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Jharkhand in a flux
Time to overtake China
Inter-country adoptions |
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Overcoming standoffs
Of names, surnames and caste names
Broadening horizon
Gas from Turkmenistan possible
Mumbai Diary
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Jharkhand in a flux
WHILE the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha were both quick to condemn the imposition of President’s rule in Jharkhand on Tuesday, there apparently was no option left before the governor after the month-long political uncertainty in the state. The election last December resulted in a fractured mandate and even the two parties with the highest number of MLAs in the Assembly, 18 each, failed to muster a majority. It required a four-party coalition and support from independents to prop up the government, which still failed to last for more than five months. With other parties with far lower numbers not in any position to form the government, the Governor had to choose between allowing a longer time for horse-trading or cutting the circus short. It is certainly a relief that he opted for the latter course. The BJP and the JMM, both divided houses, failed to agree on power-sharing, frequently changed their positions during this period and, therefore, have only themselves to blame for their failure to remain in the saddle. The political parties in the state, however, can draw some solace from the fact that the state Assembly has been kept under suspended animation. While the current convention is against dissolving the House till the imposition of President’s Rule under Article 356 of the Constitution is ratified by Parliament, the cabinet could also have been prompted by the biennial election for the Rajya Sabha, which is due later this month, to keep the House alive. But political parties in the state appear keen to utilise the breathing time to explore possibilities of forming a new government, primarily because they are reluctant to face a fresh election. The best course, however, will be to offer the electorate another chance to come up with a clearer mandate. Both the JMM, the dominant regional party in the state, and the BJP will be hoping to get away lightly after the sorry spectacle they made of themselves in the last few weeks. For the JMM founder, Shibu Soren, it is probably the end of the road and the party will be hard put to survive the leadership vacuum after him. Developments in the eastern state also underscore the urgent need for electoral reforms to ensure that fractured mandates do not allow political parties to hold states to ransom.
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Time to overtake China IT is time to match, and even overtake, China. While the growth in China is cooling off as its factories are cutting production and hiring, India is marching ahead with renewed vigour, having got a welcome push from the better-than-projected 7.4 per cent growth in the last quarter of 2009-10. This is despite a drought and an uncertain global situation. With larger exposure to world markets, China is facing the heat of European debt troubles. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabo is worried about the possibility of a second downturn. Indian leaders, in comparison, are much more confident in projecting a 8.5 per cent GDP expansion in the current fiscal. Despite a difficult economic environment, China still expects to achieve 9 per cent growth in the second half of the year. But there are problems. The RBI is set to tighten money supply as high inflation has accompanied high growth. Reform fatigue has set in. Infrastructure projects have slowed down. The highway construction has lost momentum. If the Centre speeds up land acquisitions for special economic zones, fast-tracksclearances for highways and bridges and removes other bottlenecks to growth apart from prodding states to be proactive on growth, the economy can expand at or beyond 9 per cent. The growth pattern is clear. The industry and services are on track, according to the latest official data. But agriculture is still a laggard. A normal monsoon is a necessity. If Europe triggers double-dip recession, India may still remain unaffected except exports getting a hit and stock markets seeing a flight of hot money. Some even expect the Greek tragedy to drive more outsourcing work for Indian IT companies. The roadblocks to growth are mainly within the country. The Centre’s economic think tank needs to rework the reform agenda to remove or minimize conflicts. The goal of becoming the world’s fastest growing economy is within reach.
