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Transition from CM to PM
A thoughtful decision |
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Modi govt’s first days
The lady in yellow
Terror attacks: Inaction or capitulation?
The wrong focus
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Transition from CM to PM Narendra Modi's
transition from a boastful Chief Minister proud of the Gujarat model and a fierce campaigner who was critical and contemptuous of rivals to a sober Prime Minister is in progress and an indication of this was available in his reply to the motion of thanks on the President's Address. When he used the expression "Bhaiyo aur behno" in the course of his speech, he reminded some of his election speeches. He did dart a few barbs at opponents, including Capt Amarinder Singh on his fondness for liquor, but over-all he indulged in friendly humour and avoided the kind of arrogance displayed by Rajiv Pratap Rudy, who dubbed the Congress a regional party. By now the country has a good idea of the BJP government's agenda as outlined by the President and elaborated by the Prime Minister. The challenge will be in meeting the ambitious goals Modi has set for his government. His style of governance and the setting of time-bound targets on the line of corporate CEOs are watched with admiration by acolytes and with amusement by skeptics. None may disagree when he stresses the need to correct the country's image from "Scam India" to Skill India", but behind the fondness for alliterative words is a huge challenge. Talking of launching bullet trains, building 100 cities and having an IIT, IIM and an AIIMS in every state sounds good, but where is the money? The government spending on education is abysmally low. The little said about the condition of government schools in villages the better. At times Modi sounded almost statesman-like: "The country is bigger than our parties…. Let us put the bitterness of the past behind us". His concept of "cooperative federalism" may actually work. The first test of Centre-state relations will be on the issue of goods and services tax (GST). Having discarded - at least for the time being - the BJP's divisive baggage comprising Article 370, uniform civil code and Ram Mandir, the Prime Minister has indicated that he is on the right track and is not being dictated to by
Nagpur.
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A thoughtful decision Raising
a differently abled child
is a challenging task. In the absence of institutions run by specially trained staff, it is the parents and the family that play the role of the caregiver for them. The transfer of such parents unsettles the whole arrangement of taking care of their special needs. Therefore, the demand of the government employees who have differently abled children that they should be spared from routine and rotational transfers was justified. And by accepting this demand the government has responded to a genuine concern in a positive manner. Taking a cue from the government, private employers too should prohibit transfers of such parents. Ensuring that children get the best care from their parents, the government has displayed thoughtfulness by deciding not to displace them. But a lot needs to be done for the development of the differently
abled. Helping them realise their potential should be the next step, rather than treating them as a liability. They require professional help in the urban and rural areas, where lack of care and facilities and a cultural stigma compound their disabilities. The differently abled should be helped to join and integrate with the mainstream. It is due to lack of facilities that the number of out-of-school children with disabilities remains as high as 35 per cent. Regular schools need to employ teachers trained for them. The total number of special teachers is 35,000, while the requirement stood at 1,79,116 in 2009. For about a 3 per cent of the population that needs special education, there are only 415 institutions recognised by the Rehabilitation Council of India. Education of the differently abled will not only reduce the
burden on the parents, but also help children face the future with confidence.
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A bride at her second marriage does not wear a veil. She wants to see what she is getting. — Helen Rowland
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Circulation of bad coins A CORRESPONDENT to an Anglo-Indian paper draws attention to the circulation of bad coins and the inattention paid to the clippings of worn-out, defaced or counterfeit coins. The rupee suffers greatly in this respect and scarcely can ten or twenty rupees be exchanged without one or two coins being looked upon with very great suspicion and rejected by the receiver. He says that rupees of the last reign have been so cast that a coiner has very little difficulty in copying the design. There is laxity in the local banks in clipping bad coins. And he suspects that “the coining of bad rupees is connived at by the police. Otherwise it would be almost impossible for counterfeit coins to get into circulation.” We should hesitate in accusing the police in this manner. Because when the intrinsic value of the rupee gives a powerful temptation for coiners to counterfeit the coin secretly, it is useless to blame the police. THE Chief of Ichalkaranji's "Impressions of British Life and Character" has been published by Messrs. MacMillan. Lord George Hamilton has written a preface to it. Lord George says that "notwithstanding the objections and prejudice which undoubtedly exist in many parts of India against British rule as now established, the future well-being of the country depends upon the confidence of the strength of that authority. The author of the book is a Brahman Chief and he criticises both English Society and Indian Government. He holds the view that the administration of this country should be more in the hands of Indians than it is at present and that the work of supervision and advice should be carried on by only a limited number of Europeans."
