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A tottering trading bloc
Uncertainty in Jharkhand |
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Stealth ship Shivalik
US arms for Pakistan
Back to school
Invasion of privacy
CRPF: Rootless and restless
Inside Pakistan
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A tottering trading bloc
It
is a matter of deep regret that the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation lags behind all other regional trading blocs and has achieved little of note in the 25 years of its existence. The just-concluded meeting of the association in Thimphu started on a refreshingly candid note when the young Bhutanese Prime Minister Lyonchhen Jigmi Thinley said the bloc was “losing focus” because of prevailing tensions between the member states. His refrain that “fractious and quarrelsome neighbours do not make a prosperous community,” should lead to some soul-searching especially among India and Pakistan whose baggage of mutual suspicion and acrimony has prevented SAARC from achieving meaningful cooperation. That the forum has failed to better integrate the region’s economies, policies and people was recognized even by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at the summit. It is some relief that Dr Singh and his Pakistani counterpart Yousef Reza Gilani agreed on Foreign Ministers level contacts to be resumed between the two countries. Another positive to emerge from the summit has been an agreement among the eight member-states on trade in services that is slated to accelerate regional collaboration in diverse areas like health, hospitality, communications, computer and information services and air transport. It is also heartening that the Thimphu summit paid special emphasis on environment, signing a convention to boost exchange of best practices and knowledge, capacity building and transfer of eco-friendly technology in areas such as climate change, coastal zone management, wildlife conservation and environmental impact assessment studies. Yet, these are marginal gains in the face of the challenges that the grouping, which represents virtually one-fourth the world’s population, faces. The concept of a South Asia free trade zone remains unfulfilled and needs to be pursued with vigour. The SAARC member-states must also move towards better connectivity among themselves without any further loss of time. One can only hope against hope that while forging closer links on economic issues the group’s two most important members India and Pakistan would move closer politically. Both on terrorism and on education (with India taking the initiative to set up a South Asian University), Pakistan would do well to demonstrate greater will to act. With the success of ASEAN as a regional grouping for South-East Asia, there is much for SAARC to strive for and achieve.
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Uncertainty in Jharkhand
The
comedy of errors involving the BJP and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha this week is a sad, though unintended, commentary on both. The BJP, amusingly enough, was quick to swallow its outrage over what it called an ‘act of betrayal’ by JMM leader, Chief Minister and a Member of the Lok Sabha, Shibu Soren. Salivating at the prospect of heading the state government in Jharkhand, where it has been a junior partner since December, the BJP put its own Parliamentary Board’s decision to pull out of the alliance on hold. While the party explored the possibility of running the show in the mineral-rich state, the JMM offered an even more sorry spectacle. It publicly admitted that Soren was far too ill, was ‘confused’ and that he made a mistake by voting against the cut-motion sponsored by the opposition. It forced Soren to send three letters of apology and plead with the BJP to review its decision of withdrawing support. The party also indicated its readiness to sacrifice Soren as CM in favour of a BJP leader from the state, provided he is a tribal. The politically cursed state, which has been witness to seven governments in less than ten years of its existence, is, however, unlikely to see an end to instability even if a BJP-led government takes over from Soren. The coalition would still be dependent on smaller parties like the All Jharkhand Students Union with five MLAs and the Jharkhand Janadhikar Manch with one. It is also doubtful if the JMM will be able to remain united once the senior Soren is out of the way. The JMM leader’s son, still in his twenties, was foisted as the leader of the Legislature Party by overlooking far more senior and deserving claimants. But once Soren senior quits as CM, it remains to be seen if the son is able to command the support, respect and loyalty of the legislators. Partisan politics, rampant corruption and poor governance have been the bane of the resource-rich state. The present uncertainty provides yet another opportunity to the BJP and the JMM to put it back on the rails. A common minimum programme is the least they need to work out in the interests of ‘Jharkhand’s poor’.
