The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Paying more for power
But Punjab Govt must ensure supply

Summer is the most inopportune time to hike the power tariff in Punjab when the general temperature is high over frequent, unscheduled and prolonged power cuts. The timing is bad for another reason. The Punjab government had raised the hope that the unbundling of the Punjab State Electricity Board would improve power supply since the two companies, starting with a clean balance sheet and revalued assets, would be able to raise fresh loans and buy more power. The hard reality is that power reforms on paper will not bring about any material change.

No doubt, the electricity charges need to be raised in keeping with the rising costs, especially to offset the recent staff salary hike, and to ensure that the two state-owned power companies remain afloat. But the cost of poor management, systemic inefficiencies, transmission losses and power theft should not be passed on to the consumer. Every time the state power authorities make a tariff hike proposal, the regulatory commission points to inflated costs and fudging of accounts. Transmission and distribution losses, in part, are passed on as the free supply to farmers. The regulator should impose stiff penalties for such doctored figures and ensure fiscal discipline.

The power tariff hike often generates a political controversy in the state. The BJP tries to protect the industry and urban consumers and force the coalition government to absorb the burden of increased tariff since the Akali Dal vote bank, comprising farmers, gets free supply. Such competitive populism will have to stop, given the near empty treasury. The free supply of power to farmers and delayed payments by the government had bankrupted the board. Now that farmers’ power bills are to be reimbursed, the situation has not changed much. If free power is not stopped, power pilferage and transmission losses are not curtailed, and political interference continues as before, the two power companies too would head for bankruptcy — like the now defunct board.

Fall from grace
Another scandal taints a godman

The arrest of 32-year-old Swami Nityananda in Solan and his subsequent custodial questioning has turned the spotlight on self-styled godmen and their activities. The Swami had taken off from his ashram near Bangalore after a video showing him in bed with two women was telecast on March 3. There was widespread resentment, even protests against him in Bangalore.

More and more shady dimensions to the swami’s life are surfacing now. While it is for the law to judge the validity of these allegations, there is no doubt that Swami Nityananda, who is now cooling his heels in police custody, has much explaining to do to the police, his followers and the public at large.

India has an extraordinarily rich spiritual tradition and religious leaders have large followings. Genuine spiritual teachers, however, are at times eclipsed by self-styled godmen whose misdeeds come to light, showing a worldly pursuit of sex, money, power etc, rather than spiritual renunciation. Experts, however, debate about why so many people are attracted to them—a basic need to enrich life spiritually, eclipse of scientific temper, psychological need of dependence, wanting to have someone to look up to, etc.

Spiritual leaders are expected to be paragons of moral values. They are taken as exemplars by their followers who look up to them in every respect. Betrayal of trust shatters lives. When such godmen commit indiscretions or crimes, they let down not only those who have devoted their lives to them, but in fact all that they profess to uphold. Now that Swami Nityananda has been arrested, he will have to face the law of the land, which must take its full course, and the cases against him must be taken to their logical conclusion. If past is any indication, attempts will be made to scuttle the process of the law, but this should not be allowed. Those who break the law must face its consequences.

Thought for the Day

How beauteous mankind is! O brave new world,/ That has such people in’t. — William Shakespeare

ARTICLE

AFSPA doesn’t need change
Harsh law helps in the fight against insurgents
by Lt-Gen Harwant Singh ( retd )

Human rights activists and some political parties, both in J and K and the North-East, have been demanding scrapping of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). Under pressure from these groups, the government is considering removing or amending some of the provisions in the Act which are considered offensive. It is also being projected that of the 160-odd cases taken up for the prosecution of military personnel involved in human rights violations. The Government of India has not given sanction even in one case.

As a result of prolonged agitation in Manipur, the government appointed Justice Reddy Commission to examine the need for abrogating the AFSPA. The commission did recommend that the Act should be scrapped and in its place some provisions such as immunity to security personnel against arrest be incorporated in the Unlawful Activities Act. While these recommendation(s) were not accepted, the need for making the Act humane appeared acceptable. The Prime Minister announced this while speaking at a function at the Kalinga Fort in Imphal.

