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Insecure in Pakistan
By hook or by cook |
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Heinous crime
Reorganisation of states
In search of new land
Go in for caliberated responses
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Insecure in Pakistan
THE leader of the 2008 terrorist attacks on Mumbai leads the Eid-ul-Fitr prayers in Lahore; the US withdraws diplomatic personnel from its consulate in the same city even as a former official foreign secretary of Pakistan admits the presence of Dawood Ibrahim, underworld don and Mumbai attacks co-accused, in the country...much of the news in Pakistan concerns terrorists.
The last admission has confirmed what India has maintained for a long time, even as the former foreign secretary hedged his statement by maintaining that Ibrahim had been "hounded out of Pakistan" and was now perhaps in the UAE. Valid questions still arise: Why did Pakistan refuse to admit to Ibrahim's presence, rejecting the evidence that India provided to show that he was running his criminal operations as well as terrorist activities from there? Was he not protected by the very authorities that continued to deny his presence on Pakistani soil? The withdrawal of personnel from the consulate in Lahore is another blow to the government in Pakistan. The fact that important allies like the Americans do not feel secure enough within the wall of the consulate in Lahore shows a lack of confidence in the government. It is also a public admission of how much the terror network cultivated by the ISI has spread, and how it threatens peace in a nation that is reeling under regular attacks by suicide bombers and their ilk. Yet Pakistan allows Lashkar-e-Taiba founder Hafiz Saeed, who masterminded the Mumbai terror attacks, to lead the Eid prayers in Lahore's Gaddafi stadium. The man who carries a $10-million bounty on his head was brazen, or secure, enough have a high-visibility presence at a public function. Terrorists, supported by various organs of the Pakistani establishment for years, have affected the neighbouring nations, including India and Afghanistan, as well as people within the country. Sheltering and cultivating them further increases the danger that they pose.
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By hook or by cook AN NGO providing midday meals at schools in Punjab has decided not to serve in two districts. There were increasing complaints against the quality of food in Ferozepur and Fazilka. The recent deaths in a Bihar school might have had a bearing on the scheme in Punjab, with people becoming more conscious of the quality, and those serving becoming nervous about something going wrong.
To run this massive scheme on the limited budget available is not easy, but to give up is the easiest way out. Just bearing down on someone who is doing the job won't do. As a community - governments, elected civic bodies, schools, civil society - we have the responsibility of working on the lacunae and contributing our bit to the extent we can. Funding is a starting point for any scheme. The money available at present puts a certain amount of calories into the children's bodies - which is no mean achievement - but the overall nutrition value can hardly be called wholesome. Payment for the cooks continues to be one hurdle that makes the difference between food being served in a school or not. In certain states, the cooks are paid huge amounts as compared to others. In several components of the scheme the difference comes from the contribution of the state governments. Certain NGOs have made a huge contribution in this too. They take the money provided by the government, add to it by raising money on their own, and deliver food to schools across many states. As they say, a battle should not be lost for want of a nail. The midday meal is doing a lot of good, even in a relatively affluent state like Punjab, as some of the children studying in government schools come from very poor families. Just because cooks or utensils are not available, schools should not have to face problems in providing the meals. In rural areas, panchayats too can provide help in preparing the meals, especially where schools are short-staffed. Ensuring the food is hygienic only requires common sense, as long as there is the will.
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Heinous crime
ACID attack is one of the most abominable acts of violence against women. There can be no two opinions about how the perpetrators of this heinous crime should be treated. Thus the Punjab government's recent move to withdraw B-class jail facilities from prisoners convicted of acid attacks is well intended.
It is without doubt a step in the right direction considering that the same restriction is also applicable to murder convicts. While there is no guarantee that such a measure by itself would deter other men from committing similar vicious acts, it does send out a right signal. It is, in fact, in consonance with the spirit of the former Chief Justice of Punjab and Haryana High Court Arjan Kumar Sikri's observation that an acid attack is worse than a murder. Since the time when an acid attack was treated as an attempt to murder or inflict grievous injury, at least some headway has been made. Due to a persistent media campaign, the judiciary's unflinching stance and initiatives of victims themselves, there has been a greater understanding of the gravity of the crime. The lawmakers have been impelled to initiate changes to curb its incidence. Regulations on the sale and purchase of acid too have been put in place. Besides, according to the new amendments while a person found guilty of causing acid burns can get a minimum punishment of 10 years, even an attempt to throw acid is a punishable crime. Countries like Bangladesh, where acid attackers face the death penalty, have shown that strict laws do act as a deterrent. However, for acid attack victims whose lives have been devastated, disfigured and maimed both psychologically and physically, true justice also includes suitable compensation. While the Supreme Court has asked the government to enhance the compensation package to Rs 3 lakh, a comprehensive policy should take into account the prohibitive cost of treatment involving reconstructive surgery.