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Modi govt’s first days The Modi-led government is in its honeymoon period and the impression the Prime Minister is seeking to create is of taking purposeful steps towards efficient governance. And newspapers and television channels are full of Mr Modi's commandments on the dos and don'ts of conducting business in the government down to keeping their office corridors clean and disposing of unwanted files. What happens to the Congress party is for its leadership and rank and file to decide. Barring skirmishes about the merits of Rahul Gandhi and of bringing in his sister Priyanka as a magic wand to regenerate the party, there has been no real attempt to chalk out the future. Expectedly, some Congress members have found virtue in the BJP and have peeled off. Others of the ilk of Mr Shashi Tharoor seem to have got away lightly with his effusive praise for Mr Modi for the benefit of his American readers. Some critics of the party vice-president have been disciplined as a warning to others. This is par for the course at a time the Congress is recovering from the shell-shock of the nature of its defeat. What is notable is that but for Mr Rudy and the Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office, Mr Jitendra Singh, on the virtues of abrogating Article 370 on Jammu and Kashmir on the day of his baptism, the new ministers have largely behaved themselves. The one exception has of course been Gen V.K. Singh, the ex-Army Chief, now the Minister of State for North-East Affairs. It was, to say the least, impolitic of General Singh to re-inject himself into the controversy of the previous UPA Government appointing the new Army Chief after he had bitterly fought for having his office extended on the ground of an erroneous age entry. Thus far he has not faced the wrath of the Prime Minister although the caretaker Defence Minister, Mr Arun Jaitley, was forced to reiterate the finality of the new Army Chief's appointment. For the present, General Singh can be nothing less than an embarrassment to his party and government, with the Congress party seeking his resignation. Essentially, Mr Modi is clearing the decks for his government to perform. His belief is to streamline the bureaucracy, simplify the maze of rules and laws - many of them from the colonial era - and reduce the layers of procedures that are the tell-tale signs of a weak government. Second, the maze of ministerial committees that had proliferated in the Manmohan Singh era was because of the peculiar dual power centre, further contributing to the draining of authority from the Prime Minister's Office. The President's Address to the joint session of Parliament held no surprises, reiterating as it did what Mr Modi had been preaching in his campaign rhetoric and what formed part of the party manifesto. It is clear that Mr Modi greatly admires the phenomenal economic progress made by China over three decades and how Japan turned round its defeat in World War II to become a first world technological power. The easier part is to seek institutes of technology and management in each state than to fulfil the promise, requiring as it does much money and talent. Even the existing institutes are finding it difficult to get high-level staff. And in seeking a high-speed train network, the new government is relying on massive infusion of funds from abroad. China, judging by the recent visit of its Foreign Minister, is willing provided the terms are right. By and large, but for the missteps enumerated above, the record of the brand new Modi government has been good, both domestically and on the foreign policy front. Apart from getting his counterparts from the neighbourhood to his swearing-in, Mr Modi's dealings with the Chinese Foreign Minister have produced a working relationship although there was no give in to Beijing's position, nor was one expected. At the same time, the Modi government utilised the visit of a US State Department functionary to firm up a set of mutual visits leading up to Mr Modi's own visit to Washington in September. It is no secret that Indo-American relations have been marking time against the backdrop of the hurdles in fulfilling nuclear cooperation between the two countries and the totally unjustified treatment meted out to the Indian consular official in New York. In fact, although the Prime Minister's primary focus will be on domestic affairs, foreign policy issues will also keep him busy, what with his planned visit to Japan in July and visits to Washington and the BRICS summit where he is likely to meet Chinese President Xi on the sidelines. It is just as well that Mr Modi is a workaholic because such a schedule, in addition to fulfilling the burdens of a full domestic schedule, would tax the stamina of the hardiest. The one shadow that is cast over a largely encouraging picture is what the Maharashtra leader Sharad Pawar has rightly described as the empowering of elements of the Sangh Parivar by the BJP's victory at the Centre in causing communal mischief, as in the case of the beating to death of a Muslim computer man on a street in Pune. The Prime Minister did make a brief reference to this case in his reply to the President's Address in Parliament. But Mr Modi and his team should realise that such incidents merely confirm the perception of the minorities, particularly Muslims, that Mr Modi's mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, will give them less than justice. The Modi government needs to make unambiguous gestures to make minorities feel more comfortable than they do. These are early days yet, but first impressions have a tendency to stick to public memory.
