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Not a Utopian idea
On Record Profile
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A Tribune Special Modernisation must be stepped up, say Gulshan Luthra and Air Marshal Ashok Goel (retd)
THE Indian Air Force (IAF) needs everything: new aircraft, helicopters, sensors, precision engagement systems, weapons, electronic warfare platforms, AWACs, midair refueling, long-range night attack capability, secure connectivity, anti-missile capability, well-protected modern airbases, space assets, Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) and more. Why so? Will it not involve too much expenditure? Of course, Yes. After all, it has The costs indeed are heavy. We had thought initially that it would be around US$ 35 billion, then $ 70 billion. We were wrong. At the recent National Seminar of Aerospace Technologies (N-SAT) held by the India Strategic defence magazine, Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal F.H. Major, said that the Indian aerospace sector needed an investment of $ 100 billon in the coming years, pointing out also that IAF was already under a major transformation. The results, he added, would be visible within the next decade. The Air Chief was merely stating the fact that the Indian Air Force is under an overall “transformation.” He did not indicate any timeline, but did say that the estimated expenditure did not cover only aircraft and systems, but developments like airbases, infrastructure, and so on. He mentioned the approximate figures of financial implications while inviting the industry to invest in the aerospace sector, which also entailed an offsets element of 30 per cent – or a $ 30 billion opportunity – as mandated now by the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) of the Indian Defence Ministry. He also assured that IAF took its responsibility of protecting the country seriously, and that nothing but the best would be acquired. No Chief of Air Staff has ever given such an indication before. But the scale of IAF’s modernisation programme now has also never been matched in India’s history. IAF has never suffered the obsolescence of its systems as today. Air Chief Major said: “IAF is in a very comprehensive modernisation programme. We are at various stages in the induction of a wide range of equipment which includes all types of aircraft, weapons, missiles, sensors, communications equipment etc. We are even upgrading our airfield infrastructure, laboratories and maintenance facilities. “The scale is simply immense. We are looking for state-of-the-art equipment and we will not settle for the second best.” It would be appropriate to recall here that the Indian armed forces as well as the intelligence organisations suffered badly due to the virtual ban by the political leadership in 1990 on all acquisitions in the light of the ill-fated Bofors acquisition programme. It was not easy for the system to restart, particularly as the ban had been imposed by the then Prime Minister himself. The routine process of replacement and augmentation could be triggered again only by the 1999 Kargil War following Pakistan’s occupation of mountaintops on the Indian side of the Line of Control (LoC) in an attempt to cut off parts of Kashmir from India. Much to its horror, the government of the day was told that the Army neither had munitions for its Bofors guns nor appropriate clothing for troops to fight in icy heights, the Navy had no protection for its ships against enemy missile attacks, and the Air Force had no helicopters to attack intruding Pakistani soldiers in mountaintops. If we heard every now and then about the inadequacy of equipment with the Indian armed forces, the Kargil War was an eye opener. The IAF has been wanting new aircraft to replace the bulk of its strength consisting of Soviet vintage assortment of Migs, the Army wants tanks and artillery guns, and the Navy new ships and anti-missile capability. Technology is the key and common element in all the systems any of the three services acquire. As the armed forces did not buy much for long, the need of the hour also clearly implies that they buy the best and the latest to take advantage of their late start. As for IAF, the Air Chief pointed out that the “drivers of aerospace power are markedly different from those” of the surface combatants. “The components of aerospace power are inherently dependent upon technology, and technology largely dictates performance and capability.” He noted that an air force has to possess an advantage in terms of the quality of equipment, and a demonstrated superiority in tactics and training, saying that “accessibility to and availability of timely and appropriate technology is often the impediment.” Most of the platforms made in the 1980s did not have modular concepts; this changed in the 1990s. In the 21st century, particularly for India, it makes sense to update and upgrade the equipment of its armed forces. But then, most of our equipment is of the 1970s Soviet vintage, and there is nothing much one can do than to