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Men tire themselves in pursuit of rest. —Laurence Sterne
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Reorganisation of states THE States Reorganistion Commission of 1955 was headed by Justice Fazl Ali with H.N. Kunzru and K.M. Panikkar as members. This Commission was appointed in the aftermath of the creation of the State of Andhra Pradesh in 1953. This State itself came into being after widespread riots in the Telugu-speaking districts of Madras Presidency in 1950-52 demanding an Andhra State. On the recommendation of the then Chief Minister of Madras Presidency, C. Rajagopalachari, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru announced the creation of Andhra State in 1953. The first States Reorganisation Commission had specifically recommended the formation of the States of Telangana and Vidharbha. However, the recommendation was ignored. But the Telangana demand persisted and there used to be periodic agitations in varying degrees. In 1968-69 a virulent Telangana agitation was launched by Dr. Channa Reddy with his active and vocal deputy, Malikarjun, as his main coordinator. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ordered that strong measures should be taken to deal with the agitation which resulted in Dr. Channa Reddy and Malikarjun being detained and sent to jail. However, the agitation went on unabated and Indira Gandhi had to make a trip to Hyderabad in June, 1969. She had Dr. Reddy released from jail and produced before her and after a long discussion, Dr. Channa Reddy agreed to call off the agitation. He later joined the Congress and all the leaders of the Telangana agitation were later suitably accommodated in the party and also with ministerial posts in the State Government. In 2009 there was a spurt in the Telangana agitation, with K. Chandrasekhara Rao of the Telangana Rashtra Samiti as the leader. Students all over the Telangana region, particularly in Hyderabad, were largely behind him. The Centre reacted by appointing Justice B.N. Srikrishna of the Mumbai High Court to go into the demand for Telangana. Justice Srikrishna in his report proposed various options. He said the demand for a separate Telangana had some merit, and in case Telangana was conceded, the apprehensions of the people of the Andhra region who had settled in Hyderabad should be taken care of. Justice Srikrishna also proposed that the Telangana region could be given a constitutional guarantee of a regional council till a a decision was taken on the creation of Telangana. After 44 years, Telangana has become a reality because of political calculations in the context of the Lok Sabha elections in 2014. The continuing agitation by the Telangana Rashtra Samiti under K Chandrasekhara Rao and the agitation by the YSR Congress led by Jagan Mohan Reddy, son of Dr. Y Rajasekhara Reddy in the Rayalaseema area, held out bleak prospects for the Congress party in the 2014 poll. With the announcement of formation of Telangana, there are reports of K. Chandrasekhara Rao agreeing to merge with the Congress and accepting appropriate ministerial accommodation. The present Andhra Pradesh State without Telangana would consist of the Seemandhra region and Rayalaseema. The people of the Seemandhra region would like to retain the name of Andhra Pradesh, while the districts of Rayalaseema would be known as Rayalaseema. These two states are bound to emerge before the 2014 Andhra Pradesh Assembly and Lok Sabha elections. However, these are not two new states in the strict sense. While the UPA would have to compete with the BJP and the TDP in the Seemandhra / Andhra Pradesh region, it would face a big challenge in the Rayalaseema region from Jagan Mohan Reddy, who has been in Hyderabad jail for quite some time because of the CBI investigation into the disproportionate assets case. He has to be released sooner or later and definitely before the 2014 elections. The announcement on the formation of Telangana has led to a series of demands for new States. Starting from Assam, there is a demand for statehood for the tribal district of Karbi Anglong in the northern area of Assam. In the southern areas, there is a demand for Bodoland. The Darjeeling district in West Bengal is affected by the demand for a separate Gorkhaland. There are also little known demands for other states such as Kamtapur out of Assam, Garoland out of Meghalaya, Kukiland out of Manipur, Bhojpuri Prant out of Bihar and U.P. Saurashtra and Bhilistan out of Gujarat, Koshal out of Odisha and Ladakh out of J&K. Former Chief Minister Mayawati had a resolution passed in the Assembly proposing the division of Uttar Pradesh into four states on the ground that U.P. was a huge unwieldy state consisting of 71 districts. She proposed Bundelkhand would have seven districts, Poorvanchal 