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The lady in yellow Like a promotional trailer she arouses curiosity which in no way prepares us for her flamboyant debut. As the sun climbs higher she becomes bolder. From a shy damsel she becomes a seductress enchanting one and all with her golden beauty. You can find her holding sway over a busy market square or standing in meditative tranquil silence near a temple. You can find her beckoning a passerby with coquettish warmth or providing succour from heat to a weary traveller. I have been her ardent admirer for as long as I remember. Even as a child I would haunt the grove where she stood in elegant splendour. While my mother took her afternoon siesta I would stealthily move to the lady's bower and stand for hours in smitten silence, admiring her warmth and beauty. As I grew up I lost touch with her. Sometimes, a flash of yellow brought her to mind but she was more like an old well-loved melody that hovers at the edge of our consciousness and is forgotten in our more conscious moments. But this summer I was unable to ignore her golden-hued missive. One morning as I went for a brisk walk I saw her bright head nodding a greeting. I walked closer looking for signs of aging and deterioration. But age had not warped her beauty. The lady in yellow stood regal with a beauty that would enchant generations to come. It is true that an Indian summer has a riot of colours to offer. However, the blanched lavender of the jacaranda palls. The magnolia's satin sheen dulls in the harsh rays of the sun. The scarlet canopy of the gulmohar attracts but momentarily. But even in the midst of this colorful pageant 'amaltas' -- the lady in yellow mesmerises. She brings to mind the warmth of a sunrise and the red-hued golds of a sunset. To look at her is to bask in the essence and purity of life. To look at her is to believe that life is all joy and tranquil happiness. However sad or unhappy one might be, she teaches us to smile and breathe in the spontaneous beauty of nature. Even as I write I can see her dancing in the hot breeze indifferent to the vagaries of an Indian summer. The lady in yellow for me epitomises beauty and cheer in the midst of adversity. If only Wordsworth had seen her she would have been immortalised like his daffodils. Nonetheless, my more pedestrian muse urges me to write this paean to my lady in yellow who will not go unsung or unheard this summer.
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Terror attacks: Inaction or capitulation?
THE ferocious terrorist attack on the Karachi international airport is a grim reminder of a state under siege with little hope of it being salvaged. The security forces cleared the airport after a fierce gun battle stretching to several hours that left over 20 people killed and some aircraft damaged. Notwithstanding the claim of success in containing the damage, the incident once again exposed the vulnerability of our security system in dealing with such organised and daring terrorist assaults. The most worrisome aspect was the complete lack of leadership at the national level as the country faced one of its most serious security challenges. The sense of urgency in Islamabad was not commensurate with the scale of the crisis at the country's premier airport that was under attack with thousands of passengers caught in the crossfire. The federal interior minister surfaced the next morning saying that an enquiry has been ordered. He did not satisfy queries when he arrived in Karachi 22 hours later. One was also disappointed that the prime minister, apart from issuing the routine condemnation, in the manner of his predecessors, did not make a TV appearance instilling some confidence in the people during or after the crisis.
