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PM’s call to forces
Mishap at Mathura |
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Aid for Tamil refugees
Tricky issues before EU
Binaca Geet Mala
President Hamid Karzai
bows to the inevitable Australia to
ensure Indian students’ safety
Tibetans at home in Kashmir
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PM’s call to forces
Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh’s call to defence services commanders to be ready to face any form of terrorism in the wake of regular intelligence reports of possible terror strikes is pertinent in view of the uncertain security scenario in neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. That there is no room for complacency is beyond question and it is apt that Dr Manmohan Singh has emphasised it strongly at the senior commanders’ conference. It is not enough that there has been no major terror incident after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks. Lowering our guard because of this would be most ill-advised because the dangers are still lurking. Significantly, Dr Manmohan Singh made it clear in his address that both state and non-state actors were involved in the business of terrorism, an obvious allusion to the dubious role that Pakistan’s army and the ISI have been playing in fanning terror. The Prime Minister’s emphasis on evolving proper procedures for defence acquisitions and procurement reflect his concern over lack of public accountability in defence purchases. Considering that the progressive increase in revenue expenditure, which is largely accounted for by salaries and pensions, leaves just over one-third of the defence outlay for modernisation, it is important that this amount be judiciously spent. The Indian armed forces have suffered greatly due to lack of spending on modernisation over the last couple of decades and it is indeed vital that new weapons systems be acquired speedily so that the country keeps pace with substantial military acquisitions in the neighbourhood. Coupled with this is the need for the armed forces to attract talent on a larger scale. It is no secret that the brightest youth are turning away from the forces and there is a shortage of officers that cannot be ignored. The Prime Minister’s advice to senior commanders to ensure that these men and women constantly upgrade their skills and remain ahead of the technology curve deserves to be followed in entirety. Clearly, there was an undertone of urgency in the Prime Minister’s interaction with senior commanders. His call for better synergy among services to combat the serious challenge posed by all forms of terror including ‘aggravated militancy’ should galvanize the entire security apparatus of the country to meaningful action.
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Mishap at Mathura
Although
an inquiry ordered by the Railway Minister will establish the exact cause of the mishap near Mathura station early Wednesday morning, human error apparently has played a role. Initial reports indicate the driver of the Delhi-bound Goa Express jumped the signal and rammed the train into the stationary Mewar Express, also headed for Delhi. Appearing rather helpless, railway officials grudgingly admit that 86 per cent of the railway accidents in the country occur due to human error. There are as many as 17,000 unmanned railway crossings in the country which are accident-prone. Yet the Railways is terribly slow in providing staff and a reasonable lighting system even at busy crossings. So frequent have been the mishaps on rail tracks and such is the indifference towards the loss of precious human lives that the Railways seems to have accepted accidents as inevitable. Its safety record, once again, stands blemished. Actually safety has seldom been the top priority of railway ministers. The current incumbent has reduced herself to being the Railway Minister for West Bengal only. Some of the previous ministers also used the Railway resources to nurture their own constituencies. In one case when the Supreme Court asked the Railways why the level crossings were left unsupervised, the authorities cited lack of funds as the reason. More than funds, it is the lack of will that seems to be behind the Railways’ dismal safety record. Whether the Railways genuinely made hefty profits of Rs 20,000 crore two years ago as was claimed by Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav and now disputed by Ms Mamata Banerjee, it has enough money to improve the safety standards. The signalling system needs to be upgraded as the Mathura accident has highlighted. With the latest advances in the communication system, the Railways should not allow itself to be caught in the kind of mess visible at
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Aid for Tamil refugees
THE Rs 500 crore assistance announced by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram for rehabilitation of over 250,000 Tamil refugees displaced by the civil war in Sri Lanka — the second such aid in four months — should help ameliorate the condition of these hapless people who have seen little succour since the Lankan army defeated the secessionist LTTE. Apart from the humanitarian aspect of this aid, there is also the political imperative of the Congress satisfying its ally the DMK which has been demanding a fair deal for the ethnic Tamils. Recently, a delegation of 10 DMK and Congress MPs had, after visiting refugee camps in Sri Lanka, described the conditions of the Tamil refugees as ‘pathetic.’ With the north-eastern monsoon round the corner, there are even harder times in store for them in their tarpaulin tents in overcrowded camps fenced by barbed wires. Significantly, India has huge stakes in terms of the larger strategic objective of weaning the Lankans away from the Chinese. The Sri Lankan Government has been cultivating China and Pakistan to keep India in check. It has invited China to construct a modern port in Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka and also to help it in gas exploration in areas which are close to India. Similarly, there is a growing military relationship between Sri Lanka and Pakistan, which worries India. This country can hardly lose track of the fact that Sri Lanka sits next to shipping lanes that feed 80 per cent of China’s and 65 per cent of India’s oil needs. All this underlines the need for India to assume the leadership role in helping Sri Lanka in its relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction tasks to bounce back in prime favour. While giving aid to the Sri Lankans, it is vital that India uses its influence on the Rajapakse government to persuade it to go in for political reconciliation and to rehabilitate the refugees speedily. This is the only way the Tamils can be kept away from extremist influence again and durable peace can be established in the country.
