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Who next?
Anti-social media
Cultural inheritance |
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Unhelpful attitude against military
The game of cards
Police services should be paid for
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Who next?
Gulzar Singh Ranike
is the third Punjab minister to quit after Tota Singh and Jagir Kaur. Losing three ministers in six months, the Badal government has made an inglorious start of the second term. As the Minister for SC/ST Welfare and Animal Husbandry, Ranike has been accused of embezzlement of his discretionary grants as well as funds for the development of the border areas. His son and staff helped him in the loot. Some of the staff members have been detained, while the demand for Ranike’s arrest is getting louder and louder. The case surfaced in June and since then attempts have been made to shield the accused. Will someone be hauled up for the illegal practice of protecting the influential accused – so common in Punjab? Though Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal has handed over the case to the Vigilance Bureau, the Congress and the Left have called for a CBI inquiry. A Central team is also looking into the fraudulent withdrawal of government money through cheques encashed by the culprits. A similar method is believed to have been used to siphon off funds given under the “Shagun scheme”. The minister is himself from the border area and represents the Attari reserved constituency. What can be more shocking than that he should be grabbing money meant for the poor Dalits and the backward border region he is supposed to serve? The resignation is not enough; he should be arrested. Can cheques be routed through the minister’s staff and encashed without his knowledge? This calls for an independent statewide audit of all welfare grants issued in the past five-six years. A Chief Minister is supposed to know what his ministers are doing. Badal knew that Jagir Kaur faced a case of abetment to suicide. Still he made her a minister. That Tota Singh was prone to misusing official machinery was in his knowledge. And yet he did not stop the wrongdoing. He allows shady characters in positions of power and thus presides over maladministration. It is still not too late to purge the ministry of undesirable elements.
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Anti-social media
Recently, the power of social media has been on display. The media, which was credited with fuelling the Arab Spring, has also come in for criticism in the same region for being behind the flames that have engulfed many nations by not taking down a hateful movie trailer which denigrates Prophet Mohammed. Nearer home, about a month ago, it was again the social media that played a significant role in spreading rumours that led to a virtual exodus by Indians from the North-East who were working or studying in various cities like Bangalore and Mumbai. Indeed, the Internet and social media together provided a powerful medium of dispensing information. In the wrong hands, social media turns anti-social and becomes a powerful propaganda tool. No government really likes such unbridled power in any medium and thus various attempts have been made to reign in the social media. These range from outright censorship in some nations to selective blocking of websites in other countries. In India, the reaction to the perceived ills of the social media has largely been knee-jerk; seldom has it been a calibrated response. The government’s recent move to form a policy to prevent the misuse of the Internet and the social media is a step in the right direction. It envisages fairly sweeping powers, including a cyber surveillance agency, to warn the government about malicious content, and involves various intelligence and defence agencies playing an active role in this endeavour. India has fairly powerful provisions in cyber laws but there is a tremendous shortage of police officials who understand the working of the Internet and various entities on it. However, with the Department of Electronics and Information Technology playing an important role in both formulating and implementing the proposed response mechanism to the malicious use of the Internet, this particular issue will be sorted out. There is always the danger of vigilance becoming intrusion. The government must remember that citizens are entitled to their privacy and it must go the extra mile to ensure that Internet users feel safe even as it ensures security for them and the nation at large.
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Cultural inheritance FOR a change, it’s a welcome step. That ASI (Archaeological Survey of India) has begun work on the restoration of Bathinda Fort. When it concerns heritage, the government agencies are least bothered about the fate of our tangible and intangible inheritance. So, when they do, it comes as a pleasant surprise. At the same time, it also brings back memories of disasters having taken place in the name of restoration work of several other buildings of great heritage relevance. The fate of the so-called conservation work initiated by reputed agencies — both government and private — for Quila Mubarak and the crores wasted on the project from the public exchequer is still fresh in public memory. The still crumbling edifice of the fort, collapse of its once glorious chambers and several missing art works from Quila Androon tell a different story, which feeds suspicion for the success of such endeavours. These are tangible catastrophic results of some well- meaning efforts towards restoration. Whitewashing of precious frescos in Harmandar Sahib by the PWD is another incident worth remembering. Though the agencies would like to hide behind the excuse of lack of funds in all such projects, the fact remains that machines, tools and chemicals worth lakhs of rupees bought for carrying out restoration work at Quila Mubarak kept lying unused for years, till the point the chemicals reached their expiry date and the machines were rusted. All this is indicative of a callous attitude, which stems from a belief that cultural issues are not essential for growth and hence can be ignored. If only these buildings were cared for on a regular basis, the need to spend crores on their restoration would not arise. The fort of Phillaur and the famed sarai in Sultanpur Lodhi lost much of their heritage architecture as they were turned into structures of utility for the Punjab police. The Punjab government should learn lessons from these experiences and evolve a policy for a regular monitoring and upkeep of its heritage buildings.