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Inter-country adoptions THE Union Government’s proposal to make the existing guidelines on inter-country adoption more stringent and foolproof should be viewed in the backdrop of increasing trafficking of children abroad. Once the guidelines are notified, foreigners will be able to adopt Indian children only as parents, not as guardians. These guidelines will be so framed that full and final adoption of children will be mandated in India itself before they are sent abroad with prospective parents. More important, foreign couples will not be allowed to adopt Indian children under the Guardian and Warden Act (GAWA), 1890, which only ensures guardianship and not citizenship. There is no specific legislation governing inter-country adoptions in India today. The Juvenile Justice Act, 2000, makes no mention of it. At present, the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act (HAMA), 1956, provides for adoptions by Hindu, Sikh, Jain and Buddhist parents. Hitherto, parents belonging to other religions, including foreigners, had to take recourse to GAWA, where they became guardians of the children. Moreover, GAWA did not give adoptive parents the usual rights of a parent or a child. The child too was only a ward and did not have the legal status of an adopted child. Consequently, in many cases, children trafficked abroad on the pretext of adoption never really got citizenship rights and ended up as domestic help or even beggars. The new guidelines are an improvement over the existing ones because the child who goes abroad hereafter as an adopted child will enter the recipient nation as its citizen. Currently, inter-country adoption in the country is governed by a 1984 Supreme Court ruling. In response to a PIL alleging malpractices, including child trafficking in the guise of adoption, the Bench headed by Chief Justice P.N. Bhagwati had established a regulatory framework for adoption. It emphasised the need to safeguard the child’s interests and prescribed systems and procedures regulating inter-country adoptions and norms for adoption agencies. Subsequently, the Central Adoption Resource Agency (CARA) came into being. The new guidelines may be well-intended, but what is more important is a comprehensive legislation by Parliament which will not only have the force of law but also fix accountability on the authorities for lapses. Guidelines alone may not help secure the adopted children’s interests better.
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What a country calls its vital economic interests are not the things which enable its citizens to live, but the things which enable it to make war. — Simone Weil
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Overcoming standoffs EVEN as the Muivah-Ibomi Singh standoff continues over the IM leader’s stalled homecoming visit to his village home in Manipur’s Ukhrul district, there is good news from Guwahati. Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi has announced that his government will initiate peace talks with ULFA under Arabinda Rajkhowa, its chairman, now detained in Assam, and other members of its central committee. Further, the state will wait no more for Paresh Barua, ULFA’s self-styled commander-in-chief, long absconding in Bangladesh and now somewhere in North Burma or southern China. Paresh has boasted that no settlement is possible without his imprimatur. This bluff will be called. The people of Assam are fed up with ULFA’s mindless killing and grandstanding and want peace and harmony so that the focus can shift to development and securing a better life. They know that sovereignty is a chimera and will never be conceded or otherwise attained, Above all, whatever their grievances, they want to remain with India. No self-serving renegades can exercise a veto over the talks. Gogoi has said that the door is still open for Barua to join. It is for him to make a choice. If he comes in later, after the talks have progressed, he will not be able to demand a fresh start. Blackmail cannot be allowed to succeed - anywhere. Meanwhile, Assam’s border problems with its neighbours - Meghalaya most recently, Arunachal and Mizoram earlier - have once again erupted in violence. These stem from the separation of the hill states from Assam when disputes arose as to whether the Inner Line or any one of the lines, drawn further outwards to bring good forests under Assam’s jurisdiction for revenue purposes, should be accepted for purposes of boundary demarcation. The disputed areas range from 25 to 800 square kilometres and consist mostly of flat lands or rolling plains that have become no-man’s land and hideouts for all manner of dubious elements as neither side will allow the forest or revenue officials of the other state to intrude. That this problem has not been resolved - despite efforts - represents a failure of governance and imagination on all sides. Hill states value flat lands as they are otherwise defined by a perpendicular landscape. But they are equally characterised by varied agro-climatic zones by altitude and aspect and water sources. The two are interactive zones and enjoy a symbiotic relationship that should not be sundered. Arunachal and Meghalaya, for example, have hydro-power resources that they may harness but cannot convert into employment and income without building infrastructure and industry. These are best located in their flat but disputed border lands. Assam in turn would benefit from flood moderation and improved water flows for irrigation, navigation and fisheries and cheap power to convert into jobs. This win-win situation for both sides would be facilitated were the Centre to join as a third partner to mediate the formation and management of such shared “trusteeships zones”, converting disputed lands into productive assets. The obvious benefits accruing would give quietus to local chauvinism that has kept border fires burning. Meanwhile, the Naga peace process has been