The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Terror in Assam
Threat is not only to urban India

LESS than a week after the horrific terror attack on Mumbai, militants have struck in Assam’s Karbi Anglong district. A powerful bomb blast in a train at Diphu railway station killed three and injured over 30 persons. In another incident in the same hill district, suspected tribal militants shot dead two Hindi-speaking persons. This is a grim warning: that while the state apparatus is riveted on 26/11, extremists are busy with targets that attract less national attention. The outrage in Assam — though the number of deaths is small and its impact on the national psyche less than that caused by the attack on Mumbai — is a reminder that the security radar should overlook the smallest blip.

The violence in Assam, attributed to the banned Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Liberation Front, underscores the many dimensions and sources of terrorism confronting India; and, that to slacken vigil on any front would be disastrous. Islamist terrorism, with its cross-border linkages and global network, is a fearsome menace. But there is a lot of home-grown terrorism, too, which is no less of a danger. On more than one occasion the Prime Minister, and others in the government, have pointed to the Maoists, with their ‘red corridor’, as the biggest security threat to the country. In addition to the Maoists, there are a number of other extremist outfits, including on the fringes of Hindutva organisations, which believe in armed violence.

While there must not be even a momentary shift of attention from jihadi terror, such focus should not result in other threats, in a variety of forms, that abound in other parts of the country being overlooked by default. To let that happen, would only encourage extremists and terrorists to make common cause and mount an attack in areas where it may be least expected at a particular time. The terror attack on Mumbai disproves the axiomatic assumption that lightning never strikes twice at the same place. Therefore, while utmost security for Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore and other cities is justified, there is an equally strong case for casting the security and surveillance net much wider in a more effective manner.

Team Obama
No compromise on talent

AS expected, US President-elect Barack Obama has finally chosen Senator Hillary Clinton as his Secretary of State. Obviously, she has been found to be the kind of person the new administration will need to take care of its foreign policy interests. The fact that she fought doggedly for the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination against Mr Obama has not been allowed to come in the way. This proves that the quality of leadership she can provide at the international level has been given precedence over all other considerations. Mr Obama admires the work ethic of the former First Lady and hopes that her image will help improve America’s global standing, which suffered considerably during the Bush Presidency. However, it all depends on how long the two are able to pull along. No Secretary of State in the past has succeeded in delivering the goods without enjoying the US President’s total confidence.

Mr Obama has been meticulous in finalising the names for his administration. He has a new vision for the US leadership at the global level. His team matches his claim of having people “uniquely suited” to herald a “new dawn of American leadership”. The people he has selected are known for their administrative ability in their respective areas of specialisation — military, diplomacy, economy, law enforcement, etc. His Economic Recovery Advisory Board will be headed by Mr Paul Volcker, who, as the Federal Reserve chairman in 1979, became an icon for bankers after he succeeded in arresting skyrocketing prices in the wake of the Iran hostage crisis. The US then had long queues outside gas stations.

Retaining Mr Robert Gates as Defence Secretary is aimed at making use of his two years’ experience in the Pentagon as the new administration begins to implement Mr Obama’s plans, particularly about Iraq and Afghanistan. Mr Gates has the unique distinction of having won the appreciation of both the Republicans and the Democrats for his conduct of the outgoing administration’s defence affairs. With the inclusion of Mr Gates, a Republican, in the new administration, Mr Obama has sent out a message loud and clear — he will not hesitate in taking even a difficult decision if it suits the larger US interests.

Thought for the Day

No term of moderation takes place with the vulgar.

— Francis Bacon

ARTICLE

Glaring intelligence failure
Mumbai attack shows meticulous planning
by Lt-Gen Harwant Singh (retd)

ONCE more the authorities were totally taken by surprise and caught unawares when terrorists attacked Mumbai on November 26. The daring and scale of the attack were something India had not faced in the past. The timing, selection of targets and the manner of going about the job are indicative of detailed knowledge of the places selected for the attack, through earlier reconnaissance of the area. Apparently, there were detailed planning and preparations for the operation.

The Indian reaction to the developing situation was slow and tardy. The reaction was piecemeal and disjointed, lacked planning and an orderly execution. The practice of assembling all manner of forces, from the local police to the ATS, the RAF, the Home Guards, the NSG commandos from Delhi, the Army, etc, with no central command and control set-up is a sad picture as viewed from America, and commented upon by the media and experts on counter-terrorist operations. In such situations numbers are of little consequence.