The AFSPA, was promulgated to combat Naga insurgency in the North-East more than half a century ago. Later, when insurgency surfaced in J and K, its application was extended to that state too. Causes of insurgency in the North-East lay in complex and intractable politico-socio-economic areas, which led to the feeling of alienation among the people of the region. The underlying causes for the insurgency in J and K are altogether of a different genre. When appropriate measures are not taken in time in a comprehensive and vigorous manner, disenchantment and disaffection can spread among most sections of society. Where terrain favours insurgency and outside help is at hand, the problem can take a virulent form, making the task of the security forces all the more difficult.

It is not to argue that there have been no human rights violations by security forces, but invariably the issues have been sensationalised out of proportion by the media, more so by TV channels. Intense competition among them adds urgency to such news. Added to this is the lack of knowledge and understanding of the very nature of the fight against a brutal insurgency. The vicious nature of counter-insurgency operations carried out by the Indian Army is best judged by the fact that it has lost over 560 officers and more than 8500 troops in these operations.

Two incidents, one from the North-East and another from J and K which received vide publicity, would make the issue of false propaganda apparent. It may be recalled that a few years ago the incident of death of Manorma coincided with the extension of the AFSPA in Manipur. Secessionist elements linking the two incidents levelled all manner of allegations against the military (Assam Rifles). Manorma was a PLA member involved in terrorist acts of laying IEDs (improvised explosive devices) spread over a period of two years, leading to the death of six civilians and two military personnel. At the time of her arrest, a transmitter and grenade were recovered from her. While two independent autopsies ruled out rape and torture, the charge of rape against the security personnel was persistently being made out in the media. The nature of her bullet injuries confirmed the escape story.

The second, an equally sensational case, relates to the death of two women at Shopian in J and K, which kicked up great uproar in the valley and saw political skullduggery of the worst kind. The charge of murder and rape was pinned on the security forces. Local doctors, who performed the initial autopsies, confirmed rape and murder. Yet when these bodies were exhumed and an independent group of doctors performed the second set of autopsies, murder and rape were ruled out and death was attributed to drowning. In J and K the causes of alleged disaffection are entirely political. It suits the political class and fundamentalist to sustain the climate of uncertainty, and some in Delhi too have vested interests in continuing with this state of affairs.

In an insurgency environment, miscreants and their sympathisers are always out to discredit the security forces and that way they give further boost to the alienation of the people by portraying security forces as oppressive and anti-people. Where the exchange of fire between the security forces and insurgents take place in populated areas, civilians do sometimes get in the line of fire. In such situations often the insurgents inflict casualties on innocents caught in the crossfire in the sure belief that the blame for such casualties will invariably be pinned on the security forces.

The military, when called upon to combat insurgency, does not have even police powers. Without the AFSPA the military would be rendered toothless. It would find itself dragged into unending litigation on often trumped-up charges. Since action against insurgents is carried out at the section/platoon and even company level, an alleged fake encounter or human rights violation, the case in a civil court will tie all of them up for years in legal battle: some as accused and others as witnesses. Faced with such a prospect, too much caution and prevarication will come into play and success will invariably elude the military.

In a counter-insurgency setting the environment is akin to a war zone, yet in the midst of own people where either one kills first or gets killed. When death lurks around every corner and is only one false step away and such a state prevails for long periods, it can turn men into monsters. It is only the iron discipline and effective leadership, which is up-front and shares the same set of dangers as the men, that retraint is exercised and excesses don’t take place.

Counter-insurgency operations are a messy affair and under certain circumstances, collateral damage is inevitable. Sometimes this can be due to the error of judgment and at other times because of the need for immediate elimination of insurgents. In an insurgency environment, the line between an insurgent and a peaceful citizen can be hazy, especially where intelligence is poor or faulty, which is often the case. An insurgent can just drop a weapon in a bush and pose as a peaceful citizen. Troops often face such dilemmas.

