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Tribune Special Who is
responsible for Partition? |
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Meaning
of austerity On Record Profile
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Who is responsible for Partition?
During
the British Raj, there was a general impression that the British divided the Indians by pursuing their policy of “divide and rule”. But the truth is exactly the opposite. Long before the British came, the Hindus and the Muslims were sharply divided. The Muslims considered the Hindus as kafirs and the latter called the former maleshas. The literature written during the period in question confirmed this. Whatever the position, the British never wanted to divide the country in 1947. It is clear from the Cabinet Mission Plan, 1946, that they wanted to fulfill the Muslim League’s demand one way or the other within the framework of a united India. Moreover, Lord Clement Attlee made a last attempt by sending Professor W.H. Morris Jones to India along with Lord Mountbatten to prepare some scheme by which two sovereign states could remain united. Morris Jones told this writer in an interview for his book, Select Documents on Partition of Punjab, “As far as I can recall Sir Stafford and Lord Attlee called me in May 1947 when Lord Mountbatten visited England. I was informed to prepare a plan which could have two sovereign countries for defence, communications and other similar purposes. Lord Attlee asked me if I had read anything of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and how it worked. He advised me to study that and evolve that sort of plan” (p. 772). It is futile to blame any individual for India’s Partition. We should study and examine the circumstances which led to the creation of Pakistan. It was the failure of the Interim Government in 1946-47 which paved the way for the country’s division. There was continued conflict between the members of Muslim League and the Congress from the very beginning. The Congress objected to the inclusion of Abdul Rab Nashtar from the Frontier Province in the Interim Government on the ground that he was defeated by the Red Shirt candidate in the 1946 election. Jinnah, however, maintained that if Nashtar was not included in the Interim Government, the Muslim League would quit and boycott the government. Similarly, Jinnah objected to Jagjivan Ram’s inclusion. As there was no change in the Congress’ stand, bickerings increased between the Muslim League and the Congress camps. The objective of the Congress members in the Interim Government was to follow healthy conventions and non-interference by the Viceroy. They wanted the interim government to work as a team so that it could be replaced by a national government in due course of time. They felt that the Muslim League members had joined the government with the sole aim of holding the Congress to ransom, lest their claims for Pakistan failed. In early Sixties, when this writer visited New Delhi’s Central Secretariat to consult the records on the Partition (which were not transferred to the National Archives by then), with the help of former Union Education Secretary Prem Kirpal, he was informed that the discussion on the issue of Pakistan in the interim government witnessed a fiery debate. While the Congress members including Jawaharlal Nehru opposed it, the Muslim League members defended it so much so that Abdul Rab Nashtar rose from his seat and told Nehru, “Who are you to deny us? We shall have Pakistan”. Though there is no record of this incident, it indicates the bitter environment in which the interim government was working. Ultimately, when Nehru threatened to resign, this paved the way for the acceptance of the Pakistan Plan prepared by Lord Mountbatten. When the Congress leaders insisted on the advancement of the transfer of power, the date was changed from June 1948 to August 15, 1947. Consequently, decisions were taken in a tearing hurry to divide the country. The Lord Wavell Plan was rejected because it suggested piecemeal transfer of power. In the whole exercise, the sanest advice came from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. He was of the view that India should wait for some more time because he was against the creation of
Pakistan. The writer is a former Professor and Head, Department of Historical Studies, Punjabi University, Patiala |
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Meaning of austerity The
great sage Gautam Buddha has suggested a middle path for life. He advised humans not to wallow in opulence and too many comforts but also not to torment their bodies with the kind of torture suggested by his contemporary Vardhaman Mahavir. Buddha had also advised to adopt simple life styles to attain the final salvation. So austerity has some symbolic significance for the Indian mind. Indians would not make a virtue out of poverty and sacrifice of every comfort of life but they certainly enjoy a simple life and revere those who have wealth and yet adopt a simple life. This meaning is lost on the young generation, particularly those who have worked or been educated in the western style of education system at home or abroad. Shashi Tharoor also could not understand why Congress president Sonia Gandhi recommended austerity for her party men, especially those holding offices. Perhaps Tharoor has been too much of comfort while working at the United Nations that he would idea of travelling by the economy class an abhorrent one. He naturally reacted in a phrase to which he has been used when he described the economy class as the cattle class. And he could be audacious in calling others holding offices as holy cows. The austerity recommended by the Congress president was not an instinctive response to the situation developing because of threat of scarcities due to inclement weather conditions and insufficient rains. It was an imposed decision. The bright professional minds could not understand why such a pretense? How much can be saving by reducing to the economy class while traveling as ministers or members of Parliament. Many did not react openly to this pretense though they have inwardly felt it because they are professionals who have received the best education that their parents could buy them. Their parents have also organised their holding a political office. More than 30 young MPs of the 15th Lok Sabha have had the best education because their parents could afford it. None had a great achievement to their credit before their entry into political arena. But they were called when the time came by their parents to come and shoulder the responsibility of holding an office either through a popular mandate or through a back door entry into the Rajya Sabha. They did not have to