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Man is a torch born in the wind; a dream/But of a shadow, summed with all his substance. — George Chapman
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Tricky issues before EU
THE European Union (EU), the most admired integration story of our times, has been finding it difficult to take decisions quickly. It has a cumbersome process to arrive at a decision, rendering it incapable of influencing the course of politics and economics at the global level in an effective manner. This has been quite frustrating at times, as many EU officials admitted during a week-long interaction with visiting journalists from India in Brussels last week. The Belgian capital has emerged as the nerve-centre of European politics because of having the different EU institutions as well as the North-Atlantic Treaty Organisation’s (NATO’s) headquarters there. The EU’s desire to improve its decision-making process led to an attempt aimed at the modification of European institutions in 2001. The result was the framing of a European constitution, which, however, failed to become a reality because of its rejection by French and Dutch voters in 2005. It was a depressing development, yet it could not dampen the spirits of European leaders. They continued to discuss among themselves about how to find a way out of the crisis caused by the rejection of the constitution. They have the characteristic of being great discussants which helped them to identify an alternative: why not work for a fresh treaty? Soon they started working on what has come to be known as the Lisbon Treaty, initially intended to be ratified by the end of 2008. The ratification process got delayed because the Irish voters first rejected it before finally giving their approval. Though it has been ratified by all the 27 EU member-countries, it has yet to become operational. The Czech Republic’s President Vaclav Claus has to put his signature on the Lisbon Treaty as his country’s law requires it. But he is delaying it as he is a known Eurosceptic, who wants the EU to disappear as quickly as possible. He, however, admitted last week that the Lisbon Treaty has gone too far and he may not be able to block it. But nowadays almost all Europeans have their eye on him. Why is one man preventing the much-awaited treaty to become a reality? This is how Eurosceptics (call them diehard nationalists) have been coming in the way of the European integration process. And this is how the success story has been weaved so far. Many senior EU officials admit that they themselves are surprised how the EU has succeeded in achieving all that it has done since the 1957 Treaty of Rome was signed, leading to the establishment of the European Community. The European Community became the European Union with the signing of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty. But the treaty signed in Lisbon, Portugal, will rename it as the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union if it finally becomes operational. One of the changes that will be introduced by the Lisbon Treaty will be an increase in the tenure of the EU Presidency from the present six months to two and a half years, which is bound to affect its style of functioning. But there is a big IF. Every European leader wishing to see Europe to become the United States of Europe one day is worried. Yet senior journalists and others who have been watching the EU from close quarters find nothing surprising in the unending wait for the Lisbon Treaty. The EU will be there so long as it prevents the outbreak of a war between two or more member-countries, many of whom have been at daggers drawn for decades together. The other factor that continues to work as the cementing force is the economic gain accruing to the EU members. The EU has emerged as the world’s largest trading bloc. It is a huge market with nearly 50 crore buyers. They are learning from the example of India. In the opinion of EU leaders, if India can grow to become a major power of Asia and the world despite its regional, linguistic, religious and other diversities, why can the EU not do so? Though India is a nation-state, unlike the EU, they notice many parallels between the two. Those who see the emergence of the United States of Europe in the coming few years draw inspiration from India. Before the EU was hit by the global recession, the poverty-stricken eastern European countries like Poland, Romania, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania had started growing at 10 per cent, rivalling China. That is, of course, an old story, as today most European economies are in the grip of a recession excepting Germany and France, which have started growing again. The euro as the EU currency (except in Britain) is going strong. The Schengen Agreement for removing border controls remains intact. Anyone planning to visit EU countries, save for Britain, needs to have only the Schengen visa. These are not small gains. But what the EU has not been able to remove is the grudges that most European countries still nurse against each other. Most of them have strong nationalistic feelings and remain very protective about their own language and culture. They have, of course, sacrificed some of their sovereign rights to allow the EU experiment to grow. But most people fail to understand how the countries which have fought two world wars have been together in the EU for over half a century. The EU success story could have been more admirable had its members been able to overcome their prejudices against Turkey. This largest European country has very little chance of becoming a part of the EU in the near future. Why is Turkey being denied its right to join the EU? No EU official who was asked this question in Brussels last week was able to give a convincing answer. A senior professor was frank enough to admit that the Turkish question could not be answered because Turkey was yet to be accepted as a fully European country. Besides this, as he clarified, Turkey does not fit into the EU scheme of things because of the religious factor. There is the fear of Turkey upsetting the EU applecart as it has a huge population, more than that of Germany, which sends 99 representatives to European Parliament. Once Turkey is able to join the EU, the number of its representatives in European Parliament will be bigger than that of Germany. The Germans will never allow this to happen. There must be a consensus among all the member-countries. And the Germans are not alone. Most of the EU members are opposed to Turkey’s entry into the bloc. Yet the EU is considered as being wedded to secular values. That is why the Turks are very much hopeful of entering the EU one day. If the Berlin Wall (it existed from 1961 to 1989) can crumble, the prejudices against Turkey can also disappear one day. And that will mean the EU has removed the most difficult hindrance to its becoming the United States of
Europe.
