a good touch, as Italian seems to be the flavour of future too. This year with Yogi as President of the CII, we can look forward to many more lavish and entertaining parties too. Of course, the guest list was colourful too with Vasundhra Raje, Ranjan Bhattacharya, Anand Sharma, the Bharti Mittals, Hero Honda’s Munjal, Rahul Bajaj and many other tycoons. What more can we expect from the ITC chief and the battalion of gracious hotel staff falling over one another to please all. Truly a show of grandeur and pomp.
UPA completes one year As the UPA government successfully finished its one year in office, the Congress under Sonia Gandhi seems to be doing well. But, of course, as in every ruling party there are ups and downs, tearing and wearing and, sure enough, an air of arrogance. It shook the party top guns as one afternoon Mrs. Gandhi decided to walk into the AICC office unannounced. Well, if the AICC members were shocked, she was upset with what she saw. But does Mrs Gandhi actually know what happens at the AICC? Senior leaders feed stories to unsuspecting junior journalists. Dubious businessmen-cum-power-brokers wait to get into some room. Maybe, it is the way politics and politicians are today.
Politics of blood donation Congress workers fell over one another to donate blood at a camp on the martyrdom day. There was such a huge rush that it became too difficult for doctors to make arrangements for storing blood. Many had to wait for hours in the heat to donate blood. The camp was inaugurated by Ashok Gehlot, Ahmed Patel and Ambika Soni. It was time for Ram Babu Sharma and his supporters to showcase their strength. Central ministers like Ghulam Nabi Azad, Jagdish Tytler, various MPs and MLAs were all there. Rahul Gandhi’s arrival led to a stampede. He was there only for 15 minutes in which he said the right things and nodded at the right people. It is funny that no Congress MLA, minister or MP donated blood. |
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From the pages of Drink in the Punjab THERE was drinking in the Punjab before the British came, but it was the drinking of only Tari and Pachwari or Handi (rice-bear). There was no organised system for the manufacture and sale of these comparatively harmless drinks — they were procurable with great difficulty... Government says that if liquor shops were not opened in localities where the people want them, there would be smuggling and illicit manufacture. Now, we ask, wherefrom could there be smuggling? Close all your distilleries, wherefrom only liquor could be smuggled. The country, does not want liquor. Five per cent of the people may; is that any reason why you should tempt the remaining 95 per cent to take to the poison? The Government has all these many years been simply teaching them to drink poison. Will it never awake to the great sin and shame of thus teaching the soberest people in the world to drink? |
By repeating God's name, I live; by forgetting it, I die. Repeating the name of the true one is quite hard; but he who hungers for it and partakes of it, all his woes whither away. — Guru Nanak He who recognises the existence of suffering, its cause, its remedy, and its cessation, has fathomed the four noble truths. He will walk in the right path. — The Buddha Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake: for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven. — Jesus Christ  |
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