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Politicos tap dera heads for votes
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Voting is a ‘man thing’ for women in Haryana
State of Parties: andhra pradesh
Constituency profile: Srinagar
Gujarat model cannot be applied to all states: Rahul
BJP calls AAP ‘Arvind Apna Propaganda Party’
CPI to work for non-Cong, non-BJP govt
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Politicos tap dera heads for votes
Sirsa, March 27 Also important is the role played by Dera Sangar Sadha, also called Dera Baba Bhumman Shah at Sangar village near Sirsa, as this wields a considerable influence on members of the Kamboj community. The controversial Dera Sacha Sauda enjoys a considerable following in Haryana, Malwa belt of Punjab, Rajasthan, Delhi and parts of Western Uttar Pradesh. Though primarily a religious sect, the dera has been influencing the polling trends in the area since mid-1990s after the coronation of current dera chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. However, the dera's political role came to prominence during the Punjab Assembly elections in 2007 when its followers decided to cast votes in favour of the Congress. Through this move, the dera invited the wrath of the Akalis in Punjab. A case of blasphemy was registered against the dera chief for allegedly aping the dress of Guru Gobind Singh during a congregation at Salabatpura near Bathinda. It was the "killing effect" of the dera votes in the elections that majority of candidates contesting polls in these states did not forget to visit the dera to seek the dera chief's blessings. Since then the dera has been adopting a cautious approach and prefers to carry out its political activities clandestinely. "Though the dera does not have any direct role in political activities, its followers have constituted political affairs wings for different states. These wings take decisions at their own level after consulting saadh sangat (followers)," said Aditya Insan, spokesperson for the Dera Sacha Sauda. He said in a democratic country, it was not wrong for a group of people to develop a collective political conscience. The dera chief, he said, issued general parameters for selection of candidates. The parameters are: the candidate should not be addicted to intoxicants, should not indulge in social evils such as female foeticide, dowry and corruption, and help make society a better place. "Devotees have formed their political affairs wing. If they say they will vote in unison, how can a saint divide them? Since childhood, we have been taught that unity is strength. This is incomprehensible. How can I ask them to break unity? This sounds undignified. This is the wish of the devotees," Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh had once said on the role of Dera Sacha Sauda in elections. The political affairs wing of the dera takes its decisions after meeting dera followers at the block level, district level and state level where the Dera Sacha Sauda has seven-member, 15-member and 25-member committees respectively. “There are committees for women, called "Sujan Behne", comprising equal number of members," the spokesperson said. However, sources say the dera takes all political decisions keeping its interests in mind. As the elections draw nearer, political leaders start queuing outside the dera. Among those who have visited the dera recently are Captain Amarinder Singh, Vasundhra Raje Scindia, Naveen Jindal, Ashok Tanwar, Kuldeep Bishnoi, Abhay Singh Chautala and almost all candidates who had contested the last elections. Though Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda is yet to visit to the dera, apparently to avoid controversy in view of criminal cases pending against Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, his son Deepender Singh Hooda visited the dera to inaugurate a sports event. Since 2004 elections, Dera Sacha Sauda has shown a soft corner for the Congress, though it is early to say which way the votes will swing this time. Dera Sangar Sadha, a religious place for the Kamboj community, has also been influencing the voters in the state. Members of the community got annoyed with the INLD over a land issue with the party's top leadership in 2002. They voted collectively against the INLD in 2004 Parliamentary polls and 2005 Assembly polls. However, Chautalas tried to mend fences with dera head Baba Brahm Dass in 2009. They not only redressed the land-related grouse of the community, but also offered a ticket to a member of the community, Krishan Kamboj, from Rania Assembly seat. Kamboj won the seat, though the community remained divided between the Congress and the INLD in 2009. Whenever in Sirsa, the Chief Minister always visits the dera. Recently, Union Minister Girija Vyas and Rohtak MP Deepender Singh Hooda also visited Sangar village to pay obeisance at the dera. Another offshoot of the Dera Sacha Sauda at Jagmalwali near Kalanwali in Sirsa does not have as huge following as the main dera and does not take interest in political activities. Politically active deras
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Jindal goes door-to-door for personal touch
Eyes hat-trick from Kurukshetra Lok Sabha seat with a better margin this time Nitish Sharma Tribune News Service
Kurukshetra, March 27 An industrialist, Jindal's confidence perhaps is based on the fact that he is one of the only two MPs in Haryana who managed to win the Lok Sabha seat with a lead in all the nine Assembly constituencies during the 2004 as well as 2009 Parliamentary elections.