vitiated by the needless blockade of NH 39 from Dimapur to Imphal, following Manipuri opposition to Muivah’s visit to his village in Ukhrul. Muivah’s homecoming was not free of controversy in view of his demand for Nagalim (entailing the dismemberment of Manipur) and purported plan to address several meetings in the region at a time when Manipur itself was poised to conduct local body elections. The planned visit, therefore, assumed larger emotional dimensions and had to be put on hold. A quiet personal visit after a while would be advisable. Muivah probably knows that and, not wishing to jeopardise the peace talks, has wisely held his hand. Hotheads on both sides need to cool off. One lesson learnt is surely that the alternative, though longer, NH 53 from Silchar to Jiribam and on to Imphal must be speedily upgraded so that it can be conveniently used and Manipur can never be blackmailed by blockade. At the other end of the country, the internal peace process in J&K revolving on regional autonomy and federal relations as well as human rights violations, disappearances and employment should receive impetus from the forthcoming visit of the Prime Minister to Srinagar. As before, the two Hurriyats and the Salahuuddn-led United Jihad Council in Muzaffarabad have denounced the talks which they insist can only be productive if Kashmir is recognised as “disputed territory”. The Hurriyat has a limited political following in certain pockets and commands obedience essentially through fear of the gun. Yet, none in J&K can be given a veto over talks or their outcome. If the Hurriyat opts out, so be it. The external dialogue on J&K is also to be resumed in the wake of the two Prime Ministers’ resolve at Thimphu to close the “trust deficit”. The composite dialogue was rudely derailed by 26/11 and Pakistan’s unwillingness to live up to its solemn commitment not to allow its soil to be used for cross-border terror. The Pakistani accused in 26/11 are now undergoing a secret trail in Rawalpindi but it is a matter for disappointment that Hafiz Saeed, the LeT, Jamat-ud Dawa chief and mastermind of the Mumbai attack, was let off by the Pakistan Supreme Court for lack of evidence despite repeated instances of hate speech and incitement to violence against India. India will also want to know whether the present regime in Islamabad stands by the Musharraf-Manmohan formula, broadly accepted by both sides. If it has resiled from that position for no good reason, its credibility as a bona fide negotiator will also be called in
question.
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Of names, surnames and caste names
Namkaran sanskar
is an age-old custom in Indian families. Considerable thinking goes into giving a name to a newborn child. Surnames and caste callings are also tagged along. But the first name remains the first love, always. Also, it is a matter of pride to have indulgences and references that are good in relation to one’s own name. I am amazed at the variety of names. Some people are named after various incarnations of God like Ram Lal and Krishna Chandra. Some others after appearance like Tilak Dhari and Roop Chand. There are also the ones given names in contrast to their personality — like a fair complexioned person named Kalu. Some people are named after cities like Mathura Prasad and Banarsi Das. But Chalti, Hinku, Bhagelu, Panchu, Chithroo, Jhakkan, Lotan, Koora Ram, et al, leave me more confused. Tradition-bound and dyed-in-the-wool mothers, who have successively lost newborns, name their latest one with an appellation like Koora Ram or Ganda Mal so that even death would not take it away, being put off by an unpleasant name. Misri Lal, Makhan Lal, Ilaichi Devi and Imarti Rani may not be the foodies only. Western influence makes Ram Lal Srivastava become R.L. Srivastava. Also, Indrasen & Company becomes Anderson & Company; Harmohan becomes Harmons and Shaminder becomes Sam. Sweet names like Avni, Kanika, Sonica, Bhavya, Divya and Neha lose their beauty when a caste name is appended, I believe. Surnames make funny situations many times. If one Khandelwal is on a Selection Board, then there is the likelihood that a Khandelwal aspirant may find favours. Surnames have their offshoots too like they have more than a dozen among the Kayasthas. Guptas may be there in Baniyas and Kayasthas both. But Gupta becomes Gupto in Bengali. Certain places and regions are known to have typical surnames like the Soods of Shimla or Bahadurs of Almora. I remember when one Naval Kapoor became Navaljeet Kapoor as the clerk who committed the mistake was from Patiala where they add “Jeet” and “Singh” to the names of males and “Kaur” to the females. Women carried their maiden names and thus had a separate entity all their life not very long ago. After marriage the girls generally adopt their husband’s surnames. But some women do not change their caste names even after marriage and they continue to use their old names, for they may be renowned ones and may want to be known that way only, even after marriage. I will though recommend that those performing marriage out of their castes should be encouraged to have caste names as suffixes so as to let it be known to the rest of the world that caste barriers are breaking and making place for a larger bonhomie among the homosapiens. Caste names give rise to emotional attractions and repulsion too. For example, if you meet someone who introduces himself as Raman – his first name – it is all right, but if he introduces himself as Raman Agnihotri, you feel, “Oh, he is a Brahmin and I am not. “It gives an instant feeling of attraction or repulsion, which may not be conducive to national integration. In lighter vein, one may say that it is better to have a unique first name to avoid looking for innumerable Aggarwals and Jaiswals in a telephone directory. Also, it we stick to having one-word names and avoid longer ones, we may save on telegrams and other postal charges. No naming of yours truly,
please.