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The ear of the leader must ring with the voices of the people. — Woodrow Wilson |
Unhelpful attitude against military
ON September 4 the Supreme Court gave a landmark judgment, which goes against the Ministry of Defence (MoD). The 4th Central Pay Commission (CPC) gave defence services’ officers up to the rank of brigadier rank pay in addition to the basic pay. The MoD, working in consultation with the CDA (O) and in a most arbitrary manner and without any authority, deducted the rank pay from the emoluments of thousands of the effected officers. That was in the year 1986. From then onwards all efforts to get the MoD to undo this gross injustice have been opposed by it. In this machination and subsequent cussedness have been involved the top bureaucrats in the MoD and successive Defence Ministers. From 1986 till now, a large number of defence services’ officers have died, some during the Kargil war, without getting their rightful dues. A gutsy Major from the South fought it out in the Kerala High Court. Not willing to relent on its mischief, the MoD went in for a review petition, which too was rejected by the Supreme Court. It took the officer over a decade to get this injustice undone. This was followed by innumerable appeals in most high courts of the country by the officers who had been denied their rank pay. The Supreme Court in its wisdom ordered that all these be clubbed and brought before it. A spirited group called the Retired Defence Officers Association (RODA) obtained a favourable order from the Supreme Court on March 8, 2010. Thereafter, the MoD sought recall of the Supreme Court order. Then on subsequent 10 occasions the Solicitor-General of India sought adjournments, stretching the case to September 2012. The Solicitor-General told the highest court of the land that the defence services headquarters too were opposed to giving back the rank pay to these officers. However, the defence headquarters gave in writing to the Attorney-General that they did not oppose the grant of rank pay and, on the other hand, fully supported the case of these officers. This letter from the defence headquarters falsified the position of the Solicitor-General and, in fact, he stands exposed for an act of perjury. Consequently, the MoD, throwing all norms of fair play to the winds and in a brazen manner, tried to “arm-twist” the defence services headquarters in asking it to withdraw this letter to the Solicitor-General, which the defence services headquaters declined to do. The Solicitor-General, as a last ditch attempt, pleaded that the restoration of rank pay be ordered to only those officers whose cases are before the court. Ignoring this mischievous plea, the Supreme Court, on September 4, 2012, ordered that all the effected officers (their number is in thousands) should be paid their dues starting from 1986 to now and taking a lenient view of the MoD’s plea of financial constraints made by the Solicitor-General, reduced the period of interest, which starts from 2006 instead of 1986, and at 6 per cent interest. The Fifth CPC took away the “running pay band,” which, on the hints of resignation by the three service chiefs, was granted by the Fourth CPC and was introduced to somewhat compensate for extremely limited promotions. In the case of the Sixth CPC, there are 39 anomalies that are still to be resolved. The grant of bounty of Non-Functional Advancement to all Central services officers by the Sixth CPC and denying the same to the defence services officers is not only scandalous but also blatant display of bias against them. Instead of extending a supporting hand to the defence services, the MoD has in almost every case related to pay and allowances and the status of defence personnel been taking an adversial stance. In the case of the Second Central Pay Commission, (CPC), the MoD fielded the case of pay and allowances of defence personnel “as given”. In the case of the Third CPC, the defence services were not permitted to present their case before the Pay Commission on the specious grounds that the same will adversely effect their discipline! While the absurdity of this stance by the MoD is detestable, the fact that this arrangement was accepted by the services chiefs is equally distressing. In the subsequent CPCs, the defence services could get no support from the MoD and on the other hand its despicable act of illegally depriving the officers of their rank pay in the case of the fourth CPC needs no further elaboration. The MoD’s stance has always been unhelpful to the military. Such a sustained attitude of the MoD has created deep fissures in its relationship with the military. There is palpable mistrust of the ministry among the armed forces. The adverse fallout of this relationship, at one level, relates to national security, and at another it impacts on the military’s commitment and motivation. The Ministry of Home Affairs fights tooth and nail to promote the interests of, say, the Central Police Organizations ( CPOs-inappropriately called para-military). As opposed to this, the MoD operates in a motivated manner against those of the military. This adversial stance of the MoD has become so visible in that the CPOs, in pay and allowances, are far better placed than the military. These policemen, unlike soldiers who retire at 35 years of age, retire at the age of 60 and further end up getting much higher pension, etc. This attitude of the MoD towards the defence services has created a climate of mistrust, animosity and disharmony between these two major components of the government. This hiatus has had adverse effect on the pace of modernisation of the military as well. The Supreme Court judgment of September 4, ordering the government to pay up the amount due to the affected officers starting with 1986, needs to be taken to its logical end by bringing to account all those officers who were responsible for this mischief, including those who have since retired, and ones who have continued to follow the same line. It is time some accountability was jacked into the government functioning, and those who function in an arbitrary and irresponsible manner are hauled over the
coals.