Setting a target of visiting 18 to 22 villages in a day, The Tribune accompanied the MP during his visit to Thanesar area in Kaithal district. He starts from Kultaran village, appealing to the voters to support him on the basis of the "work done by the Congress in the last 10 years". Jindal's speeches mostly revolve around the Food Security Bill, Right to Information Act, MNREGA, funds he granted to his constituency under MPLAD Scheme and various projects initiated by his social organisation in the field of women empowerment, youth and child development, health, education and infrastructure. Airing grievances
Though the Congress MP claims to have fully utilised MPLADS grants, many people are not satisfied. During a public meeting in the general 'chaupal' of Ujhana village, the MP is countered on the stage by an elderly man in his late sixties, who refuses to buy his claims of development saying: "Araa wo baat to maanu ke pisey bheje par inhaney, sarpancha arr adhikariya ne kaam to koni karaya" (I agree that you had sent the grants but the local administration and sarpanch have failed to use them properly)." Replying to the elderly man in the same dialect, Jindal says, "Ho jega wo bhi, or to koi rola koni? (It will also be looked into. I hope rest all is fine)." The MP does not forget to respect the old man by placing a garland around his neck. Next to complain is Mohinder, a farmer from Ujhana village: "A big share of your grants and other projects has gone into the account of communities, which have influence in the region, while we voters did not get enough." As Jindal reaches Koreak village around 11:40 am, a group of women are already waiting for him to redress their complaints. While speaking with the MP, they are interrupted by a few men sitting there. The Congress leader objects to this: "Dat jiyo, pehla aurtan ki to sun lu (Wait, let me listen to the women first). The women, in veils, express their dissatisfaction over the working of the local administration and gram panchayat. They allege they were yet to be paid for the work they had done under MNREGA scheme and were also not getting Pryiadarshani Awaas Yojana benefits. "Being an MP, I can send grants for development. But it becomes the duty of the local body to make the best use of the funds. People are dissatisfied not because the government has failed to deliver but because the expectations of the people have increased manifold in the last decade. The government has enacted the Food Security Act, MNREGA and Priyadarshni Awaas Yojana but people need to understand that every project and yojana takes time to come into effect completely. Those who've already got the benefits don't come out and praise but those who are yet to get the benefits do not miss any opportunity to criticize," he replies with a smile. In Deora village, Krishan Deoa, Bahujan Samaj Party's zonal in charge of Kaithal, joins the Congress, saying the weaker and backward sections of the society are whole-heartedly with the Congress. Bouquets after barbs
While some people expressed their dissatisfaction, there are others who are pleased with the MP's tenure. Amit Tanwar, a young voter, says: "Youngsters are pleased as he provided sports kits and gym equipment to almost all villages of the area." The elderly people appreciate him for various medical camps and the distribution of free spectacles. At Balwanti village around 12:40 pm, Naveen visits a temple near his campaign venue and is dissatisfied with the condition of the temple as the idols of Gods above the main gate of the temple are 'khandit' (in a broken state). Unhappy, the MP calls the local leader immediately and questions him. The latter fails to give any satisfactory reply and gets directions from Naveen for getting the temple gate renovated. Jagdishpura, Ujhana, Keorak, Deora, Balwanti and Jaswanti villages in Kaithal, Ghararsi, Barna, Barwa, Hathira, Kirmach, Tigri Khalsa, Beed Amin, Amin villages in Thanesar are the stopovers of his campaign. He ends the day around 9:45 pm after addressing a public meeting in the wards of
Thanesar.