A small group of well trained troops can deal with such situations much better. Whereas varied groups who had never trained together in joint operations or even known each other found themselves assembled together to deal with a highly complex and delicate situation. Predictably, they were at a complete loss as to how to go about the job and coordinate their actions. It is a scene repeated every time on every such occasion.

Engaging and liquidating terrorists is one thing, but when there is a hostage situation, it is a different ball game. The latter is a more difficult operation requiring detailed planning and very careful moves, so as to avoid stampeding the terrorists into killing the hostages, or hostages from being killed by the fire and actions of security forces.

Since terrorists were essentially targeting American-Israeli and British citizens, the attack has aroused intense interest in the United States. Both President Bush and President-elect Barack Obama have expressed sympathy and concern over the incident. They have also offered all manner of help. It is believed that the FBI team is already in Mumbai to coordinate and exchange information between the intelligence agencies of the US, Britain and India. An Israeli anti-terrorist squad also arrived in Mumbai.

In a confused state of affairs and with a multitude of security forces deployed, the chances of casualties from friendly fire is a very much there. The picture of a commando holding his weapon well above his head and firing on to the windows of the Jewish Chabad is indeed a shocking sight and is a reflection of the level of training, etc, of our commandos.

The NSG took too much time to get to Mumbai, but once deployed along with the Navy Marcos, they got to grips with the situation. Dealing with terrorists holding hostages is a complex and specialised job. Rushing into such an operation or simply assaulting the place can prove very costly for the hostages.

From the scale, spread and sophistication of the attacks and the range of weaponry carried by the terrorists, it is apparently the job of a highly trained group. Their getting hold of a police vehicle and subsequent connected actions is indicative of local support. The group after disembarking from merchant vessels got into inflatable boats. and reached the Mumbai coast. The claim by a group calling itself the “Deccan Mujahideen” is, perhaps, to confuse and confound the intelligence agencies.

While it will be some time before the full picture emerges, and the blame game starts all over again, there is no denying that it is an intelligence failure of stupendous proportions. Once again, those who need to be held accountable for the failure will get away scot-free. In fact, they may even be rewarded, as in the case of intelligence failure at Kargil, where the RAW chief was elevated to the post of a governor. The whole episode will end up with demands for more police forces, weapons, equipment and greater deployment on security duties, yet missing the essential issue of intelligence failure and accountability.

The Opposition is already out with daggers, and smelling blood, alleging the government’s lack of ability and inclination to firmly deal with terrorism. The demand for POTA, TADA, etc, will be renewed all over again. While the instant case is simply an intelligence failure, the existing laws give the police enough power to deal with the menace of terrorism. The demand for draconian laws, after every such attack, is a convenient stick to beat the government of the day with and draw political milage from a national tragedy. A comparison with the 9/11 incident in the US will illustrate how the opposition there, cutting across party lines, rallied behind President Bush. Perhaps, there is a lesson for Mr Advani in this.

During March 2008 an American technology company promoting CATE (Computer-Assisted Threat Evaluation) technology had organised a presentation in Mumbai for the Indian Navy, the Coast Guard, etc, as to how a terrorist group could mount an attack on Mumbai taking the sea route. This technology, when deployed, would provide surveillance of the coast line and warn the Coast Guard and the Navy of the approach of an unknown and unidentified sea vessels/boats. In the instant case, an attack similar to the one in Mumbai had been envisaged and depicted in the presentation. The case for acquisition of this equipment got wrapped in red tape and found a final resting place in some cupboard in Delhi.

The Mumbai attack is not the last of such terrorist acts that we will face. There is need for India to put its act together, so that it can, in future, deal with such situations in a more orderly and meaningful manner and with a degree of professionalism and efficiency. Some of the following points need to be looked into: One, improve the quality of intelligence by inculcating professionalism and accountability. Two, each state from within its resources should form a small group of personnel, trained in anti-terrorist tasks and be available to deal with hostage situations. This would obviate the need to call NSG personnel from Delhi. The strength of the NSG would in this case require to be scaled down.

