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PERSPECTIVE

A Tribune Special
Tokenism won’t do
Mental health fights for its space, says our Principal Correspondent Aditi Tandon
It is not normal to stare at the walls at night and wish the sun never rises again; to seethe with a sense of worthlessness at the slightest jilt from the one you love, or to believe that you will be better valued dead.


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OPED

Put it in public domain
Review stand on code for ministers
by Dharam Vir
I
n its fourth report on the theme, Ethics in Governance, the Second Administrative Reforms Commission has comprehensively dealt with the issue of corruption in public life, describing it as an important manifestation of failure of ethics. It covers the entire gamut of associated issues like ethical framework for ministers, legislators, civil servants and judiciary; legal framework for fighting corruption, institutional framework including Lok Pal, investigation and prosecution; protection of honest civil servants, protection of whistleblowers; promotion of transparency and reduction of areas of discretion etc.

Profile
Rosaiah rewarded for his rich experience
by Harihar Swarup
A
ndhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah wanted to hang on his boots and retire from active politics on the eve of the elections to the State Assembly which were held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha elections in May 2009. “How can you retire at 77 when there are instances of people working even at the age of 94?” was the question posed by Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy to Rosaiah, who was then his Finance Minister.

On Record
Fillip to India-Saudi ties: Ambassador Trad
by Ashok Tuteja
A
veteran diplomat, Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to India Faisal Hassan Ahmed Trad has served Saudi missions in many important world capitals, including London, Tokyo and Brussels. The 54-year-old new Saudi envoy has also served as his country’s Ambassador to the Arab League in Cairo. He has held key positions in the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs.



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PERSPECTIVE

A Tribune Special
Tokenism won’t do
Mental health fights for its space, says our Principal Correspondent Aditi Tandon

It is not normal to stare at the walls at night and wish the sun never rises again; to seethe with a sense of worthlessness at the slightest jilt from the one you love, or to believe that you will be better valued dead.

However, these and other such psychologically overwhelming feelings are increasingly homing in on vast sections of our people, threatening to bring them psycho-social harm, and daring the public health system to halt, if it can, the march of an advancing mental health epidemic.

Preliminary data from a recent multicentre study on India’s mental health scenario paints a dark picture. It shows 9.6 per cent prevalence of mental disorders. It states that at any given point of time, India has nearly 15 million people suffering from serious psychiatric illnesses and another 30 to 50 million experiencing mild to moderate psychiatric problems.

Over 35 per cent of people seeing general practitioners in the country report some kind of psycho-social condition that demands urgent attention but gets missed to an ill-equipped system which is as misdirected, when it comes to mental health, as it is underfed. With the result, mental illness has come to account for 43 per cent of the disability in the developing world, particularly India which has miserably failed to address or even de-stigmatise the sector.

A recent WHO study of mental illness burden on health and productivity revealed that such disorders, including depression-induced suicides, ranked second (after all cardiovascular conditions put together), accounting for 15 per cent of the burden of disease even in established economies like the US. This is more than the burden of all cancers put together.

India, with its population of over one billion, figures prominently among the nations most vulnerable to mental health burden, given its insufficient infrastructure and mental health professionals. India has one bed per 40,000 mentally ill and three psychiatrists for a million people.

Top this up with a mental health programme with no budget of its own. Mental health, despite its hazards, remains part of general health services in India, never quite managing its due, considering health itself pockets barely 1 per cent of the GDP as budget.

What the country does have in the name of a mental health policy is the National Mental Health Programme (NMHP) running since 1982 and confined still to 123 districts. Expansion of the programme has been poor as the outcome, with NMHP not even having any inbuilt evaluation mechanism or space for research and community participation.

It was recently revised to address the issue of rising morbidity due to mental disorders but remains to be approved by the Planning Commission which insisted upon knowing previous outcomes before clearing the Health Ministry’s Rs 433-crore demand for extending the programme to an additional 325 districts. Strangely, the approving body once asked the Health Ministry to locate its projects only in “districts with actual burden”, not realising the extent of spread of the epidemic, which affects the rural and urban equally.