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Voting is a ‘man thing’ for women in Haryana
Chandigarh, March 27 A group of women busy plucking flowers in a field along the national highway in Kurukshetra's Sumana village have not even heard that the country is in poll mode. Election fever is yet to catch on in Karnal's Bhaini Khurd village where women have no qualms admitting that candidates, parties and voting are a 'man thing' - something the other women across villages and constituencies also endorse. Though politicians are yet to make their "first sightings" in most of the villages, women are certain that they will go to vote. But who will they vote for and how will they take their pick from among the many candidates in the fray? The answer is easy and the rule applies across the board. There men will decide who gets their vote. "On the voting day, we will know which way the village elders and our men want us to go," says Suresh Rani of Haripur village in the Ambala constituency. Aslam seems a big crowd-puller in this village with women. Suspending their morning chores, they take time off to crowd around his cart full of suits. Ask these women if they know their candidates and they draw a compete blank. And have they heard of Narendra Modi or Rahul Gandhi? There is a slight glimmer of recognition. Paramjit volunteers: "Rahul toh Sonia ka chhokra hai. Hamen haath ka pata hai (Rahul is Sonia's son. We know the hand symbol)," she says, but has never heard of Modi. Aslam explains: "Modi is the BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate. Rattan Lal Kataria is the BJP candidate while Raj Kumar Balmiki is from the Congress. Who do you like?" "Pasand koi na hai humen. Par vote toh gerni he hai na. Ghar raakh kay kay karegngay? Apnay aadmi se pooch kar ger dengay. (We don't like anybody. But we will go to vote. What will we do with it at home? We'll ask our men and cast our vote)," Nirmala and Charno remark, admitting they have no clue that it is election time. In Janetpur, women are bitter about politicians. "They can't give us two litres of oil (kerosene), can't get jobs for the unemployed youth who keep loitering in the village and still expect us to vote," claims Hardeep Kaur. Newly married Neeti of Daumajra in Kurukshetra says: "We have been waiting for over an hour for a bus. Why should we vote?" Banto Devi, waiting at the same stop, says: "The Congress has got us pensions, paved village roads but the rising prices will be their undoing." That women have no role in politics is evident in Charuni Jattan. Local MLA Anil Dhantori is holding a meeting to muster support for Congress candidate Naveen Jindal, but not a single woman is present in the gathering. In Sumana village, women toiling in the sun, plucking flowers, are not even aware of the elections. "We are promised Rs 200 daily wage, but get only Rs 150. This and not elections is our biggest concern," quips Mewa Devi. Karnal also has a similar story where women are either not aware of an election or know that their vote will go to the candidate who woos the men in their family.
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State of Parties: andhra pradesh Its gambit of granting statehood to Telangana to make up for loss due to anti-incumbency appears to have backfired Suresh Dharur Tribune News Service
Hyderabad, March 27 The Congress' gambit of granting statehood to Telangana to make up for the loss on account of anti-incumbency and inept state leadership appears to have backfired. A massive backlash in Seemandhra, comprising Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra regions, coupled with collapse of communication with a potential ally Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) and growing strength of opposition parties has worsened the situation for the ruling party.
The biggest blow came when CM N Kiran Kumar Reddy resigned from the post and the Congress membership the day before the Telangana Bill was taken up in the Rajya Sabha. He has since floated his own party "Jai Samaikyandhra" to fight for "unification of the state".