We should have a plan to put in place a command and control structure (wherever required) immediately when such a situation arises. The command and control group(s) should coordinate the actions of various types of forces deployed, including fire brigade resources and control of crowds. Some prior training and coordination between various forces likely to be committed should be undertaken.

In the case of a hostage situation, expert(s) in this field should take charge and start dialogue with terrorists without delay. Strict control must be exercised over fire from own troops to avoid casualties among the hostages. Suitably deploy snipers to take out the terrorist(s) without any harm to the hostages. There is need to provide regular, consistent and clear information to the media and local residents to prevent the spread of misinformation/confusion.

We have now been combating terrorism for over two decades and yet do not have a viable and dependable intelligence system. A sound and reliable method of engaging terrorists and handling hostage situations is yet to be worked out. An acceptable and workable command and control set-up for a situation where a multitude of forces are deployed continues to be missing.

MIDDLE

The interrogation
by Raj Chatterjee

IN my box-wallah days I did a fair amount of travelling up and down the country to promote the sales of my company’s products.

I travelled by road, rail and air. Believe it or not, even by bullock cart where there were no motorable roads.

I disliked air travel. Apart from the natural fear of not landing in one piece, it entailed, quite often, being awakened at some ungodly hour, and driven, bleary-eyed, miles out to the airport.

Give me the noise, the smells and the homeliness of a railway station, where I can board a train in the evening, sleep comfortably through the night and reach my destination in time for a bath and a leisurely meal.

Give me also the lower berth in an A/C coupe and preferably no travelling companion. If this is asking too much, let the companion be a deaf mute.

The fact is that we Indians are a friendly and gregarious people. What could be more entertaining than to “pass the time” by obtaining the bio-data of a complete stranger. In my case, the conversation used to run like this:

‘You are in the army?’

‘No.’

‘Government service?’

‘No’

‘Then what do you do?’

‘Mind my own business.’ The snub seldom got through because the next question invariably used to be ‘what is your business?’

I remember the day, many years ago, when I entered my coupe on the Howrah-Delhi mail to find a portly gentleman sitting cross-legged on the lower berth which had been reserved for me. An enormous tiffin carrier of stainless steel stood on the flap that serves as a bedside table. There was a basket of fruit: in the corner.

My companion was dressed in a dhoti and a khadi silk kurta with gold buttons. An outsize diamond glittered on the little finger of his left hand. I looked at him and wondered how he would manage to climb to the upper berth on the small step-ladder provided for the purpose.

As the train moved, the questions began. Some demon within me prompted me to say that I was in government service.

‘What is your job?’

‘Special investigation’ I said.

‘What do you investigate?’

Corruption in high places, undisclosed assets, hawala transactions: ....’

There were no more questions. My companion edged away a little. Half an hour went by, then he heaved himself out of the window seat and went out to the corridor. A few minutes later the attendant came in and started collecting his things to take them to another compartment where a lower berth was available. I told him that while he was about it he might fetch me a couple of bottles of iced soda from the dining car. It goes nicely with what I had in the travelling flask I carried in my brief-case. I also pulled out a book I was reading. It was called ‘On Her Majesty’s Secret Service’ by a chap called Ian Fleming.

My evening of blissful contentment had begun.

OPED

The big question
Will the Thai crisis come to an end?
by Clifford Coonan

THE Thai anti-government protesters have agreed to end their occupation of Bangkok airport, allowing thousands of stranded tourists to leave. The unrest has left thousands of holidaymakers furious, stranded in paradise, and the crisis has raised major fears that one of South-East Asia’s healthiest democracies could slide into chaos and anarchy.

Protesters from the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), a loose alliance of big business interests, Bangkok’s upper-middle-class and those who dislike the politics of the former prime minister and ex-Manchester City FC owner Thaksin Shinawatra, occupied the Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat’s office in the city’s government district two months ago, and last week stormed Suvarnabhumi International airport and the mostly domestic Don Muang airport.

The protesters agreed to disperse after the Constitutional Court dissolved Mr Somchai’s government, yesterday after finding three of the six parties in the ruling coalition guilty of buying votes in the 2007 election which brought it to power. The grins are getting thin in a country known as the Land of Smiles.