Talk about coping mechanisms and there seem none. While the US, the UK and other developed nations have psychiatry as a separate discipline under medical education, India has the stream tagged along with medicine. Enquiries reveal that of the 142-week MBBS course a student undergoes at a medical college, he/she is taught psychiatry for just two weeks, which makes 20 hours of lecture!

“For one-third of mentally disturbed patients (0.33 per cent) a medical graduate sees on an average, he just has 1/71 (0.14 per cent) exposure to the relevant discipline. This is a gross discrepancy. The need of the hour is to strengthen psychiatry education at the MBBS level and train medical graduates to identify and treat mental conditions.

“We have proposed these changes to the Health Ministry. But we also need students to take up psychiatry, which comes with its challenges of attitudes and stigma,” says Dr Rajesh Sagar, Associate Professor of Psychiatry at AIIMS and Secretary to the Central Mental Health Authority, notified in 1993 after the Mental Health Act came into force.

It is another matter that this Authority never had any office in the Capital and is still clamouring for one. It barely gets to meet every six months, as mandated by the law. It last met on August 13 this year, one and a half years after the previous meeting. Virtually defunct itself, the Authority can hardly exercise powers over the states, majority of whom have not set up state mental health authorities to steer programmes in the sector.

However, as a psychiatrist, Dr Sagar does every bit he can to help people over the hump. He is among the few experts who did not leave for the UK. Emphasising the need for enhanced focus on psychiatry at the MBBS level, the expert says, “Only one per cent of all mentally ill require in-house treatment at a psychiatric facility. The rest can be managed with adequate and timely access to care.”

However, care remains elusive and the sector stigmatised, with society still mentioning mental health issues in whispers. Currently, India has about 3,000 psychiatrists, all in urban areas. Rural heartlands are in complete neglect even when epidemiological surveys have shown the prevalence of mental morbidity in both urban and rural areas. In villages, magico-religious healing is still the norm, with tantriks running riot and playing havoc with the dignity of the ailing.

Yet budgets for IEC (information, education and communication) in mental health remain poor. All attempts on the part of the Health Ministry to muster enhanced outlays for awareness generation in the sector have gone in vain. A proposal of Rs 100 crore sent last year for the approval of the Finance Ministry and the Planning Commission came back with a note to reduce the budget by half!

If that was less, the UPA government’s flagship National Rural Health Mission, with massive allocations in its kitty, makes no mention at all of psycho-social disorders. “We are still concentrating on communicable disease burden under the NRHM, not the non-communicable burden,” says Union Health Secretary Naresh Dayal.

Contrarily, the logic extended for linking mental health with general health services in the country is its “near-equal prevalence” in rural and urban India. In reality, however, there is no linkage. Ground reports suggest that psychiatric social workers deployed in rural areas are being forced now to train villagers to administer medicines to the mentally ill.

“There is no option. People come to us by the hordes. We prescribe them medicines but there is no one to administer. We need to train people or else the patient will relapse, bringing our efforts to a naught,” says a ground worker.

There is in fact a rising clamour in the community to abandon overemphasis on psychiatrists and promote alternative service models that are community-based and integrated into social and healthcare networks. The Mental Health Act is severely limiting as it mandates all in-house facilities for mentally ill to either have a psychiatrist in-charge or as an associate.

This remains impossible given the dearth of psychiatrists in India (the gap is 74 per cent). A case in point is Arunachal Pradesh which, in 2006, sought the Supreme Court’s permission to set up a mental health facility in the state. The facility hasn’t come up because there is no psychiatrist available.

“All we are seeking is a shift from the policy of unnecessary dependence on psychiatrists for everything. A lot of the mentally ill can be treated through timely counselling and support. We need a new mental health programme which recognises the need for trauma counsellors, rehabilitation professionals, caregivers and people trained in basic mental healthcare delivery. It’s time we understood that mental health is not a property of the Health Ministry. We must empower the community to handle the rising burden of disease on account of mental disorders. We must also ask ourselves why Erwadi happened in the first place?” questions Roma Bhagat, the lawyer who recently got the Medical Council of India to increase 125 seats in PG psychiatry for the first time in 47 years.