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Stealth ship Shivalik
The
tag “Made in India” has a wonderful feel to it. And when it is on the country’s first home-built stealth warship INS Shivalik, the sense of elation is further magnified. The induction of the Rs 2,300-crore frigate is a welcome step in keeping with the changes in warship technology. India is now in an exclusive club, considering that only the US, the UK, Russia, France, China, Japan and Italy have the capability to build such ships. Most of these countries may be far more advanced, but just keeping pace with them is a major achievement. It is heartening that the Navy has been in the forefront of the indigenisation drive. It will have greater bluewater warfare punch if its plan to induct seven advanced frigates by 2020 at a cost of Rs 65,000 crore remains on course. Such acquisitions are very important considering that it has a yawning shortfall of ships. It suffered mainly in 1990s when hardly any orders were placed due to various reasons. Defence capabilities are built over a long period of time and it is necessary to make amends at the earliest possible. The most prestigious project the Navy has undertaken is the first indigenously designed aircraft carrier now under construction at Kochi. The pace will have to be stepped up even further. In the 21st century, the Navy has become very important for safeguarding the country’s strategic interests. It is today a vital instrument of diplomacy and capabilities. The country has been sending ships all over the world and has engaged in joint exercises with the US, the UK, Japan and ASEAN. Quick decisions are needed to augment not only its strength but also to make its fleet younger. Many ships like aircraft carrier INS Viraat, which was commissioned in 1959 in the Royal Navy as HMS Hermes, and was purchased by the Indian Navy in 1986, cry out for replacement.
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God is joy, unceasing joy. The joy of our senses is but temporal. — The Upanishads
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US arms for Pakistan
While
in Washington DC for the Nuclear Security Summit in mid-April, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh remonstrated with President Barack Obama about the adverse implications of the proposed conventional arms sales by the United States to Pakistan. In February, the American Ambassador in Islamabad had said that the US Defense Department was considering the sale of 12 unarmed drones to Pakistan to encourage it to cooperate in the war on terror. It is not beyond Pakistan’s technological capability to arm these UAVs with air-to-ground missiles for use in conventional conflict. The US has also offered 1,000 Laser-guided bombs to Pakistan to attack Taliban terrorists from the air in the NWFP and FATA areas on Pakistan’s western borders — the epicentre of international terrorism. In October 2009, Air Chief Marshal Rao Quamar Suleman, Chief of Staff of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF), had accepted the first F-16 Block 52 aircraft on behalf of his nation at the Lockheed Martin facility at Fort Worth, Texas. The remaining aircraft was to be delivered in 2010. The total order, worth $5.1 billion, is for 12 F-16Cs and six F-16Ds. When this transfer is completed, it will raise the total number of F-16s in service with the PAF to 54. The Pakistan Air Force received its first F-16, in the Block 15 F-16A/B configuration, in 1982. Earlier, the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency had notified Congress of a foreign military sale to Pakistan of 115 M109A5 155mm self-propelled howitzers as well as associated equipment and services. The total value, if all options are exercised by Pakistan, could be as high as $56 million. This is not the first time that the US has offered major arms packages to Pakistan, nor will it be the last. The US had co-opted Pakistan as a frontline state in its fight against communism during the Cold War and armed it with Patton tanks, F-86 Sabre Jets and F-104 Starfighters, among other weapons and equipment. Despite strong US assurances, all of these were used against India. US-Pakistan cooperation was expanded further when the former Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan. In the 1980s, the CIA gave Pakistan huge quantities of weapons for the Afghan Mujahideen. These included shoulder-fired Stinger surface-to-air missiles, some of which were recovered by the Indian Army from Pakistan’s terrorist mercenaries in Kashmir. However, as soon as the last Soviet tank left Afghan soil, the US had dropped Pakistan like a hot potato and slapped sanctions on it. Post-September 11, 2001, the US not only ignored Pakistan’s nuclear proliferation but also its emergence as the new hub of Islamist fundamentalist terrorism. It also tolerated General Musharraf’s dictatorial regime because it suited US national interests in the war against terrorism. The US designation of Pakistan as a major non-NATO ally in March 2004 had irritated Indian policy planners because Indo-US relations had just begun to improve. The “next steps in strategic partnership” (NSSP) had been announced only in January 2004 and India was looking forward to a comprehensive engagement with the US. The Indo-US strategic partnership is now on a firm footing, but developments such as the sale of major conventional arms to Pakistan run the risk of damaging the growing relationship. The US justifies arms sales to Pakistan on several grounds. Besides the need to continue to retain Pakistan’s support in the hunt for