strap on a little booster shot here and there. The first requirement is to have platforms, in adequate numbers, with sophisticated onboard technology. Technology that can be pulled out like a chip or a computer bus, and replaced with a better module periodically. By the very nature of its requirements, an air force is powered by hi-tech. Aircraft have to fly, operate intrusive missions, evading hostile radars and fire, and come back safely after delivering results. If there is a war, and unfortunately possibilities always exist, only an air force can take the war to an enemy’s territory. It is an old principle that battles must be fought “not on my territory but on yours.” Former Air Chief Marshal S.P. Tyagi, during whose tenure a couple of years ago the IAF finalised the parameters for acquiring 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (M-MRCA) to replace its mostly Mig 21 squadrons, elucidated this principle very well at the seminar. India is a peaceful country, unlikely ever to initiate a conflict. But, he pointed out, if forced into war, “only the IAF can be a delivery vehicle to inflict punishment on an aggressor where he is.” Four years ago, in the columns of this esteemed newspaper, we had first disclosed that the number of IAF squadrons was falling down. The government had decided in 1961 to give the IAF 65 combat squadrons, or 1150 fighter jets, keeping in mind the security scenario on the western and north-eastern borders. It was reduced to 45, but actually, their number never exceeded 39, or a little more than 700 aircraft. More than 300 of these were Mig 21s, a majority of whom are already being phased out, and are due to be replaced gradually by the Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (M-MRCA), the process for acquiring 126-plus of whom is already under way. As for the combat aircraft, IAF’s focus now is to rely on its growing fleet of powerful SU 30MKIs for long range air dominance, the MRCAs for routine patrols and engagement if needed around the borders, the upgraded Jaguars for deep strikes, and Mig 29s and Mirage 2000s to augment the air defence. By 2016-17, according to Air Chief Major, IAF should also lay its hands on the futuristic Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) in collaboration with Russia. As for the MRCAs, for whom six manufacturers have submitted proposals in response to tenders, their field trials are expected to begin by February or March, and the air force expects the first batch of 18 off the shelf supplies from the selected manufacturer by 2012-13. The focus of IAF was well defined by Vice Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal P.V. Naik, who said that recent conflicts had demonstrated the necessity of network centric warfare capability, and cutting edge technologies in the fields of surveillance, targeting, avionics and weapon lethality. He specified: Apparently, the future combat fleet of the IAF would be largely multi-role, with air dominance capability in accordance with India’s strategic requirements to secure its trade routes, say from the Strait of Malacca in the East to the Gulf of Aden in the West. And perhaps beyond. India’s FGFA would be a piloted aircraft, but gradually, the air force would rely on steadily increasing induction of unmanned aircraft, technically designated Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, which are already being used for surveillance around the borders. At a later date, say by around 2030, as their developments mature and they become affordable, their combat versions or Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) would be used, piloted remotely from distant grounds. Classified video recordings have shown US drones sniping successfully at individual targets one by one in the war zones of Afghanistan and Iraq. It’s our estimate that by 2050, at least one-fourth of the Indian Air Force would consist of UCAVs. A fair target though should be 50:50. At the moment, the only high-powered combat aircraft with IAF are the Russian-built SU-30MKI. Besides being new, these are also the only ones with both long reach and precision engagement capability. In fact, during the recent four-nation Red Flag exercise held in the US, the SU-30 MKI pilots distinguished themselves, despite the fact that they did not operate all their systems so as not to give away some of their secrets. This was the first time ever that the IAF took part in such a large simulated war scenario with three other air forces, and with at least 80 aircraft at any time in the air day or night. Interestingly, when, as part of the exercise, the US Air Force fiddled with its GPS constellation to mislead the participating aircraft, the Indian Sukhois were not affected as they automatically switched to the Russian Glonass system. The US, French and South Korean aircraft did not have this advantage. Significantly, IAF already has a plan to build its own satellite constellation and use the GPS and Glonass as well. That is another key element of IAF’s modernisation in the future. The acquisition of the SU 