It would be incorrect to contend that troops never indulge in human rights violations. Though Indian troops are God-fearing, religious and refrain from inhuman acts, there have been a few cases of killings, torture and custodial deaths, both in the North-East and J and K. The military authorities do not accept the violation of human rights by their officers and troops even against insurgents. Every case of alleged violation of human rights is fully investigated through the military’s own internal mechanism. During the last 15 years, 1400 cases of violation of human rights were reported against the Army. From detailed investigations of these, it transpired that only 54 had some substance. This resulted in a large number of court-marshals where the punishment ranged from life imprisonment to termination of services. As many as 37 officers were punished.

Abrogating the AFSPA or removing some of its key provisions in an attempt to make it “humane” could place the security forces at a great disadvantage in their fight against a vicious insurgency. Any watering down of the Act will result in de-motivating the troops whose lawful actions may expose them to decades of litigation in civil courts. Violent nature of counter-insurgency operations, the Army’s own casualties and its action against those found violating human rights should give some comfort to the votaries of human rights. Human Rights activists target only the military. The nation should be aware of the sacrifices made by our troops daily to combat this scourge. Altering the basic structure of the AFSPA in an effort to make it “humane” will place the troops in a most unenviable position and will be a de-motivating factor in the fight against insurgency.

MIDDLE

Asking for it
by Raj Chatterjee

I DON’T envy the job of the poor fellow in a newspaper office who has to deal with the daily deluge of “letters to the editor” from sundry individuals who get a kick out of seeing their names in print. I exclude from this category the highminded persons who prefer to clothe themselves in the anonymity of a name like “pro bono publico” or “a sufferer”.

Many of these letters concern some justifiable annoyance like having your telephone disconnected even though you have paid your bill a week in advance of the due date or the corporation turning a deaf ear to complaints from tax-paying citizens to the growing menace from stray dogs, who seem to multiply with utmost rapidity.

Occasionally, a letter triggers off a lively controversy. Unfortunately, just when the antagonists get really warmed up, the editor steps in with a curt note saying “this correspondence is now closed”.

For 33 years I lived on the edge of the Delhi University campus. During this time I took what may be called a “voyeur’s” interest in the practice of eveteasing which is very often the subject of these letters.

Briefly, the issue that divides the writers is whether the ill-mannered young men who indulge in this undesirable activity deserve to be whipped or the girls who are pestered deserve all they get.

A novel theory advanced by a gentleman of the whipping school of thought is that these erring boys are not from our public schools — Doon or Mayo. I wonder how he came to that conclusion. In my experience a Doon school boy can be just as “frisky”, given the provocation, as one receiving his education at a government school.

Another writer expressed the view that it is only in the virile and turbulent north that an unchaperoned girl is likely to be insulted when she steps out of her house. I an from the north myself and I don’t know whether to be pleased or peeved at that observation!

The interesting thing about this controversy is that it isn’t only men who take part in it. I have read letters from women saying that if our girls choose to walk about the campus or board crowded buses wearing mini-cholies or tight-fitting jeans they are asking for trouble.

Reading these letters I am reminded of my own college days some 75 years ago. My college, like our rival across the road, admitted about a dozen or so girls as a special favour. Their faces were innocent of make-up. They wore plain cotton saris and blouses with long sleeves. They moved about in twos and threes, keeping very much to themselves. In all my five years, not a single case of misbehaviour was reported to the principal. The provocation wasn’t there.

OPED

Cricket unites, IPL divides
The ‘fast-food’ format harms team unity
by Gautam Wahi

The IPL has contributed to the hysterical entertainment of the mall-stupored middle class Photo: PTI

The Modi — Tharoor imbroglio has brought under the scanner the issue of big ticket financial misdeeds both on and off the cricket field. The focus has been on the murky financial wheeling and dealing and allegations of favouritism fly thick and fast. That the IPL has become one big sticky gravy train does not come as a surprise.

There have been demands voiced from across the political spectrum about banning the elite league with accusations of match fixing, favouritism and much worse.

However, there is a more fundamental question which has so far eluded public debate. Cricket has been a great unifying force, throwing up common identifiable idols and idioms across the length and breadth of the nation. In that sense, this legacy of the British has probably contributed more to national integration than any other thing.