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Broadening horizon
THE demand of the Khap Panchayats of Haryana for an amendment to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, to ban same gotra (sub-caste) and same village marriages is impractical and unrealistic on various accounts. It is not very easy to get the local social customs and traditions universalised in a vast country like India marked by geographical, social and cultural diversities. Consider the fact that India provides a habitat to more than 2,000 ethnic groups. The Anthropological Survey of India enlists more than 65,000 castes in the country. Add to this the subcontinent size geographical expansion of India. It forms a mosaic of diverse and distinct socio-cultural ethos, ethics, customs and traditions. The thousands of castes and communities occupying diverse territories have hardly a common perception about gotras (sub-caste) and clans. Then, how this gigantic human society with varieties of socio-cultural and geographical backgrounds would accept the customs and traditions of the dominant castes occupying the territory around Delhi? How do we believe that alien caste and region specific social ethos imposed on thousands of communities will be acceptable to them? And what purpose does it serve in a society in the 21st century? There would not be a consensus on the norms of marriage even in a small state like Haryana and its surroundings. It is an open secret that the demand for amending the Hindu Marriage Act is the reflection of patriarchal psyche of dominant castes. There are a number of communities in the region which hardly share the perception of clan and gotras proliferated by Khap Panchayats. The concept of gotras and clan customary prevalent in a section of rural society is alien to the communities which have settled down in the region during the post-Independence period. The dominant castes in the rural area, in case of Jats divided into more than 700 sub-castes, also have diverse understanding with respect to the same village and neighbourhood marriages. In Haryana itself, a vast territory comprising the area lying north of Kurukshetra, northwest of Hisar (bagari belt) and south of Jhajjar (Ahirwal) do hardly share socio-cultural ethos decisive in nuptial ties in the clan territories of the Jats in eastern Haryana. The same village marriage has never been a taboo in the caste miscellaneous and gotra heterogeneous rural settlements in western Haryana. Chautala, a well known Bagari village, has witnessed scores of intra-village marriages and more than 200 of them are reported to be in existence at present. The village is the birthplace of two chief ministers of Haryana, a number of MPs and MLAs and some of the finest intellectuals produced by the state. A large number of such Jat-dominated endogamous villages exist in western Rajasthan. Who would vouch that these villages are marred by genetic disorders not prevalent in exogamous villages? It is true that same gotra marriages are not practised in most of the communities in Haryana and surrounding areas of north-western India. That is why, in case of arranged marriages such issues rarely crop up. There are very rare exceptions in this regard in case of love marriages too. Then why do we need an amendment to the Hindu Marriage Act? The patriarchal hegemony is under threat due to the increasing influence of modern education among youth and seeming assertion of women for sharing political power at the level of legitimate panchayats and local bodies. Surely, the Khap Panchayats are out there to justify their day-to-day intervention in social functioning as these carry the bandwagon of patriarchal ethos. These social institutions, in fact, are the functional forums of patriarchy. That is why these forums have hardly any representation of women and youth. The scenes of a petite crowd of veiled women huddleed in a corner and a handful of youth keeping the ‘hukkas’ of elderly chieftains smouldering at a recent Sarva Khap Panchayat in Kaithal symbolise the place the patriarchal institutions assign to women and youth in the rural society. The institution of marriage provides an opportunity to reign in and subjugate both women and youth. From their perspective, it is an appropriate time to put across the message to the youth that they have to live under the age-old ethos and traditions of society. The Khap Panchayats for sure are not vying for amendment to the Marriage Act to draw home the point that they are law-abiding institutions. If this is so, then they should come forward to play an active role in the implementation of the Child Marriage Act, the prevention of atrocities against women and weaker sections of society and promotion of measures of social development so urgently needed in the region. Even if the Hindu Marriage Act is amended in accordance with the wishes of the Khap Panchayats, it would also not be a final solution to their perceived problem. It would not give the Khap Panchayats or relatives of “erring” couples the right to punish
