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Rising
defence spending Punjabi ties |
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Lahore,
Friday, April 17, 1914
East vs
West: Flashpoint Ukraine
An
encounter with Draupadi
Wielding baton no way
to deal with protests
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Punjabi ties Pakistan’s
new High Commissioner is batting for more trade between the two Punjabs. This is a mutually beneficial relationship that will, no doubt, in the longer run, help to normalise relations between India and Pakistan. However, High Commissioner Abdul Basit’s recent comments have to be taken in the limited context these were made, since any improvement in the trade relations between the two Punjabs is predicated on the wider India-Pakistan relationship. Further developments will take place after a new government is formed in New Delhi. Even if, as is widely being presumed, the new government is led by the BJP, ties can improve, as they did during the tenure of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. There is a limited amount of trade being conducted from the land route, but its fragility can be gauged from the fact that even the arrest of a driver whose vehicle was used to smuggle drugs into India, disrupted trade from both sides for a considerable period of time. However, forward movement on Pakistan granting the Non-Discriminatory Market Access status to India and New Delhi reciprocating would set the stage for major gains. Naturally, border towns in both countries would benefit the most. The proposal to supply 500 MW of electricity to Pakistan will need proper infrastructural and administrative mechanism. It could well pave the way for greater cooperation on the proposed gas pipeline from Iran. India and Pakistan both stand to gain economically by trading directly. Culturally, there is much affinity, even affection, between the two Punjabs and state governments have hosted sports events here where Pakistani teams participated. The overall political situation, a history of violent confrontations and several outstanding issues like Kashmir and Siachin, all come in the way of a long-lasting settlement. The two governments will have to address fundamental issues before seeking more trade with each other. When they do so, both economies will benefit, as will traders and businessmen. |
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Thought for the Day
The world suffers a lot not because of the violence of bad people, but because of the silence of the good people.
— Napoleon
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MR. A. Rasul, President of the Reception Committee of the Bengal Provincial Conference, took for his main theme the poverty of the people in his speech at Comilla. He said it was of no use to consider whether the poverty of the people had increased or decreased since the British rule. But what was essential was whether the condition of the people today was such as might reasonably have been expected from their being placed under a highly oraganised, civilised administration. Although there was evidence of wealth and luxury, the bulk of the people, he said, led a miserable life and were on the verge of starvation. It was the duty of Government, he pointed out, to do all it could to promote the health and stamina of the people. Gurdwara Rikab Ganj
THE question of the Rikab Ganj Gurdwara is just now occupying a good deal of attention in the province. The Sikh community, as a whole, has been deeply stirred by the official attitude, and the efforts of the less emotional section to restrain agitation have been totally misunderstood by the rank and file of the community. However, it must be satisfactory even to them to learn that the responsible leaders have not in any way neglected their duty. They have decided to hold a general meeting of the delegates chosen from all the Singh Sabhas and other representative bodies in the several districts of the province to consider the question. The meeting comes off at Amrtisar on the 23rd instant when it is expected that suitable representations will be made to the Government of India for reasonable modifications in the existing plan.
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East vs West: Flashpoint Ukraine
The
question many nations of the world are asking is whether the relatively brief period of the post-Cold War era is over. It would perhaps be premature to slot the Ukraine crisis as the beginning of a new version of an old division of the world. But beyond the shrill rhetoric emanating from Moscow, Washington and other world capitals, we are witnessing more than a conflict of interests. What is happening is the West’s denial of the right of the Russian Federation to safeguard its geopolitical interests. What President Putin is trying to accomplish after annexing the Crimean peninsula following the West’s pre-emptive action in signing on Ukraine into the European Union at the cost of Russia is to ensure that a country of 45 million people in a vast area bordering on its flank is not absorbed into NATO. Moreover, half of this country consists of primary Russian-speakers and have deep cultural, religious and trade links with the Russian Federation. Understandably, Russia is keen to prevent the complete encirclement of its motherland by a western military organisation. Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the weak leaders that took over the fragmented successor state, the US and West European nations trod all over Russia, breaking legions of promises, to co-opt the former constituents of the Soviet Union such as the Baltic states but also countries like Poland. The new attempt was to take in the land mass of Ukraine and Georgia, among others, to tighten the noose. The Russian Federation sent its military into Georgia to carve out two areas of the country into independent states in 2008, a warning the West chose to ignore. In the long negotiations with former President Viktor Yenukovych, the European Union sought to co-opt Ukraine into the West through the European Union and later NATO. He balked at the prospect of putting his signature at the last minute because he was not prepared to face Russian wrath. In any event, Moscow made his task easier by giving him a loan of $15-billion and a hefty discount on gas prices, the lifeline of Ukraine’s energy needs. This decision of the former President led to months of demonstration in Kiev’s Maidan, to be ostentatiously cheered by high-level representatives of the United States and West European countries ultimately leading to sniper shootings and an interim agreement among the foreign ministers of France, Germany and Poland in the presence of a Russian representative calling for a presidential election by the end of the year. But the demonstrators on the Maidan had tasted blood, tore the agreement before it was dry and proclaimed a revolution. An interim government was formed, the imprisoned former leader Yulia Tymoshenko was released from confinement and addressed the crowds. To save himself from harm, Mr Yanukovych fled to Russia. The European Union quickly signed an agreement with the interim leaders, keeping some provisions in abeyance until the expedited presidential election would be held towards the end of May. All this was par for the course. But subsequent events, including bouts of rebellion in the eastern region the US is charging Russia with instigating, imply that the West will continue the encirclement of the Russian Federation at an unacceptable cost. There is much talk in Western capitals on how Russia’s actions have re-energised a drooping NATO, how the West European nations must increase their defence budgets, on the permanent stationing of NATO troops on European soil, in addition to the increased air patrolling of NATO nations’ borders. The point of these moves is that the West has not accepted the fact that Moscow is fighting to safeguard its national interests as best it can after losing out to the West following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, has spelled out his country’s demands. It wants a federal constitution for Ukraine, with the regions given a great measure of autonomy in administering their affairs, a guarantee for the official status of the Russian language and a constitutional provision that it would not enter NATO. In other words, Ukraine will remain non-aligned between the European Union and Russia while dealing and trading with both. Thus far, the US has rejected the idea of a new federal constitution. Beyond the slated meetings among the US, Russia and other interested parties, the underlying problem is the West’s refusal to give weight to legitimate Russian strategic interests which is something akin to a hostile power signing on Mexico for its own geopolitical interests at Washington’s expense. Perhaps Washington and West European capitals wish to complete the diminution of the Russian Federation in the world. The argument over Russia’s form of government as opposed to the growing ranks of democracies does not wash because the West has frequently supped with the devil and continues to do so for reasons of state and geopolitical interests. The question here is not how evil and dictatorial President Putin is in running his country and its foreign policy but in how Russia conceives Western actions to be damaging to its core interests. At present Russia and the West are talking past, rather than to, each other. True, the West has tacitly accepted the reincorporation of Crimea, in view of its tangled history and it being the base of the important Russian Black Sea Fleet. But it is not prepared to go further in guaranteeing that Moscow’s legitimate concerns on Ukraine be accommodated. No one wants a new hot war in Europe or anywhere else. The options the West is formulating revolve round increasingly stinging economic sanctions which would make life difficult for the Russian Federation. Such sanctions would come at a cost to West European nations, which receive a substantial portion of their gas and oil supplies from Russia, apart from London being a favourite place for Russian oligarchs to park their billions. The alternatives seem to be between a new round of economic blood-letting before arriving at a compromise and a decision to seek a fair compromise for safeguarding Ukraine’s integrity while taking into account Moscow’s legitimate interests.