It speaks of the virtue of the game that it is followed all across the country with equal passion and it is said, for instance, that if “cricket is religion, then Sachin is God”. That the Little Master is a Maharashtrian Hindu is of no consequence to millions of his followers who hold him in adulation irrespective of caste, religion or region.

Given this as a backdrop, the creation of teams on the basis of regional identities is actually doing a great disservice to the idea of India.

It should be remembered that historically cricket has acted as a medium to rally the nation in the face of adversity. In a country ravaged by Punjab militancy in the early 80s, it was the victory in the Prudential World Cup contributed by players from a cross section of the country that acted as a soothing balm on the besieged nation.

The diversion of this painstakingly developed national passion into sub- national and parochial clubs would rob the country of this potent symbol of national unity. This format of cricket may create dissensions amidst various regions within the nation as can be seen by the hysteria that the matches create in the various cities that they are played in.

The pentangular cricket series that used to be held in the then Bombay before Independence give a great illustration on how the sport ended up becoming a rallying point for sub-national and parochial identities.

The pentangular series was played between teams that were based on the religio-ethnic basis. The victories of a team against the other were often deemed as that of a community against the other. The series contributed to the polarisation of the city in the pre-independence years and added to the propaganda of the Muslim League, which had been strident with its demand for a separate nation for the Muslims. It would not be too surprising if the current IPL too does the same to the country.

Even on a practical plane the league is hurting the chances of the Indian National Cricket Team in international tournaments. The result in the World Cup T20, which was held after two seasons of the IPL, was the most dispappointing with India losing all league matches in the Super 8 stage. This flies in the face of all the votaries of the league who dub this a great talent hunt. There is nothing yet to prove its benefits to the larger cause of the game itself.

In fact, the purist of the game have questioned the vary rationale of the shorter “fast-food” format of the game. The extremely taxing schedule of the heavy domestic travel entailed in matches being played across the country, not to talk of after hours partying fatigues, has added to the string of injuries to the key players, which have further impaired the chances for the country to win the coveted cup.

It can be easily be imagined what impact the format of the game would have on the team unity and morale when the players of the same national team often see themselves pitted against each other. There are no prizes for guessing that with the huge amount of money being on stake, the pride and quest for wearing the National Blue would be thrown in the background.

If at all, the IPL has added another element to the hysterical entertainment of the mall-stupored middle class which throws up larger socio-economic questions and adds to the widening class divide.

The crisis should be looked at as an opportunity to clean up the game by all the stakeholders and also the larger question of whether the format should at all be continued, so that the game continues to inspire generations to come and play foremost for the nation rather than a club or a regional entity.

The writer is an Assistant Commissioner of Customs in Mumbai. The views expressed are personal

What makes a district backward?
by Rajeshwari

While planning, we need to be sensitive to area-specific problems. Since policies aim at balanced regional development, the criteria for financial aid to break structural backwardness needs to be chosen carefully. State governments should be more serious in identifying problem districts.

The Planning Commission in 2003 adopted three parameters for the identification of backward districts: (i) output per agricultural worker (ii) agriculture wage rate and (iii) percentage of SC/ST population. The districts with low wages, low productivity and a high SC/ST population have been ranked as backward.

On the basis of the PC criteria, the districts of Ambala, Panchkula, Yamunanagar are ranked as least developed, while Hisar, Fatehabad and Jind come out as the most advanced. Sirsa ranks in the middle. Let us examine these parameters. Sirsa has the highest proportion of the SC population.(26 per cent). There is no empirical documentation of the practice of untouchability in this district. Socially and economically, this region is very dynamic and has witnessed social movements against untouchability. Hence it is misleading to attach too much importance to the percentage of SC population as an indicator of backwardness.

The alternative indicators of social development are female literacy or gender gap in literacy, rural-urban gap in infant mortality and maternal mortality, the percentage of villages lacking safe water supply, health care infrastructure etc. On the basis of these indicators Mewat, Gurgaon, Bhiwani, Mahendragarh, Faridabad and Rewari stand out as the least developed.