slog their years among rank and file and take up the public causes to earn the gratitude of masses and thus their vote as well. Their parents had slogged instead before they could force the party high command to nominate their child. However, the new generation cannot see and feel pains of the toiling masses because their parents had never allowed them such an opportunity as Gautam’s father had also kept him isolated from all those suffering from poverty, pain and old age. Most of them would have seen a steam locomotive only in rail museums. A ride in bullock cart was not even thinkable as even a train journey for them was a novelty. They belong to a fast age and are used to only plane journey. Consequently, they have remained isolated from the realities of life that nearly 70 per cent of Indians do eke out. So a group of young MPs of different parties had to organise a special visit to a Madhya Pradesh village in the last Lok Sabha to actually see how villagers live. What learnt from their experience remained their private affair. The young men invariably come up with suggestions and solutions that are pet theories of solutions that are imagined and devised by rich middle class socialites. They believe that solutions of the myriad problems of India were beyond comprehension and adaptation by the dhoti-clad politicians. But they also do not understand why the dhoti-clad class forgets its political and ideological differences and unites the strength to shun and deride the new professionals. Professionals fail to understand that their ideas might earn them praises from the middle class but it does not touch lives of the poor. Union HRD Minister Kapil Sibal unfolded his vision for educational reforms within 100 days and also announced setting up of seven new higher technical education institutes. He also preferred to abolish examinations for Class X. However, his reform programme did not include strengthening infrastructure and quality of education at primary and secondary level that directly affects the poor masses. The social activists might heap praises of the minister for providing the constitutional right of education for children. But it does not provide facilities for free travel to and fro slums where child resides and school which is at a long distance. So slum child will remain in his residence and school would still be a distant dream despite the constitutional right. Such need never occurred to Mr Sibal and his advisers because none of them have felt and perceived conditions of slum children. Shashi Tharoor’s peep in the life of Harijan on his village in Kerala in his childhood was because Dalit boys were made to sit separately when food was served. He had come across a Dalit woman who had occupied an IAS officer’s chair in his district. He saw her grand success but could not have a comprehensive idea of her struggle, her pain and her ordeal of life to attain that distinction. Tharoor has given an elaborate account of these episodes in his book on Freedom. He is more adept at using the American slang as the cattle class for economy class suggests. Tharoor must have been taken aback at the sharp reactions within the party with Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot demanding his resignation. Tharoor cannot understand that 80 per cent of passengers in the country belong to the cattle class as they cannot afford to travel by any other class even in trains. Tharoor and other professionals would need to understand that in the national politics, you have to woo voters who actually come to polling booth to cast their votes and not for the class that can be held spell bound by the novel ideas. One needs to accept that they are creative class and can generate wealth for distribution among the poor. But new politicians cannot follow the man who said, “You must always talk of poor and poverty. It costs nothing.” Because poor are conscious and the cost is their
votes.
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On Record
Dr Bibhab Kumar Talukdar
is a prominent environment, wildlife expert and Ashoka Fellow. He is in the chair of IUCN/SSC and Asian Rhino Specialist Group. He is also Member, IUCN Commission of Ecosystem Management, Steering Committee of Project Elephant and National Wildlife Board. He is also associated with many international and national bodies on environment and wildlife. In an interview to The Tribune in Guwahati, he stressed the need for protecting biodiversity in the North-east. Excerpts: Q: How do you see the role of the North-east in the perspective of global warming? Can it be India’s oxygen bank and at what cost? A:
North-East India is a major hotspot of biodiversity. Its forest cover is a precious green lung for the region. More worrying than climate change is our apathy towards environmental degradation. Development is imperative for humankind. But ecological security cannot be compromised. Development must ensure that everyone gets proper food, shelter, education and health. Growth does not mean that 50 per cent of the population will have modern cars and the rest remain poor. For the North-east, we need a growth model which will be environmentally least damaging as also ensure resources to the people for enhancing their livelihood. Maintenance of the forest cover is a must for sustainable development and reducing the ill-effects of climate change and deforestation. Q: What danger does development pose to the environment in the North-east across the frontiers? A:
Our North-east region has some hostile neighbours. Thus, possibly, we shall be losing more forest cover in the border areas. The pace of development is too slow due to socio-political instability. However, deforestation is going on at rapid scale due to the conversion of forest land for non-forestry purposes as also because of large-scale encroachment. The Government of India should have regular dialogue with neighbouring countries and make a joint effort to secure the future of wildlife and forests. Development projects should be scientifically sound and least damaging to the environment. Q: Do you advocate any specific environment policy for the North-east? Do the proposed mega dams in Arunachal Pradesh pose a threat to ecological balance in the region? A:
Yes, this region deserves a sub-regional environmental policy with due balance of growth and conservation. It needs electricity and a few dams, but the region is highly seismic and the soil formations are geologically new. Thus, the region could be served better through small-to-medium dams that will reduce catastrophe, displacement of people and degradation of forest cover. Q:
The downstream impact of big dams is much higher and the government should ensure the people’s safety first rather than just looking for development.