them. The writer is an Associate Professor of Geography, Kurukshetra University
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Gas from Turkmenistan possible Turkmenistan’s President Berdymuhamedov’s recent visit to India has turned the spotlight on the proposed natural gas pipeline (TAP or TAPI) to transport natural gas from Turkmenistan to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. The Asian Development Bank has financed a study for this project, and a ministerial steering committee of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan has been working on this project. India should join this project as a full member for several very sound reasons. The proposed pipeline of length 1500 km (56 inch diameter) would run from the Daulatabad gas field in Turkmenistan with proven reserves of over 1 trillion cubic metres (TCM), going via Herat- Kandahar (along the highway), then on to Quetta- Multan and finally to Fazilka. The gas pressure envisaged is 100 bars, to be maintained by six compressor stations en route, and the capacity would be 30 billion cubic metres per year (BCM/yr). The project would be under a holding company and one subsidiary in each of the three countries. The utilization of the gas is expected to be 20% for Afghanistan, 40% for Pakistan and India each, assuming India agrees to buy the gas. A safer northern route was proposed by the consultants, but the ministerial committee preferred the southern route, although it lies deep in Taliban-held territory. An option to build a link to Gwadar port for LNG exports was also dropped. The projected cost of the pipeline is around $ 3.5 bn. Turkmenistan is rich in gas resources, with a large number of identified gas and oil fields. The determination of gas reserves has been the subject of some controversy, with some claiming that it could be more than Russia even. But all agree that with more exploration the proven reserves will go up substantially. At this point, it has 8 trillion cubic metres (TCM) of proven gas reserves, which at the production rate of 100 BCM/yr would last for 80 years. Much of this production is available for export. However, geography has been harsh to Turkmenistan, isolating it from the sea and making gas transport via pipelines the only option. Turkmenistan has signed the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) developed by the Council of Europe to give a solid legal framework for oil and gas transport across Europe. The various options before Turkmenistan for gas export are – through Russia to Europe, which was the preferred route in the past; to Iran/Turkey/Europe; to Afghanistan/Pakistan/India; and China. The UAE has also shown keen interest in accessing Turkmen gas. All these options are being pursued. For India, the gas delivery at Fazilka would enable supply to go direct to northern India, especially Punjab, which faces severe energy shortages, and lies far from the coast. A 1000 MW combined cycle power plant would need 1.3 BCM/yr of gas, and the TAP pipeline could supply nearly 12 BCM/yr, enough for nearly 8 power plants of 1000 MW! As the pipeline would traverse Pakistan, the issues of security of supply would arise. However, the involvement of the Asian Development Bank and solid legal framework would give some comfort against politically motivated disputes being raised. A parallel can be drawn with the Indus Waters Treaty in which the World Bank played a key role, and which has remained intact despite the ups and owns of India-Pakistan relations. Pakistan has the potential to become an energy transit country, like Turkey, but this cannot be achieved if it makes energy transit a victim of Indo-Pakistan political differences. Politically several positive factors are worth noting. The US supports this project as it would support the development of, and foster cooperation among Afghanistan, Pakistan and India, while reducing Iran’s role as an energy supplier to these countries. Financing the pipeline would also be relatively easy due to the involvement of the Asian Development Bank at the project feasibility stage. There has been much talk about a “peace pipeline” which, through a common gas supply system would give