The second indicator is agricultural wages. The lesser the wages, the lower the development of the district. The agricultural wages are influenced by the availability of migrant labour rather than by agricultural development. The rice-wheat cropping pattern in the northern region provides higher employment opportunities and attracts migrant labour who work at lower wages than the local labour. On the other hand, the southern region of Haryana attracts very few migrant labour due to relatively backward agriculture. Farmers depend on local labour who work at higher wages.

The third indicator, output per agricultural worker (or say labour productivity) however, may be taken as a correct indicator of agricultural prosperity for all areas in the country. In Haryana, this indicator shows that Sirsa has the highest labour productivity closely followed by Kurukshetra, Karnal, Kaithal, Yamunanagar and Hisar. In the backward areas of Gurgaon, Mewat, Rewari, Bhiwani, Mahendragarh and Jhajjar labour productivity is low.

The alternative indicators of development are agricultural productivity per hectare of land, proportion of irrigated area to the net sown area, the cropping pattern, the use of bio-chemical fertilisers, mechanisation and technological inputs., which could capture the economic situation in a better way than agricultural wages.

Given the nature of diversity our country has, is it feasible to have one yardstick of development for the whole nation? We have districts which are affected by Naxalism. It is widely believed that in these areas people are forced to take up arms in order to meet their socio-economic needs.

The writer is an Associate Professor of Geography in Kurukshetra University

Chatterati
Chatwal’s charm grows
by Devi Cherian

Ever since the high-flying NRI from America, Sant Chatwal, got his Padma Vibhushan, he seems to have changed his lifestyle. Or has it got something to do with the austerity drive of the Congress and thanks to his deepening links with some Congress guys?

He was in town recently to attend a wedding. He decided to skip his usual five-star hotel accommodation and stayed instead with his friend, Rajya Sabha member and industrialist T.Subbarami Reddy. Delhi-ites were impressed by the high-profile parties held for him in and outside the capital. Chatwal was even felicitated by Union ministers. Chatwal, it seems, has strong contacts in the corridors of power.

Obviously, his having been blacklisted in America and declared bankrupt thrice doesn’t affect his standing with Delhi’s high-ups. With the Padma Vibhushan under his belt, he seems to be aiming for the Rajya Sabha next.

Down, not out

Amar Singh

Amar Singh is keeping a low profile. His highly touted come-back rally was a bit of a flop show. Ever since he left the Samajwadi Party, he seems to be losing his friendship with Amitabh Bachchan and Anil Ambani. Jaya Bachchan has chosen to still remain with the Samajwadi Party and in Parliament is seen to be on great terms with other Samajwadi leaders. Jaya Prada, on the other hand, left the party with Amar Singh and openly criticises SP leaders.

Ever since Amar Singh had his serious kidney surgery in Singapore the SP leadership has been out to get him. Amar Singh no longer hides his disappointment with the Bachchans for not standing up with him in this critical time. He, as usual, is blunt and speaks his mind whenever questioned on this subject.

KK Birla Lane

Naming roads in Central Delhi is quite infrequent as most have already been named and the rules do not allow renaming. But one of Delhi’s most idyllic lanes recently got a new name, KK Birla Lane, in memory of the noted industrialist and newspaper baron. It thus acquired a touch of history.

At a simple roadside ceremony Chief Minister Shiela Dikshit arrived promptly on time to unveil a plaque of K.K.Birla Lane. Simplicity was the highlight of the event. Gopal Gandhi was called upon to be the main speaker at a small seminar held immediately after the ceremony. K.K.Birla’s three daughters and their families got pictures taken by the roadside, providing a rare sight to office-goers.

Most guests avoided the blazing sun and headed straight to the India International Centre. The seminar focussed on the contribution of K.K.Birla beyond business and commerce. The large number of politicians, including R.K.Dhawan, Abhishek Singhvi, N.K.Singh and Jyotiraditya Madhavrao Scindia, was a testimony to Birla’s stints in the Rajya Sabha, a role now taken over by daughter Shobhana Bhartiya.