Al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorists, the US realises the fragility of the civilian regime in the face of Islamist hardliners in the Pakistan Army, the ISI and the country. It sees the Pakistan Army as a stabilising force in a country that is being gradually Islamised beyond redemption. It is also deeply concerned about Pakistan’s nuclear weapons falling into jihadi hands if there is an Islamist coup. Therefore, the US feels inclined to offer some sops to satisfy Pakistan’s corps commanders at regular intervals. The sale of eight Orion maritime surveillance aircraft, the Phalanx gun systems and the 2000 TOW anti-tank-cum-bunker busting missiles falls in this category. Also, India and Pakistan are among the largest arms buyers in the world today and no US administration can neglect the military-industrial complex. Though the sale of the Orion reconnaissance aircraft will make things relatively more difficult for the Indian Navy, the aircraft do not pose a direct new threat to India. The proposed sale indicates a US design to engage the Pakistan Navy in joint reconnaissance and patrolling of the sea-lanes in the Gulf region by bolstering its capability while a similar exercise is being undertaken with the Indian Navy in the southern Bay of Bengal and the Malacca Straits. Clearly, the US is planning to cooperate with the Indian Navy through its Honolulu-based Pacific Command and with the Pakistan Navy through its Central Command. Such an arrangement will also keep the Indian and Pakistan navies from having to launch joint operations and undertake search, seizure and rescue operations together. The supply of a new batch of F-16 aircraft to Pakistan will certainly enhance the strike capabilities of the Pakistan Air Force even though the Indian Air Force will continue to enjoy both qualitative and quantitative superiority. If India wishes to influence US arms sales decisions, it must develop adequate leverages to make the US reconsider the pros and cons very carefully. It was reported recently that India had “prevailed” on France to abstain from selling Mirage aircraft to Pakistan in return for a deal to upgrade Mirage 2000 aircraft in service with the IAF. India is justified in seeing the move to go ahead with the sale of F-16s as a US attempt to balance its strategic partnership with India by once again propping up Pakistan as a regional challenger. India must do what is necessary to maintain its conventional superiority. The new F-16s must not be allowed to achieve anything more than to provide fresh targets to the IAF in a future India-Pakistan
conflict.n The writer is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi
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Back to school WHEN I was heading the school education department, educational institutions from across the state used to compete with one another to invite me as chief guest. I would sometimes change my itinerary to oblige a few, while politely declining or defering the rest. But no invitation was forthcoming from a bucolic, rustic school of Bawal, where I was initiated into formal learning. One early morning, the head of my alma mater approached my brother, for inviting the generic product for inaugurating a computer laboratory there and motivating budding Bawalians. I took no time to confirm, as I was myself longing to be there for long. The thought of re-visiting my childhood school turned me nostalgic about the first day of my admittance, which I can vividly recall even today. My mother had given me a cold water bath and applied kaajal ka teeka on my forehead, obviously to save me from evil forces and ensure uninterrupted schooling. I was offered curd with gur as a good omen. May be, she had premonition about her youngest son shaping into a civil servant. My mother had stitched a school bag with a sling, out of a discarded trouser, for keeping alphabet-kaayda, pahara-booklet, slate, kalam and dawaat filled with roshnai ink. Attired in khaki short and half-sleeve shirt with a hanky tucked in pocket, I set on the most eventful voyage of my life to vidya ka mandir, waving a wooden takhti, and amid recital of religious hymns. As I entered the classroom, I got scared seeing an errant student being caned. Sniffing my dilemma, I was comforted, made to sit on tappar on the floor, which I ritually carried ever thereafter. I would make kagaj ki kishtis and float them in a small seasonal pond with friends, in a remote corner, after the classes were over. On Saturday afternoons, we used to jubilantly run for home at the sounding of ghanti, singing takhti pe takhti, takhti pe daana; kal ki chhuti, parson aana. Our evenings were filled with fun, playing kancha, pithu and gulli danda till dusk, coinciding with gau-dhuli when the cows unerringly returned home, as depicted by Munshi Prem Chand in his novel, Godan. Finding me confident and generally acceptable, I was soon anointed as monitor, which I continued to be throughout my schooling, wherever I meandered with my father on his transfer. No sooner did I reach the school on the appointed day, I spontaneously started humming woh kagaj ki kishti, woh baarish kaa paani. But, alas, the pond which was a witness to my childhood pranks was there no more. As I shared my school reminiscences with the youngsters, there was repeated applause. Tears rolled down my eyes when one boy revealed that he considered me as his role model. The re-union ended with euphoric ovation when I declared that I could no more call my alma mater as TCC (Tappar Chak Convent), since all jute tappars had been replaced by dual
desks.?