30MKIs was a fortunate decision, although there was some opposition even from former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Russia has delivered 60 of them as completely built units as contracted and production of another 170 has commenced in India with a production rate now exceeding 20 per year. The IAF is upgrading its Mirage 2000 to Mirage 2005 standards, enhancing its performance above the original capability and to extend the aircraft’s life by another 20 years. Thales of France is negotiating with IAF in this regard. The Mig 29 is similarly being upgraded with better target acquisition systems under a contract with Russia to integrate some western avionics also. The IAF has inducted the BAE Systems-built advanced jet trainer Hawk to enable its pilots to convert to any fighter jet. But for the IAF to declare “Mission Accomplished,” political will is imperative to give it equipment and capability to reach and engage an aggressor on his territory. The modernisation process has begun; it needs to continue as scheduled by the Air Headquarters. The writers are defence analysts. |
Not a Utopian idea
THE ghost of Marshall McLuhan must have smiled in grim satisfaction if he was Compelling as the visuals of the actual Mumbai terrorist strikes were, the coverage of the aftermath too held one spell-bound as it showed an unprecedented and spontaneous outpouring of public sentiment. When McLuhan posited famously, in the 1960s, that “the medium was the message”, he was reminding people that they often tend to focus on the obvious; missing out the more subtle changes wrought in society and culture by a new innovation. TV is certainly new to India, but one of the unintended consequences of the traumatic events in Mumbai was that the medium of television indeed became the message, as it provided a handy vehicle for the public to vent its disappointment, anguish and outrage at the manner in which they felt the country’s politicians had let them down. The politicians, themselves, in a remarkable imitation of lemmings, have helped boost this image of insensitivity and ineptitude by their thoughtless utterances; also captured and regurgitated endlessly by TV. Our politicians, habituated to being surrounded by jostling crowds and having media attention focused exclusively on themselves, were baffled and resentful of public displays like silent vigils or candle-light marches, which excluded them. Stung badly by unaccustomed and open public criticism, the politicians have also tried to strike back. One worthy, expressing great indignation, posed the pertinent question that India being a democracy, how did people think they would manage without politicians? This is the most appropriate juncture for the ordinary citizen to reflect carefully on this valid and thought-provoking statement. It is no coincidence that doing rounds of the Internet, these days, is a message which encourages people to invoke Section 49-0 of the Conduct of Election Rules 1961. This rule, apparently, allows electors who decide not to vote for any of the contesting candidates to cast their vote for “None of the Above”. It is being said that if the votes cast under 49-0 exceed the votes cast in favour of a candidate, he/she would lose the election. Let us take this logic a little further. In TV (and to a lesser extent in newspapers) the people of India now have a medium which can not only carry messages far and wide but can also serve to unite the masses in a common cause. Since they want to live in a democracy, and they know that politicians are indispensable to democracies, can the people evolve an instrumentality to ensure that our politicians comply with some minimum levels of propriety, and perform the functions for which they were elected? We have seen often enough that the only issue on which MPs of all political persuasions vote unanimously, is the enhancement of their own perks, privileges and allowances. Otherwise, they have not only effectively stymied Parliament with their screaming, shouting, haranguing, and now waving wads of currency notes at each other, but managed to displace “national interest” with emotive issues of religion, caste, region or language, which can be used to inflame passions instantly. They have also taken the political process to the streets, and any issue is good enough to organise illegal dharnas, bandhs and chakka jams. Why have a Parliament if this is how democracy is meant to function? The forthcoming general elections, and the surge of public sentiment against politicians provide a rare window of opportunity, and there is a proposal in this context worth considering. Supposing the citizens of India were to unitedly declare, through the media, a Minimum Common Programme (MCP) for compliance by all political parties wishing to participate in the ensuing elections. Any party which does not publicly declare adoption of this MCP prior to the election would be boycotted by the electorate. The MCP should have four points: The cynics would rightly point out that this is a Utopian idea and that the political parties will find many loopholes to either sabotage the concept or wriggle out of such a commitment. Let us not underestimate the immense power of public opinion, and the recent happenings in Thailand should provide us a good pointer. It is up to the political parties to get together well before the election, and to hammer out modalities of implementing the MCP. If politicians show signs of coalescing in resistance to these proposals, the people too should unite and refuse to participate in elections. Given the dedicated support of the media in this campaign, an irresistible groundswell of public opinion could be created, and the people could, for once, prevail upon the political classes to conduct themselves with responsibility in national