28, Awadh Pradesh 23 and Paschim Pradesh 17. Paschim Pradesh corresponds to Harit Pradesh, which is the name given by Jat leader Ajit Singh. Mayawati's proposal is not supported by other political parties. A demand has now arisen for a Second States Reorganisation Commission so as to take care of all these demands. In fact, as early as 1997, when the demand for the formation of Uttarakhand out of the hill area of Uttar Pradesh was made, V.P. Singh, who was then the leading dissident member of the ruling party, had come out with the demand for the second Reorganisation Commission. Uttarakhand became a separate State in November 2000. Now that the emergence of Telangana has been officially announced, the chorus for more States is bound to become loud in the days to come. If the principle of smaller States being suitable for better administration is accepted, then there is certainly a case for a Second Reorganisation Commission for considering all the demands. But where will it all stop? There could even be a demand for a Coorg State after the separation from Karnataka since it was once a separate State by itself with its people having their own distinct culture and way of life. If all these demands are accepted, in addition to the recently announced 29th State of Telangana, there could be as many as 10 more States. If and when they emerge, it would lead to a huge administrative and financial burden on the Centre. The construction of new capital cities of new States would expect to be funded by the Centre. Can India, in its present state of economy, afford this colossal amount of expenditure and administrative confusion? The answer is firmly in the negative. Therefore, it is advisable for the UPA Government to remain firm and refuse to accede to the demand for a new commission for the reorganisation of
states.
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In search of new land
MOM dear, got tired, rather exhausted. Have been flying for long. Feeling thirsty. Hungry too. Am going to perch on this parapet."
I realise my young one's predicament. I fly looking for water and corn here and there. To my utter disappointment find neither. Alas! The local flora is conspicuous by its absence. Insects on plants too have vanished. Good God! How to feed ourselves? How should the tiny birds survive? Very strange! The so-called human beings didn't give a thought to it. They have gone mad, spraying pesticides all over. Something has actually gone wrong with them. How come the old 'neem' and 'pipal' trees have vanished! Instead, huge logs of wood are lying at the spot. Why have they been meted out such a tragic end? We used to perch and twitter on the branches listening to the jokes and gossip of the elderly folk relaxing on jute cots. Ah! They destroyed our 'ashianas' built straw by straw so tenderly and caringly. Cared two hoots for we hapless and innocent creatures! Hardly thought of hundreds of men and women who had watered and nurtured them so fondly for years. No consideration that these very trees had provided us shelter on their shady twigs in the scorching sun and freezing chill. Only sprawling malls are flourishing. Sheer callousness! Unforgivable crime! Invariably saline water rolls down my cheeks and I go down memory lane. We used to build nests in some niche of houses or in thatched roofs of hamlets. A deep sigh escapes my lips. No open spaces in houses now. Just concrete jungle! Men never shooed us away. The lady of the house would religiously keep a clay pot filled with water and another with corn. Our chirping in the wee hours of the morning won't disturb them. In fact, they loved our music and knew it was time to leave their beds. In the evening again our chirping would resound in the air and send a message to man that we too were part of his world. Streets without children playing over there! Something unheard of. Oh, they have grown TV and computer savvy. No time left to watch our frolics or listen to our music. Hardly do they know their grandparents were fond of us. Nasty electromagnetic radiation of towers has driven us away from being everywhere to being hardly visible. What an irony! When sick of the "din" of life people cull out a holiday and visit zoos with their children. They appreciate the splendid beauty of our feathers and even enjoy feeding us there, Parents hum to cheer their kids. Chee chee karti aia chiriya/dal ka dana laai chiriya/ mor bhi aya, bander bhi aya… Have fun for a while and thereafter forget about us getting involved in their speed-of-light lifestyle. I fly back to my fledging. Luckily my mate too has arrived. I convince them with a heavy heart that this earth is no more meant for us. Better we move to some other planet. "Adieu, you so-called roof and crown of things". And there we fly away in search of a better land with misty
eyes.