India and Pakistan a stake in promoting peace and friendly relations. The TAPI project would serve this end, while also promoting cooperation between Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. All four participating countries can work together under the aegis of the Asian Development Bank, which would provide comfort that the pipeline would operate in a purely commercial manner free from political pressures. It is indeed hard to find a good reason why India should stay out of this project. Indeed by remaining out of it, the opportunity to influence certain parameters of the project have already been lost. There does not seem to be any convincing reason for choosing the riskier southern route for the pipeline passing through Herat-Kandahar-Chaman. For reasons not clear, the ministerial committee overruled the recommendation of the consultants and rejected the alternative northern route – Dauletabad- Mazar-e-Sharif-Kabul-Jalalabad-Peshawar-Rawalpindi-Lahore-Amritsar, which would seem to be much more secure. This will certainly add to the difficulties of the project. For India, this project offers a relatively low cost, secure arrangement for gas purchases delivered right at its doorstep, with assurances that international commercial and legal regimes would be applied. It would also give it a stake in access to future gas discoveries in Central
Asia. The writer is a former Ambassador of India to Cuba and Greece, and has dealt with
energy issues
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Mumbai Diary Bharatiya Janata Party president Nitin Gadkari, who is still finding his feet at the national level, cannot afford to let trouble erupt in his home state. So even as he works to consolidate his position in the beleaguered party, Gadkari is keeping more than an eye open towards the activities of his rival, Gopinath Munde. A grassroots-level politician, Munde alone has the power to damage the BJP’s chances in Maharashtra. So Gadkari stays mum while his old foe steps out of line on policy matters. If there are any disagreements between them, not a word is heard from Gadkari’s side. On the other hand being a shrewd politician, Munde tries to milk the maximum out of the party which he along with his late brother-in-law helped build in Maharashtra. Munde’s daughter Pankaja has made it to the state legislature while Mahajan’s daughter failed at the hustings during the last assembly elections. Undaunted, Munde has nearly managed to push in nephew Dhananjay in to the Maharashtra legislative council using the OBC card. Dhananjay will be the BJP’s official candidate for the State Legislative Council. His victory is near certain with the party having sufficient numbers to push him through. A few seniors and the RSS seem to be miffed, but real politick wins over ideology any day. Yahoo, once more Harnessing the power of the social media, the 79-year-old actor has logged on to websites like Facebook and Twitter to stay in touch with his much younger fans. Despite his kidney ailment which makes it necessary for him to undergo a dialysis thrice a week, the actor has taken to web-logging where he uploads videos of himself on sites like You Tube. Going down the memory lane, Kapoor’s recordings dwell on his family, including the late wife, singer Geeta Bali. The others who get featured include the stars and directors associated with the evergreen star and the famous Kapoor khandaan. Vignettes from the past like long forgotten newspaper clippings and yellowing photographs are being uploaded and soon Shammi Kapoor will be online to enthrall a new generation. Bahadur is back India’s very first comic book hero, Bahadur, has been resuscitated after nearly three decades. Bahadur and his girlfriend Bela, who took on crime-fighters clad in the loose kurtas and bell-bottoms of the 1970s, will don a more contemporary gear as they fight new-age baddies like terrorists. Even the medium in which consumers will stay up-to-date with the heroes have gone a sea-change. Rather than newspapers of old, the adventures of Bahadur, Bela and the Citizens Security Force will take place on the Internet and be available on iPods and other mobile gear. Bahadur’s creator Aabid Surti, now in his 70s, is more than happy to see his creation come back to life. He has teamed up with illustrator Pramod Brahmania, whose late father Govind originally partnered Surti in creating
Bahadur.
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Actor Shammi Kapoor, a symbol of the carefree movies of the 1960s who went on to become the mascot of the Indian cyber-world in the 1990s, is now going a step further.