Taking on the TTP This has led to observations in some circles that the prime minister's concern for attacks outside his home province of Punjab is far less than expected. Even though all parties had agreed to give peace a chance, the present government's inaction borders on a capitulation that has further strengthened the militants. There is still no show of any resolve to take on the TTP, which has claimed responsibility for Sunday night's attack. There was a lot of similarity between the attack on Karachi airport and the earlier assaults on the Mehran and Kamra airbases. All were carried out by highly trained suicide squads armed with sophisticated weapons and aimed at inflicting maximum damage. One more objective of selecting these high-profile targets was to get maximum international publicity. The terrorists seem to have achieved both goals. The attack on the country's biggest international airport and commercial gateway carried much greater long-term consequences for the country's image and economy. The incident may force international airlines to review their operations in Pakistan. One should also forget about any foreign direct investment coming into the country at least for some time. It is shocking the way terrorists carrying huge bags of firearms and explosives breached the supposedly high-security zone and entered the runway. It was apparent that the assailants had all the relevant information about the airfield — not possible without internal help. A Taliban spokesman claimed one of their aims was to hijack a passenger aircraft. The attempt may have been foiled by the security forces, but the attackers could have been close to achieving their goal. The government and the security agencies are downplaying the damage as TV footage of a thick curtain of smoke covering the runway and fire engulfing areas around the aircraft shows.
Militant nexus More importantly, the attack gives some insight into the militant nexus operating in Karachi. The country's main financial centre has long been a haven for the Taliban, sectarian militants, jihad financiers and Al-Qaida sleeper cells. This lethal brew seems to have been responsible for high-profile attacks such as the one on Karachi airport and earlier, the Mehran base. Security officials suspect that most of the attackers were Uzbeks or from the tribal areas. It is quite plausible given that a large number of foreign fighters have taken sanctuary in North Waziristan. But these outsiders could not have carried out such coordinated and professionally planned assaults without a powerful organisational network in the city itself. Such sophisticated terrorist actions also required comprehensive planning, finances and logistical support. The presence of this kind of sophisticated terrorist network makes the city much more vulnerable, particularly with no counter-terrorism strategy in place. The virtual collapse of the administrative system and of law-enforcement in the city lends a favourable environment for the terrorist networks to operate with such impunity. What happened in Karachi cannot be seen in isolation. The growing stridency of the militants is a direct result of the government's policy of appeasement in the name of peace negotiations. This approach has virtually legitimised militant violence giving the terrorist outfits even greater space.
Fear of backlash in Punjab Despite the fact that hundreds of soldiers have been killed in militant attacks, the government has not given the go-ahead to the military to eliminate militant sanctuaries in North Waziristan. One major reason for avoiding an operation is seen as the fear of backlash in Punjab. As a result, the threat to national security from the rising militancy has become much more serious. The notion of Punjab's safety first and foremost carries serious consequences for the country's unity and stability. Ironically this inaction makes Punjab much more insecure in the long term. The province is the biggest incubator of sectarian extremists and jihadists. Many of the Punjabi militant groups have made North Waziristan their operational base and are working closely with the TTP and Al-Qaida. Surely, it suits these militant groups to buy time sparing Punjab for the time being. But it is not going to be very long when they will turn their attention to their home province. They have already shown their prowess by launching some spectacular attacks in Lahore and Rawalpindi not long ago. Also, the rise in sectarian violence has further destabilised the country. Hours before the Karachi airport attack the sectarian extremists killed over 20 Shia pilgrims in Taftan on the border with Iran. There is a clear link between the sectarian extremist group and militant outfits attacking the security forces. The latest spate of violence provides an opportunity to the government to unify the country for a decisive war against terrorism. But is anyone
listening? — By arrangement with the Dawn
Pak army in line of fire
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The wrong focus
NARENDRA Modi’s