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Binaca Geet Mala
IT is early evening. I am impatiently channel surfing, succumbing to the television code of instant gratification. Dismayed with a set of hyper little champs raucously gyrating to ‘Pappu can’t dance saala’; I stumble upon a fractured voice singing ‘Kuuke Kuuke Koyaliya...’ Another click takes me to a pigeon/girl — whatever — being serenaded with ‘Masakali, Matak kali’... Yet another click and I hear how ‘Dude saala kaam se gaya’... In angst, I switch on the radio (FM, stupid!) and find motor mouth ‘Rocking Laila’ breathlessly extolling Saifeena’s ‘Ahuun...ahuun...ahuun...’ Another click and ‘Aajaa, aajaa, dil nichoren’ rocks on... I am seriously considering hara-kiri when ‘Biloo rani, kaho to abhi jaan de doon’...comes on. I bravely rock on instead. I click the idiot box on for a last time, luckily catching a nostalgia laden programme featuring Ameen Sayani; a suave, facile raconteur par excellence (now indelicately branded as Radio Jockey; RJ) who reigned supreme at a time when music and lyrics were enriching and intelligible. It was the period of the end 1950s — beginning 1960s, when melody reigned supreme. Sayani takes me back to some irreplaceable teen memories... I must have been 16 then, and a die-hard music fan. Wednesday night was special for all of us. At dot 8 PM, our young world would come alive in front of the big Philips radio in the drawing room. It had a buff cloth facing, an ebonite exterior, shiny knobs and a shiny green lamp. 8 PM was Binaca Time, with the magical voice of Ameen Sayani announcing yet another episode of Binaca Geet Mala, accompanied by trumpets, crashing cymbals and a frenzied roll of drums. What followed then was a treat whose magic lasted the whole week, till next Wednesday. Ameen Sayani effortlessly brought in banter, repartee, the pedigree of the song and its composers and singer(s) and its position last week. He built up huge excitement amongst his listeners, before taking them to the aakhri payedan (last step in the ladder), to the geeton ka sartaj (emperor amongst songs) that he announced with a magnificent, patented flourish of trumpets. We all had our favourites. The romantic “Chaudveen ka chand ho”..., “Zindagi bhar nahin bhoolegi wo barsaat ki raat”... the saucy “Haal kaisa hai janab ka”...the failed-in-love “Teri duniya main jeene se, yeh behtar hai ki mar jaayen”... we loved these songs and their unforgettable music and soulful lyrics. We screamed with abandon when they rose up the countdown ladder. When they did not, there was dark talk of bias; the unfair criticism forgotten the moment another of one’s favourites came up the ladder... The memory of those unforgettable times continues to haunt though. Jai Ho! Ameen. You were
special.