interest. The writer is a former Chief of Naval Staff. |
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On Record
Consortium of Indian Farmers Association (CIFA) Secretary General P. Chengal Reddy has been working as a farmers’ activist for over 25 years. A farmer and lawyer by profession, Reddy now spends his time networking farmers as Commodity Interest Groups and assisting them in training in HRD and other aspects. This week CIFA held a conclave in the Capital to identify issues for inclusion in the Union Budget 2009-10. In an interview to The Sunday Tribune, Reddy says, CIFA is the only non-political farmers’ organisation of India working to build competitiveness of small farmers by evolving a combination of technology, market and farmer partnership
programs. It is working in 25 states in India and organises regular interactions with MPs, holds a pre-budget meeting to identify issues for inclusion in the Union Budget and encourages partnership with markets. Excerpts: Q: What are the most urgent issues concerning farmers should the next government address? A: Augmentation of income is one. Fair pricing of farm produce as per the CNF formula, enhancing irrigation facilities and storing and marketing facilities are other major issues. Providing opportunities for supplementary income by developing dairy, poultry, sheep rearing, piggery, making extension services effective and enhancing yields are other major issues. Q: MSP, whether it is for rice, wheat or sugarcane, has always been a contentious issue though there is an increase in the support price every year. Why? A: It is due to MSPs not even covering C2 costs. The MSP calculations are based on prices prevailing one or two years ago, that too, not based on field realities. Together with lesser apportionment for family labour, lease amount and capital cost of land result in fixing MSP less than cost, a fact brought out by the NCF and the Standing Committee on Agriculture. Consider paddy MSP for example. From 1993 to 1999, the average increase was only Rs 25 and the increase in the next two years was just Rs 20. During 2003-04, there was no increase at all. There is no increase in MSP of sugar cane this year. Q: You also say that the UPA government’s multi-crore loan waiver scheme has not really benefited the farmers. Why? A: It benefited only banks to cleanse their balance sheets. Benefit to farmers accrues only when fresh loans are disbursed. But that did not happen. From April to August this year, agri loan outstanding actually decreased by Rs 11,000 crore, where as there was huge increase for other sectors at the cost of agri sector. The government has not ensured that fresh loans are promptly given to farmers whose loans are waived. Q: You are asking the export ban to be lifted on food grains. Will this not become a threat to the country’s food security? A: The government has procured more than mandated buffer stocks and the grains are rotting in the godowns. This year advance estimates show that paddy production will be a record. So it is beneficial to allow rice exports earning the much-needed foreign exchange. Otherwise, there may be a glut and losses on account of spoilage, which is now Rs 10,000 crore, may increase further. Government policies should be calibrated to match the production and gains of exporting. There is already a glut in cotton market. Q: What will be the CIFA’s message to Indian farmers? A: Our message is simple and straightforward. Farmers’ livelihood is beset with umpteen problems and farming is the riskiest profession. Elect as your representatives who understand farmers’ problems and will advocate, lobby and legislate policies and measures which will ensure that farmers get fair compensation for their toil and travails. Farmers constitute the majority of voters in most constituencies. What is the relevance of the Indian policymakers blindly copying Western models of consumerism, over dependent on service sector and industries? India is predominantly an agriculture-dependent rural economy. It is impractical to shift 50 per cent of rural people (500 million) to urban areas. Making plans to accommodate them in industries is not possible. The best solution is to develop agriculture sustainability by providing huge resources in the next 10 years. The corporate sector must be taxed more and the money thereon must be invested in the rural areas. Or else encourage investment in rural areas by providing tax incentives and other concessions. Encouraging rural artisans, and the village and cottage Industries as envisaged by Mahatma Gandhi is the best solution. Sadly, our so-called economists and policymakers never visit villages and stay there to understand the native