At Erwadi in Tamil Nadu, where 28 chained mentally retarded people charred to death in August 2001, the saga of pain continues. Enquiries conducted post August 2001 revealed that relatives of those who had died in the fire at a private mental facility had come there only as the last resort.

Some had changed eight residences and had been tired of neighbours’ complaints; some faced a choice between caring for the ward and making a living; some just could not cope with the back-breaking responsibility of care-giving.

“Had there been any form of institutional support, why would people leave their wards anywhere like that? In the developed world, the mentally ill are trained by government facilities to identify factors that trigger their condition, to accomplish basic tasks like making phone calls or reaching out for help. Here, we brush everything under the carpet and pretend everything is fine. But the reality is different. Erwadi still has its share of mentally ill. Only they are no longer sheltered and fed,” says Bhagat, citing mental healthcare delivery as the single largest challenge before the government.

However, that won’t come easy, with India still managing with just 36 government mental hospitals, their average age being 84.7 years; the oldest in Chennai is 204 years old. About living conditions in these places, the less said the better. A National Human Rights Commission survey on their quality concluded, “These are not hospitals. These are dumping grounds where relatives leave their wards to die.”

Some time back, a mentally retarded boy, on the verge of death, had to be pulled out of the Amritsar mental hospital. In two months of his stay there, he had lost 15 kg. That’s not all. The Gwalior hospital was found to be keeping the mentally ill in nakedness. The alibi? The inmates tear at their clothes. Recently, Ranchi’s Central Institute of Psychiatry, one of the better managed mental hospitals in India , published a list of 98 inmates who were fit to return home but had no home to go to.

Their relatives abandoned them for good while the government never cared to strengthen halfway homes that need to be linked to every mental hospital as per existing laws. But the issue is stuck between two Union ministries – whereas the Health Ministry is supposed to treat the mentally disabled, the Social Justice Ministry is supposed to ensure their rehabilitation. The two have been unable to resolve the matter, while thousands of treated patients wait for a chance to get some place where they can be identified as “normal”.

Those that do have homes endure other kinds of problems. A fortnight ago, the mentally-ill brother of a once-successful woman executive (she left her job to care for her brother) in Delhi tried to strangulate her. Nowhere to go, the woman struggled to let go of her brother, who gets manic strength every time he is in a fit.

“I got no help,” she says, baring the rot in the system. Shockingly, India does not have a single ambulance to take care of a psychiatric emergency. When caregivers call for one, ambulances hardly turn up. Even if they do, they never have the paramedical staff trained to handle the mentally ill.

As for psychiatrists, currently India has 211 recognised medical colleges offering PG courses. Of these, only 101 are offering PG in psychiatry. Recently, the MCI agreed to add 125 seats by relaxing teaching norms which earlier required a unit of three — professor, assistant professor and lecturer — to coach two PG and one diploma student in psychiatry. Now on, one such unit can teach three PG psychiatry students and four if the college has no diploma course on offer.

However, activists term the gesture as tokenism, shown to escape the larger question of manpower shortage in a sector that’s also impacting children now. WHO’s reports on global disease burden indicate that by 2020, childhood neuropsychiatric disorders will rise by 50 per cent, internationally, to become one of the five most common causes of morbidity, mortality and disability among children.

One-fifth of teenagers will suffer from developmental or emotional problems while one in eight will have a mental disorder (the rate being one in five among the disadvantaged). “We are seeing a lot of children now. Most of them are victims of bullying and come with severe depression,” says Dr Sagar.

With dangers so pronounced and stark, it won’t any longer suffice to have laws and no political will at all. The government can’t excuse itself by saying that it has after all recognised mental illness as a disability under the Persons with Disabilities Act, 1995. The fact remains that laws don’t guarantee rights unless honestly implemented. To date, a mentally ill person in the national capital has to still invest, on an average, 30 visits to a government office to get his disability certificate, showed a recent study.

Another tragedy is the reigning lack of understanding about the difference between mental illness and mental retardation. While the latter is a congenital condition characterised by low IQ, the former can manifest at any age and is curable if diagnosed in time.

But that does not happen due to dearth of facilities. On top of this, India is yet to figure out ways of ending the trauma of caregivers of the mentally ill. As per the Mental Health Act, a mentally ill person must present himself in the court to get himself a guardian.