Even in a country used to dealing with a significant degree of instability – it has witnessed 18 coups or attempted coups in 76 years of stop-start democracy – recent events have given a sense of a country unravelling into something far worse. So for the time being, there is no government as the country’s highest court has dissolved it. Most commentators believe the government may simply be reincarnated under a different name, which would prompt more protests and wider instability.

The first issue on the agenda of whoever takes over the reins will be tourism: losses in this crucial business could run to 150bn baht (£2.8bn), about 1.5 per cent of gross domestic product. And there are broader fears that the unrest could worsen the impact of the global slowdown and tip the export-driven economy into recession.

In September 2006 the military staged a coup while Mr Thaksin was at the UN headquarters in New York, and the political tumult has not eased since then. Early on in the crisis, the army commander, General Anupong Paochinda, called for snap elections and for the opposition to end their occupation of the airports, which would have left the military in control and would be a de facto coup.

King Bhumibol Adulyadej tends to try to distance himself from domestic conflicts, he only intervenes when it is absolutely necessary. He is due to address the nation tomorrow, on the eve of his 81st birthday, and the beloved monarch’s speech will be closely watched for clues on how the country will be ruled from now on. He is the most important political figure in Thailand, and anything he says goes. However, the succession issue is high on the agenda.

It’s a safe bet that he has no interest in intervening in the current crisis. His wife Queen Sirikit attended the funeral of an anti-government protester killed in clashes with police. The Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn is linked in the popular imagination to Mr Thaksin, which is interpreted by some as a sign the royal family is divided on how to resolve the current crisis.

This is indeed an incredibly complicated situation. The anti-government protesters want what they call a “new politics”, which would involve an appointed parliament dominated by bureaucrats and the army. Even though Mr Somchai was democratically elected, they believe he, Mr Thaksin and their supporters have been using a large war chest from their considerable business interests to buy votes in the countryside and in the north of the country, and that the straight vote system works against them. They say Mr Thaksin’s strong control of the media puts them at a disadvantage.

Pro-government supporters have become very active in the past few days, staging rallies wearing red shirts and headbands. On the surface, they look like exact counterparts of the anti-government protesters – the pro-government lobby uses clapping-heart toys instead of the clapping-hand toys of the opposition, and wear red rather than yellow shirts. But the difference is striking in terms of demographics – this is a much poorer crowd, made up of taxi drivers, labourers and people from the countryside. In contrast to the “yellow” protests, few on the “red” side speak English and the movement seems less well-equipped.

Ultimately, Mr Thaksin and his successors are democratically elected, vote-buying or not, which makes it difficult to predict what will happen.

Fears that Thailand could spill over into total civil war arise from the political gulf between the Bangkok elite and middle classes, who revile Mr Thaksin, and the majority rural and urban poor who loved his populist style. Mr Somchai’s government moved to Chiang Mai, its northern stronghold, after anti-government protesters occupied the PM’s office in downtown Bangkok. It truly highlighted the regional divide in Thailand.

The opposition wants to unseat Mr Somchai’s government because it says Mr Somchai is a puppet of Mr Thaksin, his brother-in-law. Mr Thaksin and his allies stand accused of corruption and abuse of power, and Mr Thaksin is now in exile, probably in Dubai, a fugitive from a conviction for violating a conflict of interest law. The latest speculation is that Potjaman Shinawatra, Mr Thaksin’s wife, will be back to take over the reins at the head of the political movement he founded, but with which he cannot be officially linked. Expect more instability in Thailand for the time being.

— By arrangement with The Independent

Child’s welfare paramount in custody battles
by Nonika Singh

CHILD custody battles in India are often as acrimonious as divorce proceedings. In fact, custody battles last much longer and as parents go from one court to another, children are reduced to shuttlecocks, bandied about from one parent to another.

Under the Hindu law, father is considered as the natural guardian. In 1999, the Supreme Court decreed that mother is also a natural guardian, when well- known author Gita Hariharan filed a petition. Ironically, she went to the court when her application for RBI bonds (for her sons) with her signature as the guardian was rejected. In 2004 came the rider— mother is not always a natural guardian.

The prior right of mother in custody is recognised only for children aged below five. By and large the courts are guided by three rules – the custody of the children in tender years and that of the older daughter should go to the mother. Conversely, father should get the custody of a growing-up son. But these are generalisations and the Indian courts judge according to the merit of individual cases. Financial security, parenting skill and harmonious environment often tilt judicial scales.