The writer is a retired Deputy Chief of Army Staff.
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The game of cards Entertainment
activity, as simple as playing cards, has always been vulnerable to mischief and cheating. We set gestures with the partner, to let him know our side of the game. It ranged from winking, raising brows, putting a finger on the lips, showing teeth, stroking hair, arranging fingers—one, two, three—behind the cards to convey the number, besides humming and brandishing a card as if it was a trump, even if it was not. Cards are said to have been discovered by the Chinese who then played the game with leaves. The game spread to other eastern countries later. The number of cards in a pack being 52 is also said to be having some symbolism with the number of weeks in a year; as is the number of cards in one deal — being 13— thought to be associated with the single lunar cycle, ascending or descending. Yes, they seem to have some relevance to time, at least in killing it, or making good use of it — enjoying
the indulgence. Poker, bridge, rummy, flash, and our own desi games like paploo, taploo, sweep, pata-daab, kot-piece, teen-do-paanch, athee-satee and teen-patti are some of the games known to me, but I also like patte-pe-patta when you take out a card from your hand and, without knowing it, open it on the anvil-spread . If your other partner, by the same process, deals another card which matches yours, then the entire heap of unmatched cards is his gain. I also wonder who called the two additional blank cards with a funny figure on them which can be substituted for any lost or torn off card as jokers! The die-hard card players would not mind carrying on with a pack gone unusable due to over-use — the hard to separate old cards. The corners of this pack are rounded. But a typical mark of a card, and an important one at that, is something that the entire group discounts, for its being thus known, since they can’t afford a new pack. One good thing about the cards is their simple calculations. And when you repeat them time and again, you almost seem to have mastered the art of addition, subtraction and multiplication. And there is yet another thing in our desi deals which is called ‘tashan’. It implies a fad or an obsession which, committed or omitted, has its desired effect on one’s game, in his own understanding of things. No obstruction in the execution of a ‘tashan’ is easily tolerated by the inflicted players. Some people are known to be experts, and they are much in demand in a gamble. It’s mostly the sleight of hand that works. Some are considred to be lucky as well and they are trusted by others to play as pawns and proxies for them—being lucky. Dark goggles and colourful dices, counters and coins go with the game of cards in casinos and clubs. I don’t know in a deal if it’s the shuffling of cards that plays the trick or something else, but some die-hard players always win. Those who play a blind game are more risk bearing, or, may be, they are too confident of their moves and treasures. Spade, heart, club, diamond, ace, king, queen, jack, or even our own badshah, begum, ghulam, ikka have given birth to many sayings, idioms
and proverbs. I recall from my college days when in the boys’ hostel a card-game-afflicted fellow knocked at his partner’s room past midnight, smoking puffs and walking half in sleep, almost not being able to bear with the sense of loss at a defeated deal the just gone evening, telling him—“Ramphal, jai tu wa paan ki begum nahin chalta to hum jeet gaye they!” (If only you had not used that Queen of Hearts, Ramphal, we were
sure to win!).
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Police services should be paid for
THE National Police Commission 1977 says that the police organisation should be kept at a high pitch of efficiency, particularly through effective personnel and financial management for a proper role performance. A fiscal crunch in the police is not just an issue in India. In the US of the 92 police departments surveyed, 73 indicated that there was a perception of fiscal stress within their cities. In the UK, the Audit Commission has published several reports on policing and the criticism of financial management in the police service has frequently attracted headlines in the national Press. Reports of an increase in recorded and unrecorded crime are regularly accompanied by criticism of the effectiveness and efficiency of the police and skeptical comment on the efficacy of conventional methods of policing. In Australia the Management Improvement Initiative programme requires the police to pursue cost-saving and productivity improvement measures. Today the top police managers are bound to address one of the key questions: Is there a better way to deliver police services that cost less? Efficiency vs values Further for the police, society does not wish maximum efficiency in law enforcement as it clashes with central societal and political values, e.g. there can be no cost benefit analysis carried out in executing legal decisions. Then the compulsions of economics may not find application to policing when a set of central values define policing, such as, as little force as possible. In any given law and order situation the police has to be equipped with appropriate arms and be in appropriate strength to ensure that minimum force is used to achieve the objective and this may not be the most cost effective means. Another value is that technical policing cannot replace all the police work. For example, society wants a policeman and not a camera or another mechanical device in a street affected by crimes like snatching and eve-teasing. So in that sense there are cultural limitations to cost reduction within the police. Marginal adjustments However, in response to the growing fiscal stress the departments have been trying to balance their budgets by making marginal adjustments in their operating procedures and expenditures. The examples include the use of vehicles for years after they have been condemned, putting a limit on the use of patrol, thinning out manpower on duties etc. Though such methods offer short-term solutions, stretching resources over a period of time has resulted in compounding of problems at hand for the departments. These include Human resource erosion: There has been a decline in the skill level, health, commitment of policemen due to stretched over-deployment. This has led to a decline in their responsiveness and performance. Excessive centralisation: An immediate response to cut expenditure has been to impose