“The mentally retarded on the other hand are spared this trauma. Covered under the National Trust formed to sort out guardianship issues for patients of mental retardation, cerebral palsy, autism and multiple disabilities, they can have their parents apply to a local authority for appointment of a guardian of choice,” says Ajay Mehdiratta, a parent, ruing the discrimination.

No wonder, caregivers of the mentally ill are now dumping the existing laws for easier options. Many of them are learnt to be paying off government officials to get the less-harassing “mentally retarded” tag for their ward, whose dark world, they hope, will some day shine bright. But for the system which remains dull and disabling as ever.

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OPED

Put it in public domain
Review stand on code for ministers
by Dharam Vir

In its fourth report on the theme, Ethics in Governance, the Second Administrative Reforms Commission has comprehensively dealt with the issue of corruption in public life, describing it as an important manifestation of failure of ethics. It covers the entire gamut of associated issues like ethical framework for ministers, legislators, civil servants and judiciary; legal framework for fighting corruption, institutional framework including Lok Pal, investigation and prosecution; protection of honest civil servants, protection of whistleblowers; promotion of transparency and reduction of areas of discretion etc.

Among the important recommendations accepted by the UPA government are laws for the protection of whistleblowers and a Serious Frauds Office for looking into cases of serious economic offences. Additionally, it has been agreed that a law for forfeiture of property of corrupt public servants would be enacted as recommended by the Law Commission in 1999; and that steps would be taken for the implementation of the Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Act, 1988.

The Centre has accepted ARC recommendations relating to the protection of honest civil servants, simplification of procedures and reduction of areas for exercise of discretionary powers and effective monitoring of complaints. Operational guidelines of all developmental schemes and citizen centric programmes would provide for a social audit mechanism for ensuring their proper implementation. The civil society will be involved in the assessment and maintenance of ethics in government offices.

However, the Centre has not accepted the proposal for dispensing with the requirement of prior sanction for prosecution of a public servant who has been trapped red-handed or in cases of possessing assets disproportionate to the known sources of income. It has also turned down the suggestion for fixing time limits for various stages of trial under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

Holding that cleansing elections is the most important route to improve ethical standards in politics, curb corruption and rectify maladministration, the ARC has recommended a system of partial state funding of elections. It has also recommended debarring of candidates with criminal antecedents from contesting elections; mandatory disclosure of audited statements of income and expenditure accounts of the political parties in the public domain; vesting the power (currently with the Speaker) of disqualification of legislators on grounds of defection in the President/Governor acting on the Election Commission’s advice; fresh mandate in case a political party in a coalition realigns midstream with another party outside the coalition and so on.

The ARC has recommended a broad-based system of selection for appointment of the Election Commissioners, including the Chief Election Commissioner, through a collegium which will include inter alia the Leader of the Opposition and the Presiding officers of both Houses of Parliament.

While the Centre has not taken any decision on these recommendations, it has rejected the suggestion for amending Articles 105 (2) and 194 (2) of the Constitution to provide that the immunity enjoyed by the legislators does not cover corrupt acts committed by them in connection with their duties in the House or otherwise.

The Government of India has already prescribed a code of conduct, applicable to ministers at the Centre and in the states, which inter alia requires the ministers to submit details of their assets and liabilities to the Prime Minister/Chief Minister on first appointment and annually thereafter and also provides a comprehensive framework for avoidance of conflict of interest. The scope of the code of conduct extends to minister’s family members. The code of ethics is not in the public domain.

The code of ethics seeks to enjoin upon the minister to promote and uphold the political impartiality of the civil service; to act objectively, impartially, honestly, equitably, diligently and in a fair and just manner; to ensure that public money is used with utmost economy and care; to function in such a manner as to serve as instruments of good governance; and not to use government resources for party or political purposes.

According to the government report card, the ARC’s recommendations have been considered by an Empowered Committee and it has been decided that the code of ethics is not necessary in view of the existing code of conduct.

The ARC has strongly argued in favour of the Prime Minister’s exclusion from the Lok Pal Bill which has been on the anvil for nearly 40 years now. It has recommended a constitutional amendment for making it mandatory for the states to establish Lokayuktas and also suggested a broad framework for such institutions.