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Invasion of privacy
The
recent divisive debate in Parliament about phone tapping of not only members of the Opposition but also of some Congress leaders has highlighted the danger of vesting such power in the security and intelligence agencies. Regrettably, it has to be conceded that phone tapping has been going on under all governments of whatever political hue. There was a similar exposure by a news magazine in 1990-91 that persuaded the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) to take up the matter with the Supreme Court. Then also wire-tapping of leaders of all parties, including Chandra Shekhar, a former Prime Minister, had taken place. With the usual slowness of the wheel of justice, the matter was heard in 1996. It is significant that the authenticity of the news report was not questioned by the Union of India before the court. Rather the CBI in its reply was frank enough to admit that its enquiries had revealed unjustified interceptions of telephones of a large number of journalists, members of Parliament, Chief Ministers, and even some Central ministers. In fact, the CBI had recommended that with regard to members of Parliament the proposal should have the approval of the Prime Minister, who may consult the Speaker and the Chairman of Rajya Sabha. The Supreme Court held that, “Telephone tapping unless it comes within the grounds of restrictions under Article 19(2), would in fact violate Article 19(1) of the Constitution. It also agreed with the US Supreme Court that “The security of one’s privacy against arbitrary intrusion by the police….is basic to a free society. It is, therefore, implicit in “the concept of ordered liberty” and as such enforceable against the State through the due process clause. While holding so firmly on the right of citizens, the Court faltered when it came to indicate a remedy to stop this violation. It merely directed that an interception may be permitted by the Home Secretaries, whose orders will be subject to a review by a committee consisting of the Cabinet Secretary at the Centre, the Chief Secretary in a state along with some other secretaries — merely an illusory appeal from Caesar to Caesar, all within the intimate obliging circle of the bureaucracy. This touching, though misplaced, faith in the bureaucracy is a serious flaw in the judgement, especially in view of court’s own finding that several lapses had occurred in the execution of the order passed under the Act. While disposing of the matter the Supreme Court stated that it was laying down the procedure and hoped that the government would lay down a fair and reasonable procedure. But alas, in spite of several governments consisting of various political parties (including those who are in the forefront of condemning this practice) none of the governments thought it fit to even apply its mind to correct this deficiency in the law — not much of a tribute to the commitment to the fundamental rights of citizens. Sometimes I wonder whether we are still in the era of feudal lords (the political parties) and serfs (citizens like us). It is only when someone steps on the toes of political leaders that this shout of safeguarding individual rights is projected around. Personally I feel that this issue can be defused by taking the Opposition into confidence and framing legislation that no phone tapping will be done without a prior judicial scrutiny — this safeguard is essential if the right to privacy, a fundamental right, is to be protected against the whimsical, ulterior misuse of this power. The lame excuse, put forward by governments that intricate security matters are too subtle and complex for judicial evaluation, was sarcastically rejected by the US Supreme Court thus: “There is no reason to believe that judges will be insensitive to or uncomprehending of the issues involved in domestic security cases. If the threat is too subtle or complex for our senior law enforcement officers to convey its significance to a court, one may question whether there is a probable cause for surveillance”. In the news magazine there is a disturbing mention that latest intelligence gathering is frequently deployed in the Muslim-dominated areas of cities like Delhi, Lucknow and Hyderabad. This horrendous, unwarranted targeting of citizens of India and especially of minorities, calls for the severest of condemnation. Unfortunately this aspect was not brought out in the debate. Even the Home Minister did not deny it. Such attitude in the intelligence community is totally impermissible. Why this incursive intelligence gathering in Lucknow and not in Banares or Hardwar? I can understand if there is specific information about security danger in certain areas, in that case this may be permissible — but without hard evidence, to pick up areas of minority residence is abhorrent and impermissible. The government needs on its own to clarify this aspect — secular India cannot permit communal intelligence gathering machinery. The writer is a retired Chief
Justice of the Delhi High Court
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CRPF: Rootless and restless The