recent victory in India was termed by some as a blow to the country's democracy. The strong mandate he received was interpreted as a mass critique of a system that has been paralysed by the chaos of coalitions, and resulting corruption. But for many in India who have reservations about Modi, his electoral win is a high point in the country's democratic trajectory. This is because they believe that their democratic institutions can provide the necessary checks and balances to any authoritarian or anti-democratic tendencies Modi may harbour — they remain confident that no individual can prove more powerful than democratic institutions such as parliament, the judiciary, political parties, media and the bureaucracy. Whether India's democracy shapes or is shaped by Modi remains to be seen. But the importance of institutions in a democratic set-up is something we should pay more attention to on this side of the border, especially since larger-than-life political figures have dominated our news headlines in recent days. Altaf Hussain's questioning by the British police brought Karachi to a standstill and provoked many questions about the future of the MQM and political representation for Pakistan's Urdu-speaking community more broadly. While Hussain's fate remains uncertain, there has been speculation in the media about a new strongman stepping up to lead the party. These events have coincided with the anniversary of Nawaz Sharif's first year in power, reflections on which have focused on the prime minister's authoritarian tendencies. As Arifa Noor astutely observed in this paper, Sharif in the past year has run the country like a small-time family business, keeping power close to his chest, failing to hold party meetings, distancing the opposition, and barely bothering to show up in parliament. Imran Khan has also loomed large over the political landscape in recent weeks, playing the caricature of the enraged opposition, and taking up issues that have little to do with his party's manifesto or mandate. The disproportionate influence of certain individuals over their political parties — and more dangerously, over state institutions — is a major indication that Pakistan's so-called democratic transition is more farce than fact. For how can we claim to be democratic when individuals are more powerful than the institutions they supposedly serve? The fact is, cults of personality endure because Pakistanis have little patience for building institutions — whether political parties or organs of the state — or institutionalising processes. For a host of well-known reasons, that range from the uneven nature of Partition and a young country's reliance on Jinnah to long stretches of military rule and the early impact of feudalism on politics, Pakistan's democratic institutions were never consolidated. Instead, a vicious cycle has ensued: individuals have dominated, and being inherently self-serving have used their time in power to secure their own interests rather than those of the state. The military, meanwhile, has sought to single out and prop up individuals as a consistent strategy to ensure that robust democratic institutions that could challenge its institutional dominance and privileged status do not flourish. As Pakistan's overall predicament worsens, strong institutions that can implement policies in a sustained manner — irrespective of changes in leadership — and tackle systemic challenges like the lack of rule of law and inadequate development are needed more than ever. Ironically, however, the worse things seem, the more the public clamours for saviours. And so we have the resilience of Hussain, the authoritarianism of Sharif, and the rise of Khan —in other words, the continuing appeal of individuals who posit themselves as indispensable by refusing to delegate power, cultivate successors, and privilege institutionalised processes over personal promotion. Pakistan's multifaceted problems are growing to the point where they seem insurmountable. The crisis of institution-building is one challenge we can start to address, starting with the political parties that claim to be democratic champions and should be counterweights to the one institution that de facto dominates — the military. It is high time that parties collectively committed to being run in more democratic and institutionalised ways. The national malaise at Nawaz Sharif’s first underwhelming year in office could be tempered if there was faith in the checks and balances to their indiscretions and indulgences starting with the party and extending out to state institutions like parliament and the judiciary. Cultivating institutions is the only way to bring stability to Pakistan. This shift is key for rule of law and basic democratic rights to flourish — a task too big to be left to a few individuals.
— By arrangement with the Dawn
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Perhaps
THE dusty winds of May herald her arrival. She enters the city with a gentle rustle of satiny skirts. A glimpse of yellow against a dark green foliage or the russet brown of autumn leaves is the only indication of her presence. In the tepid warmth of an early summer she plays 'hide and seek' with the denizens of the city. 