While the government has accepted the recommendation for Lokayuktas, no decision has been taken on the Lok Pal on the ground that the issues relating to the Lok Pal Bill are being addressed independently in a comprehensive manner. The government has accepted a related recommendation for an Ombudsman to investigate cases against the functionaries of Urban Local Bodies and Panchayati Raj institutions.

The government has displayed commendable transparency in making public its response to the ARC recommendations. Time is of the essence, and while urgent steps should be taken to effectively implement the accepted recommendations, action on other matters which are stated to be separately under consideration should also be fast-tracked.

What is prima facie good and doable need not be held hostage to what might be an elusive best. For example on the issue of debarring of candidates with criminal antecedents from contesting elections, a minimalist acceptable definition of what constitutes criminal antecedents can be the starting point for enacting the proposed legislation.

Similarly, instead of waiting for a consensus on the PM’s inclusion, the Lok Pal Bill may be enacted covering other functionaries. Also, consistent with the rare near-unanimity of the political class on the issue of public disclosure of assets of members of the higher judiciary, the government needs to revisit its stand on the code of conduct and code of ethics for ministers, particularly on the ARC’s recommendation for placing the instances of infractions in the public domain.

The writer is a former Deputy Comptroller and Auditor General of India

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Profile
Rosaiah rewarded for his rich experience
by Harihar Swarup

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah wanted to hang on his boots and retire from active politics on the eve of the elections to the State Assembly which were held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha elections in May 2009. “How can you retire at 77 when there are instances of people working even at the age of 94?” was the question posed by Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy to Rosaiah, who was then his Finance Minister.

YSR decided to bring Rosaiah to the Legislative Council, ensuring a secure six-year term to him irrespective of whether the Congress returns to power or not. The Congress romped home with a majority and Rosaiah was again made the Finance Minister.

YSR, however, was of the view that politicians should retire at 60. Having entered active politics at 30, he became a cabinet minister at an early age. He missed several opportunities to become CM and that might have prompted him to moot the ‘retirement at 60’ plan for Congress veterans. While persuading Rosaiah not to retire, he told him “who knows who will go first”.

The man who advocated 60 years as retirement age kept his word. It was a stroke of irony that YSR was destined to die just 100 days after he rode to power for a second time.

The Congress High Command is in no mood to replace Rosaiah. On its part, the Jaganmohan Reddy camp has mellowed down and relented pressure on the Central leadership to elevate YSR’s son to the top post. Indications are that the status quo may be maintained. Supporters of Jaganmohan have made it clear that they are loyal Congressmen and are not going against the Central leadership.

A non-controversial figure, Rosaiah is the seniormost of the late YSR’s cabinet, having wide and varied experience. Over the years, he has held six public offices.

He was a member of the Legislative Council from 1968 to 1985 and Leader of the Opposition in the Council twice (1978-79 and 1983-85). Rosaiah made his mark as the Finance Minister, having played a vital role in the growth of Andhra Pradesh.

Rosaiah has the distinction of working with five Congress chief ministers. For the first time, he became a Cabinet Minister under Dr M. Chenna Reddy way back in 1979 and in his second term Dr Reddy entrusted him with the Finance portfolio. T. Anjiah inducted him in his government in 1980 as Transport and Housing Minister. K.Vijay Bhaskar Reddy too included him in his ministry and allocated him the key portfolio of Home and also entrusted him with Finance department.

When N. Janardhana Reddy headed the government, Rosaiah retained the Finance portfolio.

From September 2004, Rosaiah excelled as Finance Minister in YSR’s cabinet. He created a record, having presented the budget as many as 15 times, of which five were consecutive. He was Finance Minister of Dr Chenna Reddy, Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy and YSR.

He ensured that teachers received retirement benefits. During 2009 elections he reduced the burden of YSR by handling the administration and enabling the Chief Minister and his ministerial colleagues to concentrate on poll campaign.

Rosaiah was also PCC President from 1995 to 1997. In 1998, he was elected to the Lok Sabha. He was actively involved with the Congress party since his student days.