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Go in for caliberated responses
MANY people seem to know China, but very few understand it, according to eminent scholar Derek Bodde. Those who deal with China often feel frustrated and bewildered, when actions of the Chinese leadership send mixed signals, making clear interpretations extremely difficult. This is primarily due to the lack of insight into Chinese psyche, its strategic culture and functioning of the Communist system. In his book, Understanding China, Henry Kissinger states, "China sees itself a returning power and does not view the prospect of a strong China exercising influence as unnatural." Lee Kuan Yew opines that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is wise not to repeat the mistakes of Germany and Japan to challenge the existing order during the course of its resurgence. Although, China projects its rise as a peaceful one, yet it stands alone, without any trusted allies. The unsettled border coupled with rapid pace of China's defence modernisation, is a matter of deep concern for India. Despite the debacle in 1962 and numerous incidences on the Line of Actual Control (LAC), India has failed to formulate a pragmatic China Policy. The tendency to underplay the Chinese threat and a passive attitude has only emboldened the PRC. Recent transgressions by the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) in Ladakh are case in point. Lately, India seems to have woken up to the reality of China's growing military might. However, the Dragon's assertiveness can only be checkmated by building up the requisite capability. To this end, it is prudent to decipher Chinese strategic thinking and undertake an introspection of its war fighting doctrine. Chinese Strategic Calculus China's grand strategy aims to achieve its clearly defined national objectives -- defending sovereignty and territorial integrity, maintaining internal stability and sustaining economic growth — essential prerequisites to attaining great power status. Any threat to the rule of the Communist Party is unacceptable. The PRC remains hyper sensitive to its periphery as peace around it is essential to maintain the pace of progress. Safeguarding its core national interests, which include Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang and the South China Sea, is paramount, where it is even inclined to use force. As per China's threat assessment, the US and Japan are perceived to be the prime security concerns. India is seen as a potential threat. China's thinking since ancient times professed that best way to respond to threat was to eliminate it. Its classics stressed the value of violent solutions to conflicts and offensive over defensive strategies. When confronted with a more powerful opponent the strategy is flexible; employing non-coercive means, but only as an interim expedient. In his book, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History, Alastair Johnson has observed that there is no pacifist bias in Chinese strategic tradition but only realpolitik, sometime cloaked in Confucian-Mencian rationalisation. From 1950 to 1985, the PRC opted to use force eight times. Despite periodic leadership changes, the Chinese aggressive and expansionist policies have remained consistent, the only exception being when it is perceived that the adversary has both the will and power for confrontation. The current Fifth Generation Leadership has signaled no change from the past. One significant message that the Chinese President Xi Jinping sent out during the California dialogue with the American President, Barrak Obama, last June was that China would deal with the US as an equal and not from being the number two. Comprehensive National Power (CNP) and Strategic Configuration of Power (shi) are the key elements of China's current strategic thinking. While the CNP index evaluates the pecking order of a nation, shi decides the alignment of forces. With accretion in its CNP, China has stretched its strategic reach, skillfully employing shrewd diplomacy and economic levers. Surprise and deception are integral to the Chinese stratagem. Every move is thought through on the checker board. Unpredictability and patience to engage in long drawn negotiation process are proven tactics to force a favourable deal. PLA's Military Doctrine The PRC has consistently refined its military doctrine in consonance with threat perception and accretion in its military capability. As Marshal Zhu De had aptly stated, "What kind of war to fight depends on what kind of arms we have, stands replaced by -- what kind of arms to produce depends upon what kind of war to fight". The People's War Doctrine of the 1950s, which implied an all out war to be fought in the hinterland, was replaced by the Limited War Doctrine in the late 1980s. In 2005, the PLA has adopted the Doctrine of Limited War under Modern Informationised Conditions, which marks a tangible shift from the erstwhile attritional mindset. The crux of this "24 Character" doctrine is active defence, asymmetric warfare, war zone campaign (WGC), joint operations' and integrated logistics. Proactive in nature, the Chinese believe that through Informationisation, the ability to adopt information technologies in command and intelligence systems, it can defeat a superior force. WGC relates to a theater command system, facilitating speedy and integrated employment of all the war waging assets, in an offensive manner. The PLA modernisation is doctrine driven, implemented through the process of transformation, with mechanisation providing the foundation and informationisation the propulsion. Rapid Reaction Units (RRUs) are the cutting edge of the newly designated Combined Corps (erstwhile Group Armies), fully geared to execute swift surgical operations. The basic operational philosophy is to strike first and gain initiative. The flat higher defence structure with the Central Military Commission (CMC) as the apex military body, headed by the president with all the four services heads and key principal staff officers as members, ensures balanced and swift decision making at the strategic level. At the operational level, the PLA enjoys immense advantage by way of inter-service synergy with the Chief of