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President Hamid Karzai bows to the inevitable
It is not known what pressure the US may have exerted to convince Mr Karzai to abandon the third option – remaining in power for another term, on the grounds that the election victory he had claimed was fair – but the central argument can well be imagined. Why should US and other foreign troops risk their lives propping up a government that had so rigged the election to disguise its lack of popular support? There are pluses and minuses to the option Mr Karzai has belatedly chosen: a second-round run-off to take place on 7 November. The minuses are that it prolongs a process that has already proved extraordinarily difficult and divisive, and will expose foreign and Afghan troops to further danger. Given the defects in the arrangements for the first round, the low turn-out and the delays in the count, it is not unreasonable to ask whether things are likely to be much better the second time around. Mr Karzai is, rightly, pleading for a high turn-out, but poor security, and the questionable appetite of the electorate for another vote, militate against him getting it. A second round thus risks compounding the problems. In principle, though, a run-off is preferable to a coalition of former enemies concluded under duress. Mr Karzai, who easily topped the poll the first time around, even when the fraudulent votes were excluded, would appear to have little to lose. And the mandate for whoever wins will be more credible than it would otherwise have been. However rough around the edges, Afghan democracy has another chance. To call Mr Karzai's decision "statesmanlike", however, as Britain and others did yesterday, is flattery too far. A statesman would have agreed to a second round weeks ago; Mr Karzai has simply accepted the least bad option. He must reach out That President Hamid Karzai has now reluctantly agreed to accept the findings of the international audit of the recent election and to participate in a run-off vote is clearly to be welcomed. But no one should be in any doubt what the new vote will cost, not just in treasure but in blood. A new election may do something for President Karzai's legitimacy, but it won't alter the problem he poses if, as Mrs Clinton at least seems to expect, he is re-elected. What then? Some say that Karzai II must be very different from Karzai I and the international community (and especially Washington) must make sure it is so. He must be persuaded – whether before or after the run-off – to have a government of national unity (GNU), which would include his main rival in the election, Abdullah Abdullah, and also the representatives of all ethnicities in multi-ethnic Afghanistan. He must then reach out and run an administration for the whole country, rather than one whose primary driver is the Pashtun interest. Then, Karzai II must at last begin a serious programme to tackle the endemic corruption that is eating away at his support. This all makes perfect sense and we should certainly try it. But we should be aware that it is far from certain to work. A GNU is precisely what Karzai I started out with. He was genuinely elected by all sections of Afghanistan and his first government was a genuinely national one. President Karzai has not proved very good at holding together broad coalitions and it was not long before his early allies, especially in the Northern Alliance, became his most determined opposition. I am not convinced he would be any more able to make a success of what he so signally failed to make a success of previously. Strengthen tribal structures To ask him to tackle corruption seriously would be to ask him to knock away one of the principle props of his government. He has not proved keen on doing this in the past, despite heavy pressure from the US and others. I am not at all sure that this is likely to change in the future. So, could we find a more subtle way of responding to the election of President Karzai Mark II? One of the major problems we have faced in Afghanistan is the mismatch between the theory and the practice of Afghan government. Thanks, in large measure, to the intervention of the West, Afghanistan is, in theory, a centralised-governed country in the model of the classic Western nation state. But, in practice, Afghanistan is what it has always been for the last 1,000 years – a deeply decentralised country based around tribal structures. Could this be the opportunity to tackle that issue head on, by shifting our emphasis from building up Kabul structures, to building up local ones, running with, rather than against, the grain of Afghanistan's tribal
system?
— By arrangement with
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Australia to
ensure Indian students’ safety LIKE
everyone in Australia, I was appalled at the spate of attacks on Indian
nationals living in my country. The ensuing media coverage has justifiably
shaken India and Australia and a stream of politicians and officials have
visited this country to reassure the worried authorities, parents and
prospective students that the attacks will not be tolerated. We can't let a few individuals who have engaged in mindless acts of violence to change our dreams and pursuits, or disturb our strong and enduring friendship. Australian universities remain the world's best destination for Indian students. The actions of a handful of people can't change that fact. And, as is often the case, out of adversity springs change for the better. Politicians, authorities, university and community leaders in India and Australia have met over the past several months and have committed to taking action that will improve student safety. My university – Swinburne University of Technology – has reported that of the 27 individual actions we have committed to take to improve Indian student safety, 14 have been implemented, a further 12 commenced, with one final action scheduled for 2010. As so many current and former Indian students will attest, the recent media coverage in no way reflects the reality of studying at Australia's universities. The Australian government has announced a review that will strengthen the legislation protecting international students studying in my country. Swinburne welcomes the toughening of these regulations, and argues that changes are required to weed out the few unscrupulous providers who have exploited vulnerable international students. Australia has the world's best legislation for the protection of the rights of international students. Everything that an international student attending an Australian university experiences – information, support provided, the learning and teaching experience – is monitored and improved to ensure that it complies with the requirements of the Education Services for Overseas Students Act. If you are considering your overseas study options, don't let isolated incidents stop you from objectively assessing the situation and making the right choice – the same choice that has attracted many thousands of Indians to my country. Swinburne's commitment to supporting our international students starts at the very top of our institution and permeates every aspect of campus life. Our advisers assist students with course selection, information about living in Melbourne and accommodation for up to two years before students arrive in Australia. Education agents representing Swinburne must be members of the Association of Australian Education Representatives in India. In 2010, Swinburne will be part of a project to provide a 24-hour help and assistance line for international students – free of charge – staffed by medical and legal staff, trained
counsellors, and Swinburne experts. If our students run into trouble of any kind, we are there to support them. Our international student support team ensures that students are provided with every assistance possible. Australia's universities are world famous for the level of care and support provided to international students: and justifiably so. International education has had a transformational effect in Australia. With over 500,000 international students choosing to study in our country – almost one-third studying in Melbourne – our campuses and cities have been immeasurably enriched. Australia and India will emerge from our recent difficulties as steadfast friends. As more Indian students choose to study in Australia, or graduate and return from their studies, and as more Australian students take advantage of opportunities to study in India, it is inevitable that our mutual respect and understanding will increase. Australia's universities remain the world's best destination for Indian students. And we are determined to continue to earn that reputation, through our action, our voice, and the outcomes we provide. Swinburne will continue to play its part to improve the experience of international students studying on our campuses. We are immensely proud of our Indian student population, and our large Indian alumni community. Indian students have enriched
Swinburne: in return we have transformed the lives of our graduates.