"The Congress leadership has committed a historic blunder by dividing Telugu people. I had warned the party against bifurcation as it would cause immense damage to both the regions in all key sectors such as irrigation, power, revenue generation, education and public health," Kiran says. Though not many leaders have joined his party, his exit is seen as a moral setback to the Congress leadership. The main opposition TDP, headed by former Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, has emerged as a favoured destination for senior leaders deserting the Congress' ship. Several ministers in the Kiran Kumar Reddy cabinet, legislators and even MPs have joined the TDP in the hope of safeguarding their political future. "People in Seemandhra are extremely angry with the Congress for dividing the state in an arbitrary and haphazard manner. The party is sure to be wiped out in the elections. We have no option but to join the TDP," said JC Diwakar Reddy, a veteran Congress MLA from Anantapur district who defected to the opposition party. In Telangana too, the Congress is unable to garner political capital out of its decision to carve out a separate state. The TRS, led by rabble-rouser K Chandrasekhar Rao, has emerged as a dominant player and is positioning itself as the sole champion of the region. It has been in the forefront of the statehood movement since its inception in 2001. It has delivered a blow to the Congress by going back on its earlier promise of merging with the ruling party once Parliament passes the Telangana Bill. In a bid to corner the entire credit for achieving the statehood goal, the TRS has also ruled out any alliance with the Congress in the upcoming elections. "We have a historic responsibility to play a decisive role in rebuilding the dream Telangana state. We do not want to lose our political identity," the TRS chief said. As a result, Telangana is witnessing a battle between the Congress and the TRS over who should get the credit for fulfilling the statehood dream of the region. The Congress is likely to forge a tie-up with the CPI, a marginal player in the region, while Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen, a formidable force in Hyderabad and its surroundings, is expected to go with the TRS. The Congress had bagged 33 LS seats in the 2009 elections, the highest contribution by any state to the UPA-II kitty. It is now facing the prospect of total rout in Seemandhra that accounts for 25 of the 42 LS seats and 175 MLAs in the 294-member Andhra Pradesh Assembly. Even in Telangana, which has 17 LS and 119 Assembly seats, the party has an uphill task in the wake of potential ally turning into a foe. Ten years into the government, the party is grappling with a strong anti-incumbency and desertions from its ranks. By creating Telangana, the Congress hopes to neutralise two of its main rivals — Chandrababu Naidu and Jagan Mohan Reddy. It decided to bite the Telangana bullet since the BJP had promised to grant statehood in the event of the NDA coming to power. As chairman of the party's campaign committee in Seemandhra, actor-turned-politician Chiranjeevi now faces the task of infusing life into the despondent cadre.
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Constituency profile: Srinagar  From 69.12% in 1977, the polling percentage dropped to 25.55% in 2009 The state will go to polls on April 30Azhar Qadri Tribune News Service
Srinagar, March 27
Along with the adjoining Ganderbal and Budgam, the three districts forming the Srinagar Parliamentary constituency, a prized seat where the number of voters has declined over the past elections, will vote on April 30 to elect a representative for the 16th Lok Sabha.
There was a small increase in votes in the next two parliamentary elections when 18.57 per cent votes were cast in 2004 and 25.55 per cent were cast in 2009. The decrease in voting percentage over the years has also been strengthened by disillusionment of urban population with the mainstream politics. The track record of the constituency suggests that the National Conference, the oldest political party of the state which was carved out of Muslim Conference in 1939 by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, is a front-runner having represented Srinagar in nine out of the 11 Lok Sabhas. However, this time the contest has toughened as new contenders have widened the canvas of campaigning issues in the constituency. People's Democratic Party (PDP), the lead opposition party in the state Legislative Assembly, has fielded its urban face, Tariq Hameed Karra. Karra, a former Finance Minister of the state, who has started campaigning for the polls from his opponent's traditional bastion Ganderbal district, accused the National Conference of "flip flop" politics which, he alleged, has caused "so much of miseries to the Kashmiris". "There has to be an end to it and this is what I feel I can do," Karra said.