expenditure limits and centralised clearances of proposals above fixed limits. In the long run this kills initiative and builds in unnecessary delays and inefficiency. Low allocations: Some of the worst hit units are those that give benefits in the long run like the planning department or the training section. When they are affected by the cuts, the effectiveness of the department in the long run is compromised. Strategic management Therefore, in place of short-term measures there is a need for strategic management which means having a clear understanding of what the department’s mission and core services are and to prioritise them to create sustainable long-term administrative arrangements to finance and deliver those services. Some of the measures that need serious consideration are: Reorientation of police functions: In police management too much attention is devoted to tactics and the fine tuning of operations within the traditional framework of police management paying little attention to the question of grand strategy – mission, design and service delivery options. Over a period of time while some activities may be carried out efficiently their utility to the public can be questioned. One way of redesigning and aligning of policing activities is by an identification of basket of police functions that are most important to the people. This means demand identification by holding public meeting directly with the people of the area and orienting police activities according to the requirements of the people. These activities can be combined with the core/traditional policing activities so that the maximisation of public satisfaction level is achieved, given the available resources. Low-level additions: In the police departments there are varieties of jobs done by trained police officers that may not require the skills of a policeman such as reception duties, maintenance duties, telephone operators’ duties etc. These duties could be handled by police assistants and wardens at cheaper rates and would avoid underutilisation of specialised police officers. Their education can be lower, their tasks limited and also their powers could be less and for some groups equal to those of normal citizens. Their salary would, of course, be lower and many would be on temporary contracts leading to substantial savings in the salary bill. Spread of costs to other authorities, special police forces: Another international development worth mentioning is the spread of policing costs over more institutions. In countries with state police systems, many municipalities take safety costs on their own account by paying an extra slice out of their own budget. They pay for their local policemen. This is, of course, not a cost-reduction measure, but a cost-redistribution measure. In a country like the US, with its differentiated and fragmented police structure, the cost of policing is divided over thousands of local, county, state, federal and special budgets. Spread of costs by diffusion of tasks: These are not the times where policing functions in isolation; the issue of crime and disorder has a wider perspective today. Thus the “old” police task is partially redefined and converted into broader categories, and in this way can be distributed over more sectors of government than in the past. So the Department of Public Health takes a part of the responsibility and the costs of the drugs problem by defining drug addiction as a health problem. A second example is the concept of “integral safety.” Through this broad policy concept a large number of local officials get involved in crime and crime prevention problems. Policemen have to become the organisers of safety, not the producers, and their organising role has to combine the efforts of a lot of local public and private institutions. The function of diffusion here is that it creates the possibility of relying on funds, which carry a label other than police costs, and this way more resources become available for policing. On payment services: As of now, there is a tendency to look down upon the idea of charging from the public as the police is a law-enforcing organisation. But the role of the police does not limit to law enforcement only. It has to do security duties, guard duties, crowd control and regulation duties also. These duties are done free of cost where it is a matter of common public concern or is arising out of the same. However, increasingly the police is being called on to render services in situations that may not be categorised in public realm. However, the police is doing duties in these areas but is not charging any amount as the private agencies do. There are certain areas of police activity such as “passport verification”, “verification of domestic servant” and “security survey” for which the beneficiaries should pay in some way or the other. To achieve this it would be necessary to set up a mechanism which is uniform for the entire country and which is consistent with the laws and rules. The Australian Federal Police (AFP) conducts some of their activities such as criminal history checks on a fee-paying basis. Another such area is the event security arrangements, like a one-day cricket match. There are provisions in the police rules, which authorise the chief of the police in the district to provide policemen to individuals and institutions on payment at his discretion. Retention of the revenue generated: The police department generates revenue by way of fines and penalties, especially in the area of traffic regulation. Traffic management in itself is a capital-intensive activity, requiring capital for its engineering aspect. Funds generated from the fines could be deposited and used by the police from a special purpose account for improvements in traffic regulation. The Gujarat government, for example, has allowed the police to plough back its earnings by way of fines to carry out projects. Load shedding: Load-shedding involves the transfer of responsibility for service provision from the police to the private and voluntary sector. There has been a significant expansion of private policing with the private security industry employing a significant number of people and the trend is growing rapidly. Outsourcing of police jobs like issuing of summons, verification of passports and employment checking is a possibility that can be examined for efficiency and cost
reduction. Rohit Choudhary, an IG in Punjab, is the author of "Policing: Reinvention Strategies in a Marketing Framework"
Strategy for future policing
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