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An encounter with Draupadi Frankly, I am not much of a television person. Yet every now and then I find myself getting hooked to at least one or the other soap. Right now my prime time obsession is Mahabharata, the serial that I had initially dismissed as tacky. Following in the footsteps of my partner in life, I become his partner in watching the retelling of the great epic and was drawn into its multilayered narratives. Expectedly shared viewing means shared discussions. Now Mahabharata, a wondrous part of Indian mythology, is an inextricable part of our childhood years. Most of us have moved into adulthood with grandma versions of it affirming awestruck admiration for its hero Arjuna, Lord Krishna, Karan and Bhisham, not necessarily in that order. But in my childhood memory somehow Draupadi, the wife of five Pandavas, has been at best a footnote, remembered for her chir-haran and Lord Krishna’s rescue act. In front of the small screen, however, I am completely taken in by the woman of substance. As I share my impression of Draupadi as one of the most powerful mythical characters, my sceptical spouse can’t help but wonder aloud — so how come almost no one names their daughters Draupadi? My reply, “For perhaps she was not so fortunate” is met with a repartee, “Karan was equally unlucky.” Indeed, the myth of the tragic hero of Mahabharata Karan has endured and generations after generations have named their sons after the exemplary warrior, generous to a fault alright but an illegitimate son of Kunti. If there is no social stigma in naming a kid after a child born out of wedlock, why not Draupadi whose name figures as woman worthy of veneration even in our shlokas? Is it simply because we apply different yardsticks to men and women? Like Mahabharata’s many grey areas, the answers are not easy to find. Meanwhile, our Mahabharata-viewing sessions remain enthused. As we continue to fume and fret over Yudhishthira’s foolishness of losing it all in the game of dice, finally the episode where Draupadi is at stake is aired. I brace myself, ready to empathise with her plight. Instead, what I encounter takes me by complete surprise. Draupadi leaps to life like past reconstructed. Blame it on my earlier ignorance or give credit to the makers of Mahabharata, all of us who had so foolishly believed that Draupadi was but a hapless woman, (whom even her five husbands could not protect), stand corrected. Why Draupadi’s tale is not one of “hell hath no fury like a woman scorned.” She is much more than a woman who needs men to empower her. More questions begin to take shape. Dare we name our daughters after a woman who underlines the haplessness of men (not women) and the vile in them so emphatically? Can we live with the constant reminder of men’s time-tested unfairness and women’s ability to be fair even in the face of extreme adversity? Suddenly the name Durga rings in the air. No, neither of us are referring to Draupadi. But this is a name that my other half often uses to address me for he believes it matches my fiery temperament. A smile begins to play on my lips. Modern Indians might not have the gumption to call their daughters Draupadi, born out of fire, yet some sure have learnt to accept the fire in many of us. |
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Wielding baton no way to deal with protests
Mass protests have emerged as a new phenomenon, taking centre stage in public order. These are a matter of concern for the establishment. Quelling them with force will not work. The police has to learn to handle them right.
The data recently released by the Bureau of Police Research and Development reveals there were 78,444 protests and demonstrations across the country in 2012 — a 7 per cent increase from 2011. There were 95 instances of police firing and 298 instances of teargas use and/or baton charge, killing 13 civilians and six policemen and injuring 354 civilians and 863 policemen. The year 2013, according to some analysts, was the year of protests. It witnessed several mass protests, not just in India, but also across the world.
In Brazil, people agitated against bus fares; in Turkey, they rose up against a building project; in Indonesia, it was due to higher fuel prices; for Bulgarians, it was government cronyism; in Europe, it was against austerity; and Egypt remains plagued with protests and counter-protests. Indians took to the streets after the gang-rape of a 23-year-old student. Each demonstration was angry in its own way, yet some common strands, including ineptitude of police in handling them, are difficult to miss.
How to handle protests
Demonstrate explicit consideration of the facilitation of peaceful protest throughout the planning process and during the operation.
Virtual warriors
Women and youth came out in large numbers. Protesters were not organised by any lobby or union, but by social networking sites which quickly spread information and made causes fashionable. Revelry and rage were mixed in condemnation of corruption, incompetence and arrogance of those in power. The use of some of the old methods of dealing with crowds did not help the police either. It only led to public outrage, criticism by the media and being hauled up in courts. This new dimension to public order has not only flummoxed the police, but also found it grappling for the right response and strategies to deal with it. Influence of social media ‘We come from Facebook’ placards in Brazil announced during protests. Protesters in Egypt, Iran, Moldova and Tunisia were called ‘Twitter revolutionaries’. Turkey’s Prime Minister grudgingly acknowledged the role of the social media. Countries like India, Turkey and Brazil, where the digital media is especially popular, have demonstrated that social media can act as a spur to rally, manage and intensify agitations. Social media allows information, including visuals, to spread rapidly and supporters arrive more quickly than the police can organise itself to manage the situation. As the crowd swells, it can no longer be dispersed merely by the use of force. Moreover, videos of any police excess or mishandling spreads like wildfire, leading to a flash point. A video circulated during protests in Brazil guided ‘citizen-journalists’ to adopt military formations to capture government wrongdoing from every angle. For coordinating protests, several hundred social-media pages advertised demonstrations across Brazil and