wisdom. |
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Profile Sheilaji’s amiable personality and a largely efficient administration enabled her to convert Delhi from “a City of doom to a City of boom”. This helped in the Congress party’s thumping victory in the Delhi Assembly election. In recent years, only two leaders got three successive terms as Chief Minister. They were Jyoti Basu and Narendra Modi. Sheilaji faced tough challenge when rapidly mounting vehicular pollution, particularly by the city’s 12,000 smoke-emitting diesel buses, began chocking Delhi-ites. The Supreme Court put its foot down and rejected the Delhi Government’s plea to extend the deadline for converting the vehicles to CNG fuel. She was trapped between the apex court’s insistence that only CNG buses would be allowed to ply and the bus operators’ claim that they could not afford to make the intricate and costly conversion. Though under tremendous pressure, she found a way out and the people of Delhi are now breathing fresh air. Sheilaji may legitimately claim to be Delhi’s daughter but she is also the daughter-in-law of the City of fragrance, Kannuaj, a sleepy little town in Uttar Pradesh. Kannuaj, globally famous for producing perfumes or as they call it in local language, itar, by indigenous techniques. The itar was used by Maharajas, Rajas and Nawabs in olden days and the Viceroys, the Governors and their memsahibs admired its aroma. Sheilaji rarely uses perfumes, certainly not the Kannauj itar. Sheila Dikshit’s father-in-law, the illustrious Uma Shankar Dikshit, hailed from Kannuaj. They have an ancestral house there. Though Sheilaji never lived in Kannauj, the people of the constituency elected their “daughter-in-law” to the Lok Sabha in 1984 elections. Uma Shankar Dikshit was a confidant of the Nehru family and a trusted lieutenant and political manager of the late Indira Gandhi. A bright, dashing and charming Delhi girl, having been educated in the Jesus and Mary School and the Miranda House, Sheilaji married Dikshitji’s only son, Vinod Dikshit, an IAS officer of the UP cadre and became bahu of an orthodox Brahmin family. She was born in Kapurthala in 1938 but her parents subsequently moved to Delhi and settled down at Neelkatra in Chandni Chowk. Her’s was not a political family but the course of her life changed in her new home where politics was talked about all the time — at breakfast, lunch and dinner. Groups of Congressmen thronged Dikshitji’s house both in Lucknow and Delhi and she managed the Dikshit household very efficiently, looking after the visitors, guests and top leaders. This was her first exposure to politics and Sheilaji, sharp as she is, learnt her lessons well. The great Congress split in 1969 was, perhaps, the biggest challenge of Indira Gandhi’s political career. She relied on only a handful of her supporters for advice and strategy formulation and Dikshitji was one of them. His schedule became hectic and busy and he needed a reliable secretary to help him. Having known everybody who mattered in politics by then, Sheilaji was the right person to assist her father-in-law. Sheilaji managed his affairs very well and Dikshitji was heard many times telling middle-rung Congress leaders to “talk to Sheilaji”. She listened to their problems with patience and sympathy and conveyed them faithfully to her father-in-law and often provided solutions too. Her grooming in politics has been long, grueling and perfect and even Indira Gandhi was impressed by her dash and nominated her as a member of the Indian delegation to the UN Commission on Status of Woman. Rajiv Gandhi inducted Sheilaji in his government and within months she was moved to the Prime Minister’s Office as Minister of State, having been entrusted with the task of political management. With years of experience, having worked with her father-in-law, she did the job exceedingly well and became an influential minister. The biggest tragedy of Sheilaji’s life occurred when her husband died of heart attack while travelling from Kanpur to Delhi and emergency medical aid could not be given to him. She was shaken but took the irreparable loss with great course; in her late seventies Dikshitji was a broken man. Vinod was only 49 and left behind two children — a son and a
daughter. |
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by Vibha Sharma
WILL Sheila Dikshit be able to transform Delhi into a world class capital in next two years in keeping with her electoral promise as she enters her third term in the Chief Ministerial office? She is a leader who is known to fulfill her commitments – be it tiding over the power and water crisis or building flyovers and introducing the metro.