Karra will have a tough fight against the National Conference's ailing president, 76-year-old Farooq Abdullah, who is again contesting the seat. Abdullah, Union Minister for Renewable Energy, has been elected in 2009 and 1980. Since 1967, Srinagar has been represented only two times by anyone other than the National Conference candidates. In 1971, Shamim Ahmad Shamim, an independent candidate with backing of the National Conference, was elected while in 1996, when the first Parliamentary election was held in the state after the eruption of militancy in 1990, the Congress's Ghulam Mohammad Mir won. The National Conference did not contest the 1971 elections and its refusal to contest the 1996 voting was rooted in its demand for restoration of autonomy. "Our first inning was a reflection of our policies for change, reform and restructuring. We have rolled out a lot of developmental projects, which is unprecedented," Junaid Azim Mattu, the spokesman of National Conference, the party whose president represents the Srinagar constituency, said. Mattu said the party candidate will seek a re-election to Parliament on issues of development, increased electricity generation and creation of new administrative units. "We are committed to usher the state into a collective era of prosperity, tourism growth, and creation of new jobs," he said. The prime challenge, however, for the political parties, as well as the candidates for the Srinagar constituency will be to convince electors to come out to vote. The new voters may change the dynamics of the political equation. Srinagar district, which contributes a majority of electoral share for the constituency from among the three districts, has been a strong support base for separatism and most elections here have been boycotted, unlike the rural areas which came out to form lengthy queues to vote in several previous elections. The lead opposition in the state assembly, PDP, agrees that the main challenge will be to convince Srinagar to come out to vote. "In Srinagar, the challenge will be to make larger political participation. It is actually a challenge for the political class that people find a resonance in what they say," said PDP spokesman Naeem Akhtar. The other two districts forming the constituency - Ganderbal with a population of only 2.7 lakh, and Budgam with a population of 7.5 lakh - have largely voted in past elections and the contest in these districts will be a tough fight for all parties. In both these district, where the National Conference has a strong hold, the recent formation of new administrative units may play in favour of the ruling party. The National Conference's candidate is also likely to benefit from the pre-poll alliance with the Congress. Srinagar district, which has the largest city and also the largest urban agglomeration of the state, according to the 2011 census, has been the epicentre of 2008 and 2010 agitations, which spread from here to other parts of Kashmir valley and paralysed the region for several months. "The winner will be decided by the performance of last five years and nobody has performed. If you ask me, I want no one to win," Nazir Ahmad, in his late fifties, who runs a shop in city's Jehangir Chowk market said when asked about the upcoming election. After the 2008 and 2010 agitations, the state government has disallowed nearly all protests and dealt strongly separatist activists. In the three districts, 449 persons, including 102 students and 39 minors, were arrested in 2013 for their alleged involvement in protests and stone-throwing, while the number of such arrests over the last five years is much higher. National Conference, which was at the helm of affairs over the past five years in coalition with the Congress, says its approach has been of "amnesty and reconciliation". Akin to other parts of the state, the issue of unemployment remains a major concern. The Aam Aadmi Party has announced to field Raja Muzaffar Bhat, a pioneer of RTI activism, from the constituency.
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Gujarat model cannot be applied to all states: Rahul
Biswanath Chariali (Assam), March 27 "The NDA launched the India Shining campaign in 2004 which was like a hot-air balloon that went up and burst in the air. The balloon was burst by the poor of the country," he said. "Again in 2009, another balloon went up with even the media also saying that the Congress cannot form the government, but the balloon was against burst by the people. Similarly, this time also a fully pumped up balloon has been sent up and this will burst with a noise three times louder," said Rahul while addressing a rally here. Hitting the campaign trail for the AICC secretary and Assam MLA Bhupen Kumar Bora for the Tezpur Lok Sabha constituency, Rahul also dismissed the BJP's concept of adopting the Gujarat model of development to the entire country. "The BJP says it will apply the Gujarat model across the country. But states like Assam don't need a Gujarat model as it is not in tune with the ground realities here," he said. The AICC vice-president addressed the rally defying a bandh call given by outlawed NDFB(S) militants. "The state has developed with its own model. Assam has achieved a record rice production. The growth has gone up because of its own model that focuses on women, minorities, Scheduled Castes, Schedules Tribes and OBCs," he said.
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BJP calls AAP ‘Arvind Apna Propaganda Party’
New Delhi, March 27 A day after Modi called Kejriwal a 'Pakistani agent' and mocked him as AK-49, the BJP today went a step further to substantiate his allegations. Giving the AAP a new name - Arvind Apna Propaganda Party -BJP's spokesperson Nirmala Sithraman screened a video titled "Agent AK-49" at the party's official press conference. A map of India drawn from "AAP website" along with visuals and comments by senior leaders Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan on sensitive issues like "revoking" the Armed Forces Special Powers Act were shown in support of the BJP's claims of "AAP's anti-national" stance. Along with Bhushan's comments backing referendum on the need for the Army in Kashmir was Kejriwal's famous "I am an anarchist" comment. Sitharaman also raised speculations about the AAP funding in the party's attack against Kejriwal. The BJP has so far avoided any direct attack on the AAP leader. The change in tone and tenor reveals that the saffron party is not taking the AAP leader's challenge to Modi lightly. "We are taking every aspect of these elections seriously. Moreover, Kejriwal has himself said that the contest this time was only in two seats-Varanasi and Amethi," a senior leader said. "Silence is being misconstrued as a sign of weakness. We have decided attack Kejriwal," the BJP leader added.