offered tips on dodging water cannon. Managing protests Sections 129-132, CPC; Sections141-158, IPC; Sections 30 and 38, Police Act; and Police Rules 14.56 lay down the legal provisions and procedures available to the police to handle agitations and unlawful assemblies. These provisions are to be seen along with rights of the citizens to hold peaceful protests in a democratic country. Surveys indicate that a majority of citizens are in favour of the use of force by the police only when there is physical assault on a police officer or property is being damaged by the protesting crowd. The use of force for provocations like abusing a police officer or disrupting public activity like traffic did not find support. The police is required to show a certain degree of tolerance towards peaceful agitations, where demonstrators do not engage in acts of violence, even if these protests cause irritation, obstruction or disruption. Given this background and the complex composition of new-age protesters, the age-old police approach to deal with protests needs a review. Handling several demonstrations and their spin-off irritants like disruption in traffic and sometimes street violence, the police is generally scornful of them. At the planning stage, even before the show begins, the battle lines are drawn. This was witnessed during the Anna Hazare agitation in Delhi. Veering on the permission to hold the rally and the venue, the organisers of the agitation were already suspicious of the police and convinced the public that every move of the police was only intended to quell the agitation. In the surcharged atmosphere, distrust between the police and agitators made it a tinderbox. This template needs a paradigm shift. The starting point for the police should unambiguously be in favour of facilitating peaceful assembly, which in a democracy is the right of every citizen. The police should demonstrate an explicit consideration of the facilitation of peaceful protest throughout the planning process and during the deployment for the peaceful conduction of protests. However, the police may impose lawful, necessary and proportionate restrictions in the interest of public safety, or for the protection of the rights and freedom of others. And in striking this right balance, between the rights of agitators and other citizens with the duty to protect people and property from the threat of harm or injury, lies the essence of policing in relation to public protest. In dealing with this dilemma, depending on the peculiar nature of each situation, the police administrator must take a common sense approach. Role of communication When the police become the hate object of protesters and there is trust deficit, communication with protest groups — the single-most important element to prevent violence and standoffs — is the first casualty. The police should invariably seek to improve dialogue with protesting groups in advance whenever possible to gain a better understanding of the intent of the protesters and the nature of the protest activity. This can greatly facilitate the protest and ensure a proportionate policing response. The police should also inform and warn the protesters and the public in advance that restrictions may be placed on protesters and the nature of arrangements in place to reduce disruption and the threat of disorder. To improve the level of communication with the public, the police should develop a strategy to effectively communicate with the media before, during and after protests to convey a policing perspective of events. In the absence of availability of authentic information from official channels, misinformation can add fuel to the fire. In disseminating information, the effort should be to minimise surprises from the police to the public to avoid inconvenience and for the protesters to avoid panic reaction in the face of police action. Training, guidance There is an urgent need to review the current public order training imparted to police officers deployed for law and order duties. This should also include an examination of current tactics employed by the police forces, such as the use of shields and batons, rubber bullets, water cannon and tear gas shells to ensure that these are subjected to medical assessment. Public order training should also include dealing with peaceful protests as the present training curriculum only focuses on handling unlawful assembly and protests. Such training should incorporate and emphasise relevant human rights principles. Training should also be given to officers to exhibit restraint even in the face of provocation by protesters and the tactics to deal with individual use of force such as distraction, in collective action such as public order operations. These practices would ensure that minor localised incidents do not develop into flash points in precarious situations. A message should also go in the force that individual acts of misconduct by the members of the force would not be tolerated and swift and robust action should invariably be taken in such matters by the officers in command. It should also be ensured that all officers display their names and badges prominently at all times during public order operations. Harnessing technology Technology, which till now has been the bane for police forces in managing mass protests, can serve them too. The protesters’ mobile internet access can be technically throttled. Activities over social networks can be easily monitored by the police and can forewarn it of impending law and order situation, besides also helping them in identifying the main troublemakers. Footage available on Internet sites like the YouTube provides authorities with visual records of those who attended and violated law during the protests. Although as a countermeasure, YouTube has already introduced a face-blurring tool. The police in Brazil is using head-mounted face-detection cameras which the authorities claim can capture up to 400 faces a second. Cheap drones are available in the market today to monitor the crowd activity, covering a wide range of area. The police forces in the US have a kit capable of recording the identifying code of all mobile phones within a given area. This can help in establishing the identity of the protesters. Video recording of protests has helped the police in deterring protesters from indulging in unlawful activities in Bihar. — The writer is an ADG in Punjab Police |
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