General Staff, who exercises control over the army, navy, air force, strategic forces and the state armed police, and theatre command structures in place. In the Limited War Doctrine, the objectives are more political in nature than military — victory defined in political terms. The short and decisive engagements aim to target the adversary's will. The strategic and tactical dimensions overlap, where tactical actions have strategic ramifications. Fighting and talking go on concurrently (yi bian dan, yi bian da), meaning combination of suave diplomacy and strong military action. Implications and Response Keeping India marginalised serves Beijing's strategic interests. Resolution of the border problem is unlikely any time soon as it is linked with the Tibet issue and provides China with political leverage. The recent cases of transgressions are well calculated moves, to legitimise the claim lines through coercion tactics. Spurt in the PLA activities in Ladakh is indicative of the larger design of China-Pakistan collusion. The Kashgarh-Gilgit highway project, where PLA soldiers are actively engaged, part of the Xinjiang-Gwadar Corridor, has serious strategic ramifications. The rapid pace of military modernisation and elaborate infrastructural development in Tibet has given China, can muster up to six combined corps in three to four weeks, the capability to launch a major offensive against India or initiate limited tactical actions at a short notice. Given China's grand objectives, priorities and political intent, a major show down is unlikely in the near future but local stand offs remain a distinct probability. India's politico-diplomatic approach towards China has been the one of appeasement. The response to the Chinese misadventures has been more as crisis management, primarily due poor understanding of the adversary's intention and capability. This needs to change as the Chinese respect strength and despise the weak. Given the current state of asymmetry, it is only through unorthodox and out of the box thinking that India can hope to cope with the Dragon's challenge. Then what is the way forward? First, there is the urgent need to formulate a pragmatic China policy, centered on India's core interests, aligning both the long and short term perspectives. While China may appear to be externally formidable, it is still fragile internally. Its vulnerabilities should be factored. At the strategic level, the need is to build credible capability which must aim to make any misadventure by the adversary cost prohibitive. Besides hard power, due attention must be paid to the development of soft power, including strategic partnerships. Secondly, the apex security structures must be streamlined to cut down the decision making loop. This will entail eliminating bureaucratic grid locks and abolishing the silo culture among the three services. The current format of military modernisation has failed to deliver and is not sustainable. Special provisions are required be instituted to fast track defence preparedness. Thirdly, our own Doctrine of Limited War should be formalised on priority. Existing service specific theater commands need to be reorganized and integrated into tri-service structures to bring synergy in the optimal application of the war waging assets. In fact, the entire China front should be treated as one integrated theater. The raising of two mountain divisions and mountain strike corps would certainly narrow the current adverse numerical ratio and give India limited offensive options across the LAC in the east. However, the deployment in Ladakh Sector merits a holistic review. Fourthly, infrastructure development must be accorded highest priority. It is not the numbers per se. More critical will be the timely application of the combat potential. This can be only achieved by creating adequate strategic and tactical lift capability along with improving connectivity and accessibility. It is equally important to focus on capacity building in the northeast and Ladakh to cut down on the logistics tail. The scope should include both natural resources and human capital. The Chinese model of making Tibet as the grain-vegetable basket could be adopted. Fifthly, border management needs a holistic review. The recent actions of the PLA amply highlight the limitations of the current mechanism of border management. One nodal agency is required to coordinate the functioning of multiple agencies. The Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) proposal needs to be progressed with due deliberations. The Chinese attempt to gain an edge by thrusting pre-conditions should be effectively stalled. The para military forces responsible for safeguarding the LAC require gross up gradation, both in terms of equipment and training, to match the potential of the People's Armed Police Force. Overall operational control along the LAC must rest with the Army. Local militia forces can play valuable role in effective border management. Sixthly, at the tactical level, well calibrated responses must be put in place forth with. The disputed areas should be effectively dominated. While we may not be looking across the LAC through the aiming sight of weapons, yet we should be fully prepared for any face off. Understand Chinese psyche Given PRC's global aspirations and conflicting interests with India, it is unrealistic to expect the Dragon to behave as a panda. The relations between India and China will perforce remain complex, marked by competition, cooperation and confrontation. In our anxiety to engage China, we have a tendency to gloss over the larger picture, generally missing the woods for trees. The real challenge is to understand the Chinese psyche and decode the thinking of its leadership. This demands building of a strategic culture through collective wisdom and formulation of a long term policy. It is only then we can hope to build credible capability to cope with the Chinese challenge on even footing. Above all, we need people at the helm who have the audacity to make realistic assessments; and bold leadership which has the courage to digest and act on home truths. The writer has commanded a division in the northeast and also served as
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