Even though he became synonymous with finance, he handled many portfolios such as Home, Legislative Affairs, Roads and Buildings, Medical and Health and Transport in the Chenna Reddy, Anjiah, Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy and Janardhana Reddy governments.

Rosaiah is known to be a deeply religious person. He is also very particular about rules and regulations and has respect for established conventions and practices.

Rosaiah broke down while announcing the death of YSR in a helicopter crash. He poignantly observed: “I had never imagined I would have to announce this bad news. I am not able to digest it. The man who was working with us till the other day suddenly disappeared.”

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On Record
Fillip to India-Saudi ties: Ambassador Trad
by Ashok Tuteja

Faisal Hassan Ahmed Trad
Faisal Hassan Ahmed Trad

A veteran diplomat, Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to India Faisal Hassan Ahmed Trad has served Saudi missions in many important world capitals, including London, Tokyo and Brussels. The 54-year-old new Saudi envoy has also served as his country’s Ambassador to the Arab League in Cairo. He has held key positions in the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In an interaction with The Tribune, the Ambassador covered a wide range of issues between India and Saudi Arabia on the bilateral front as well as the situation in West Asia.

Excerpts:

Q: How do you look at India-Saudi Arabia ties?

A: I believe the India-Saudi Arabia relationship has a lot to be achieved. Even the sky is not the limit for our relations. A new chapter in the relationship was opened when Saudi King Abdullah visited India as the chief guest of the Indian Government for the Republic Day in 2006.

I believe that the process was largely initiated with the signing of the ‘Delhi Declaration’ by King Abdullah — this is the first time the King has signed such a document. Normally, we have the experience of ‘Joint Declaration’ or “Joint Communique’ but to sign such an agreement or declaration definitely signals the importance that both countries attach to each other.

Q: How about trade and cultural ties between the two countries?

A: The commercial, economic and cultural ties between India and Saudi Arabia have expanded hugely since 2006. Since that historic visit, several important agreements were concluded — education and higher education, investment, avoiding double taxation, health and civil aviation. The joint commission is an important tool between the two countries to enhance cooperation.

It held its seventh round in Delhi in 2006 and is now preparing for the eighth round in Riyadh during the end of October or early November. Since 2006, the trade figures have shown a huge increase.

Q: When is Prime Minister Manmohan Singh likely to visit Saudi Arabia?

A: The Saudi King shares a very close and personal relationship with the Indian Prime Minister and we are looking forward to the visit. In fact, several dates were exchanged for the visit…unfortunately those dates could not be confirmed but there is willingness and there is a great importance attached to this visit by both sides.

Q: What are the agreements the two countries are looking at for inking in the coming days?

A: A lot of ground is being paved for more agreements. We have in the tube a memorandum of understanding (MOU) between Nayeeb Arab University for Security Science in Riyadh and Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis in India, a cooperation agreement between Saudi Press Agency and Press Trust of India, and an MOU between Indian Institute of Sciences, Bangalore, and King Saudi University in Riyadh for cooperation in the field of research application, among others.

Another important agreement is on an extradition treaty between the Home Ministries of the two countries; and pact on transfer of sentenced prisoners.

Q: How do you assess the role of Indians working in Saudi Arabia?

A: The Indian community is the largest expatriate group in Saudi Arabia. Indian expatriates are preferred in the kingdom due to their expertise, work discipline, moderate behaviour and law-abiding nature. They have contributed enormously to the Saudi economy for years.

Q: Any new project that Saudi Arabia proposes to launch in India?

A: The Jamia Millia Islamia University will soon have an ultra modern multi-million riyal (Saudi currency) medical centre with support from Saudi Arabia.

Q: Are you satisfied with India’s position on the situation in the Middle East?

A: The two countries have identical views on issues affecting the peace and security of the Middle East. Riyadh and New Delhi also share common concerns on issues like terrorism, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East peace process.

Q: How do you look at your new assignment in New Delhi?

A: I would strive to further boost ties between the two countries during my tenure. There is a 1000-year history between our two lands. In fact, Saudi Arabia and India share a heritage that dates back several millennia...for centuries, traders from the Arabian Peninsula crossed the Hindukush and the Arabian Sea to exchange commodities and ideas.

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