Q: How do you assess the North-east’s rich ecology in improving the common people’s quality of life? A:
The forest resources of the North-east have been supporting the livelihood of many people, specially the tribals residing adjacent to the forests. The food, fodder, water etc. are being derived from the nearby forests. Economic development could also be planned through diverse tourism plan. The North-east is an ideal site for developing and marketing diverse tourism including wildlife, water sports, trekking, cave expedition, cultural tourism etc. Development does not imply just smoke billowing out of a factory chimney. When we talk about it, people in general should have stake and get the benefit of growth activities. Q: What is the adverse impact of prolonged conflict situation on the North-east’s environment, flora and fauna? A:
This region has been facing socio-political unrest due to diverse problems and challenges. This often puts pressure on finite forest resources and a few land mafia and anti-forest lobbies often try to encourage villagers to encroach upon the forest land. About 10-15 per cent of the total forest area is under encroachment in Assam. The more we lose forest the more we lose the diversity in flora and fauna. Moreover, the crux of the socio-political unrest in the region is related to resources. Hence scientific management of resources is
imperative. |
Profile The
Dadasaheb Phalke Award has been conferred on the legendary singer Manna Dey a bit too late. He is 90 and he should have got the honour earlier. Manna Dey had lived in Mumbai for more than 55 years but he has a weakness for Bangalore; it was in this picturesque city that he married Sulochana. He fondly remembers long walks with his wife in Bangalore’s Cubbon Park and Lal Bagh. Manna da and his wife finally decided to move to Bangalore and have been living there with their younger daughter, Shouroma, in a rented house. During his years at Scottish College, he sang to entertain his classmates. He began taking signing lessons from his uncle, Krishna Chandra Dey and Ustad Dabir Khan. During this period, Manna Dey stood first for three consecutive years in three different categories of inter-collegiate singing competition. In 1942, he accompanied Krishna Chandra Dey on a visit to Mumbai. There he started working as an assistant, first under K.C. Dey, and then under Sachin Dev Burman, Later, he assisted other music composers and then started to work independently. While working on his own as music director for various Hindi movies, Manna Dey continued to take lessons in Hindustani classical music from Ustad Aman Ali Khan and Ustad Abdul Rahman Khan. Dey started his career in playback signing with the movie, Tamanna (Desire), in 1943. The musical score was by K.C. Dey and Manna da sang a duet with Suraiya. The song was an instant hit. He sang a solo penned by Sachin Dev Burman, Upar Ganga Vishal, in the 1950 movie Mashal (Torch). In 1952, Manna Dey sang for a Bengali film and a Marathi movie with the same name and storyline — Amar Bhupali. This established him as a leading playback singer. Dey recorded a popular duet, Ketki Gulab Juhi, with classicist Bhimsen Joshi. With Kishore Kumar, he sang duets of different genres such as Yeh Dosti Hum Nehi Torenge (we will not break with friendship) in the blockbuster Sholay and Ek Chatur Naar Kar Ke Singar in Padosan (neighbour). Dey sang with composer-singer Hemant Kumar in Bengali movies. He pioneered a new genre in Indian classical music wherein classical music is blended with pop music. Dey also performed Rabindra Sangeet and has recorded over 3,500 songs. Manna Dey’s autobiography, Memories Come Alive, carries a quote from the noted playback singer Mohammad Rafi. He told journalists: “You listen to my songs; I listen to Manna Dey’s songs only”. A documentary of Dey’s life was released in 2008 by the Manna Dey Sangeet Academy. His last wish is to keep on singing till his last breath. No wonder, his favourite song is: Meera Sab Kuch Mere Geet Re, Geet Bina, Kaun Meera Meet Re (song is everything to me, without song I am nothing). There are some little known facets of Manna da’s personality. He prefers to wash his clothes, buy his grocery. He loves visiting the Anand Restaurant for his idlis and dahi vadas. He just loves meeting people, particularly youngsters. Manna Dey has weakness for sports too. He can discuss with great passion a football match or a player. His love for cricket is also unflinching. In 2003, after landing in Kolkata, he did not go to his house but headed for Eden Gardens for signing a huge bat and thus pledging his support to Saurav Ganguly’s team for the World
Cup.
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