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CPI to work for non-Cong, non-BJP govt
New Delhi, March 27 Releasing its poll manifesto today, the party said it would support Manpreet Badal, who is the Congress-PPP candidate from Bathinda in Punjab. CPI general secretary Sudhakar Reddy said the Congress was no different from the BJP in its economic policies, which supported the corporate and International Finance Capital. — TNS
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MMS has at last shown spine: India abstains in UN HCR vote. — Subramanian Swamy Never sneer at politicians kissing babies. I do it a lot. But offering your baby is the greatest sign of trust in a political leader. — Shashi Tharoor Sadly, Congress & their leaders view natural resources as an opportunity for corruption. They have not even spared coal. — Narendra Modi Chak daman siya nahi, kisi se shiqwa toh kiya hi nahi…Dene wala de raha tha, par Amritsar se pare...Main bhi khuddaar tha, kuch liya hi nahi. — Navjot Singh Sidhu Pollution in the Gomti has reached to alarming levels. On coming to power, the BJP government will work to reduce pollution in the river. — Rajnath Singh
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BJP moves EC over ‘misuse’ of Modi’s name Maneka must apologise: VHP Mishra is SP face in Lucknow
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With Haryana set to go to polls on April 10 and neighbouring states Rajasthan and Punjab to follow suit, the role of Sirsa-based Dera Sacha Sauda assumes significance.
Congress Member of Parliament (MP) Naveen Jindal who is once again trying his luck from the Kurukshetra Lok Sabha constituency, is confident of scoring a
hat-trick.
In Raipur Rani's Haripur village, Bimla, a widow, is busy patting cow dung cakes. With two school-going children to fend for, an election is the least of her concerns.
A group of women busy plucking flowers in a field along the national highway in Kurukshetra's Sumana village have not even heard that the country is in poll mode.
From being the cynosure of all eyes at the national level for contributing highest number of MPs to the
UPA-II kitty to being written off by every single opinion poll, it has been a downhill journey for the Congress in Andhra Pradesh. The irreversible plummet has left the ruling party bruised badly.
A bustling district of 1.2 million people that shuts down as often as the winter's snow, Srinagar is the urban heartland and one of the two capital cities of Jammu and Kashmir.
Along with the adjoining Ganderbal and Budgam, the three districts forming the Srinagar Parliamentary constituency, a prized seat where the number of voters has declined over the past elections, will vote on April 30 to elect a representative for the 16th Lok
Sabha.
Beginning his day early with a session of yoga followed by a bout with newspapers, he leaves for canvassing around 8am soon after his breakfast.
By dividing the state, the Congress appears to have written its own epitaph in Seemandhra where the electoral battle is now primarily between the YSR Congress Party, headed by YS Jagan Mohan Reddy, and an alliance led by the Telugu Desam Party. Even the die-hard loyalists have been predicting a rout for the party in Seemandhra in the upcoming simultaneous elections to the Assembly and the LS. The situation has come to such a pass that the ruling party is unable to find candidates for the imminent polls to local bodies.
The polling percentage in Srinagar constituency has consistently dropped from the high of 69.12 per cent in 1977, when National Conference's candidate and wife of party founder Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Akbar Jahan Begum, was elected to a low turnout of 11.93 per cent in 1999 when Omar Abdullah was elected to twelfth Lok Sabha.
The PDP candidate has accused the National Conference of talking contrary to "Kashmir, Kashmiris and Kashmiriyat", and said he would "put forth the aspirations and sentiments of Kashmiris" if elected to Parliament. "What we need is a change and a strong voice of Kashmir to represent it in Parliament," he said.