The writer is the Pro Vice-Chancellor (International) of Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne, Australia |
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Tibetans at home in Kashmir Phingchuk
Dorje (65), a Tibetan woman, sells sweaters on a busy Srinagar footpath. Her cherubic face brims with delight as she makes some sales. Clad in a chupa (traditional Tibetan dress) and pangdev (an apron like attachment in dress for married women), her golden tooth and silver hair add to her simplicity and make her graceful even in the ripe old age. But beneath her calmness and cheerfulness lies a longing, a deep desire for return to her homeland. Returning to Tibet is something she thinks about all day. Phingchuk, who was a only teenager when she took the historic flight from Tibet to India in 1959 along with His Holiness, the 14th Dalai Lama, is one among thousands of Tibetans settled in the valley of Kashmir. “I always dream of spending autumnal days of my life in my own land where nobody will call me a refugee. Whenever I remember the days of my childhood, my eyes fill with tears. I get flashbacks of the good old days spent in Tibet with my dear ones. God knows whether my last dream will ever come true,” she grieves. “Since the exodus neither I have any news of my near ones who were left in Tibet nor do I know what happened to our property there”, she adds. For 50 long years Tibetans have waited hoping against hope for a return to their native land. On their arrival in India, hardly anyone of them had realised that they would be leaving Tibet so long. Initially, there were several humanitarian agencies which stepped in to provide them aid, but later as the exile stretched, they had to work hard to earn a living. The Government of India provided them land for monasteries, schools and residential quarters at several places. They took up odd jobs and tried to put down their roots in the Kashmir valley. Most of them earned a living through selling knitted sweaters. “We sold sweaters on roads and simultaneously knitted too. Even the men and young children knitted to contribute to the kitty. Clusters of people, who were not even distantly related, lived in small rented apartments. Those were difficult times but we bore it without a frown, you see. Both men and women shared equal responsibility of the household.” says Ming Mar, aged 60 years, Phingchuk’s cousin. Tibetans found a good clientele among Kashmiris and gained a place in Kashmiri society. However, sweaters cannot sell throughout the year. The profit margin being very low in sweaters, they gradually shifted to the shoe business. They lament the government apathy for failing to provide Tibetan Margs (markets) which exist elsewhere in India. “It is so difficult to do trade without a definite market. We trade here for a limited season, for about 6-7 months but the police hardly permit us to sell on roads. Since our children study at Dharamsala, we trade there for the rest of months. Even Jammu has a Tibetan Marg but I wonder why we haven’t been provided one here in Kashmir!” says Lhudup Tso, a respected member of the community. Though cut off from Tibet, they still maintain their distinct identity. Indigenous customs, conventions, food habits and the overall ethos have all been preserved. Festivities, marriages, childbirth and other important functions are celebrated according to their traditional norms. Momos and Thukpas are lip-smacking Tibetan delicacies. Yet they have adapted to the new culture and society around them. Along with their traditional foods, vegetables, rice, dal, even Wazwan (special Kashmiri cuisine based on meat delicacies) forms part of their fare. Interestingly, Kashmiris now relish Tibetan cuisine, evident in the number of Tibetan food outlets that are coming up in Srinagar. Social customs remain progressive. It is not taboo for boys and girls to mix with each other at social gatherings, fairs or festivals and then to spend time with each other before selecting their life partners. Marriage in the Buddhist faith is a simple affair. Some may solemnise the marriage at home while others sanctify the union at a monastery. The custom of dowry or bride wealth does not exist and the divorce rate is comparatively
low.
— Charkha Features |
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