April 6 massacre of 75 CRPF jawans close to Chiltanar village in the dense forest of Dantewada has sent a shockwave across the nation. It was an inhuman act committed by our own people against our own jawans. Though the force was raised during Queen Victoria’s time and was known as the crown representative force, it has now become a nomad force having no permanent location. It keeps on moving. That is why some describe the CRPF as Chalte Raho Pyare Force. Their children’s education suffers. At times the shifting is so sudden that at a new location, you really have to beg the principal for the admission of your children. From the start, new courses are to be studied, new uniforms bought and fees are to be paid the second time for admissions. It becomes so difficult to pay so much from your meager income. On the family front problems are many. Because of frequent disturbances, jawans’ leave gets cancelled. They fail to spend quality time with their partners. And have to leave their wives at the mercy of their relatives . Their duty hours are tough. They are to assist the local police in states, where they are strangers, getting step-motherly treatment from the local people and authorities. They can’t express their helplessness to anybody. Often they are posted in tough climatic conditions. They don’t have proper arms and ammunition. Their vehicles often break down and jawans have to push them to start. The force has no guardian. The DGs are usually from the armed forces, IAS officers or from the local force. They don’t take much interest in the force and have no concern for the welfare of the jawans and officers or in the uplift of the force. “Open Darbars” are not held regularly. Any grouse of a jawan or an officer is not taken sportingly. As during British rule, you have to abide by the rules without letting anyone know your problems. In the Army people are concerned about one another whether retired or in service. But once you retire from the CRPF, the families don’t know where to go, how to get medical, personal or settlement help. There is no sense of togetherness because nobody at the top cares to connect with the persons who have retired or are serving. CRPF personnel help in establishing peace but they themselves are a shattered lot. No psychologist, no counsellor in the battalion to help them to shed their mental load by analysing their problems. As a result, anger and distrust keep breeding in their minds. A few rude words from a colleague or the boss trigger the anger inside and the agony of suicide and killing their own people or the boss comes out in a very cruel form . Promotions in the force are on such a snail’s pace that jawans and officers get tired of waiting. Sometimes they are promised a promotion on Diwali or the New Year. Both Diwali and the New Year come and go, but their wait continues endlessly.
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Inside Pakistan Strange are the ways of the leaders in Pakistan. After the UN committee’s enquiry into the circumstances leading to the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, a probe has been instituted to find out who ordered the hosing down of the crime scene soon. This will help identify the people behind the killing of the PPP leader.
But her widower, President Asif Ali Zardari, perhaps, has no interest in the findings of the second enquiry committee. He told a tribal jirga on Tuesday at Governor’s House in Peshawar: “Those (Afghan refugees) who were granted refugee status 30 years ago stabbed Pakistan in the back and killed Benazir Bhutto.” He asked people to remain united for tracking down the elements involved in Benazir’s killing. President Zardari’s latest statement amounts to “nothing short of throwing a spanner in the works”, as the Business Recorder said. What is the real intention of Zardari? If Zardari is sure what he has declared is correct, then why certain ministers have issued statements, saying that General Musharraf (retd) can be extradited (he currently lives in London as an exile) and tried for the high-profile killing, as the UN probe report has held his government responsible for poor security arrangements for Benazir, resulting in her assassination. Views of Zardari, Musharraf
Is there any deeper meaning in the commonality of views between President Zardari and General Musharraf (retd)? Does this indicate that Zardari and the former military dictator may be seen together at one platform in the near future? According to Pakistani media reports, the retired General is ready to take a plunge into politics to try his luck again for capturing power. General Musharraf (retd) has been in the news for some time for his plan to launch a political party —- another Muslim League —- to contest elections. His party is believed to be in the process of being registered. As things appear today, Zardari and the former Army Chief will both remain the target of attack for PML (N) leader Nawaz Sharif, who has started dreaming to be the Prime Minister of Pakistan again after the latest constitution amendment exercise. Zardari and Musharraf may find a common cause to come together in such a scenario unless the elements in the establishment gunning for the former military ruler succeed in launching criminal proceedings against him and give a new twist to the whole situation. Washing of crime scene
Whatever Zardari says or some ministers believe, people remain intrigued about the manner in which hosing down of the crime scene was ordered after the suicide bomb attack leading to Benazir’s death. In an article in Dawn (April 27) Kamran Shafi says, “It goes without saying that that let alone someone of the rank of a CPO, even an inspector-general of police would not by himself dare order the washing of a place where such an important person had been murdered.” Samson Simon Shraf points out in his article in The Nation (April 25), “The Bhutto legacy will endure treacherous times…At a time when the country (Pakistan) is struggling to fight its civil war in the backdrop of a sinking economy and growing parochialism, the Bhutto legacy provides the cohesion needed to offset threats.” All the post budget analysis and implications Sign up now. |
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The government has naturally denied it authorised phone tapping. The denial by Chidambaram, an astute lawyer, may be technically correct but does not frontally deny the allegation that phone tapping of political leaders did take place. His reply is limited only to assuring the House that no phone tapping of political leaders was authorised by the government.
Life in this force is so unsettled that you have to move from one place to another at a short notice. You are heading for Hydrabad and the train is ready to leave but all of a sudden you get the order to be back as you are required in Srinagar. Just think of the plight of the jawans and their families. 