In recent times, the law has been, by and large, gender just and has favoured mother. Heartening judgements have declared that mother’s remarriage doesn’t infringe upon her right to custody. In a significant ruling in the Sumedha Nagpal case that hogged newspaper space lately, the Supreme Court verdict, granting the mother the custody of her son, held the child’s welfare supreme. It overruled the father’s affluent status, proclaiming that wealth alone is not a barometer of a child’s welfare. The rulings in the past had overlooked the financial status of either parent.

Nevertheless, aberrations continue to mar custody rulings. Working mothers have at times lost custody battles on a flimsy premise that they can either work or nurture.

The legal fraternity recently raised a demand for a universal child custody law in line with the Hague convention principles. With a rise in the number of NRIs embroiled in custody fights, the problem, they assert is global. They have also made a plea to recognise inter-parental child abduction as an offence. A codified law may set certain guidelines yet there is a strong need to go beyond the statutes.

Under the aegis of Children’s Right Initiative for Shared Parenting (CRISP)—- an NGO in Banglore— over 1,000 aggrieved fathers are challenging the ‘perceived’ legal bias in favour of mothers. Started by Kumar Jahgirdar, former husband of Indian cricketer Anil Kumble’s wife, CRISP contests the popular notion —fathers can’t mother.

Father’s role in parenting cannot be disregarded. The courts do give due deference to father’s love. In one case, the court even sentenced the mother for non-compliance of the father’s visitation right.

Often the child’s wish too is taken into account, yet is not the last word. Courts have disregarded child’s wishes, if there is evidence of tutoring or torturing the child. As is the need, the judgements are invariably not impassioned. Yet nor are the courts completely unfeeling. In a rare example, the apex court moved by the emotional outburst of a 10 -year- old boy reversed its earlier stance and rested the case in favour of the father. CRISP contends that it is rather cruel to make a child choose between parents.

In certain far-reaching cases like where father has been accused of murdering his wife, the custody has gone to the third person, invariably grandparent(s). But in a society where laws are written and interpreted by the patriarchal mind set, where in-laws can conspire to deny a HIV widow the custody of her daughter, where there is a real danger of women being misused and abandoned after producing a male heir, the law has to be sensitised accordingly.

In long-drawn legal battles, women invariably start with advantage zero and the courts must ensure her a level- playing field. Fortunately, the Indian courts, especially the Supreme Court, are rising up to the challenge and delivering justice in the right spirit. Making a departure from the hackneyed line of thinking, it has broadened the ambit of welfare and included moral and ethical dimensions too.

Courts must resolve child custody cases with urgency. Often cases drag on for years. In the intervening period, the child could suffer from parental alienation syndrome and a breach between child and non-custodial parent could damage his or her psyche forever.

In the final verdict, the courts have to be guided by the child’s welfare, which undeniably rests in both parents owning up responsibility (even after the divorce) and not snatching each other’s rights— particularly visitation rights. The parents should not use children as tools to settle scores. The blame game of the feuding partners must end between themselves. The vitriolic must not spill over to young impressionable minds. Hostility and resentment ought to have no place in a child’s life.

Iraqi women back in driver’s seat
by Mary Beth Sheridan

THE black-masked militias have vanished from most Baghdad streets, and the car bombings are down to one or two a day. So one recent afternoon, Hadeel Ahmed, a ponytailed college student in jeans, did something few Iraqi women have dared in recent years.

She drove a car.

“It bothers me to have to depend on my brother or father to take me everywhere,” the 25-year-old student declared, after finishing a class at al-Riyadh Driving School. “I want to be independent.”

Since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, women in the Iraqi capital have virtually disappeared from behind the wheel. With gun battles raging, the police force collapsing and the traffic lights dead, highways turned into a Mad Max world. Even today, you can travel for a half-hour across the sprawling city and not see a single woman driving.

But with the sharp drop in violence this year, women are venturing onto the roads. They are gingerly reclaiming freedoms denied by the Islamic extremists who warned them to stop driving, give up makeup and cover their hair — or risk death.

Ahmed is one of those who has taken advantage of the waning presence of the militias to abandon her head scarf and long skirts and get behind the wheel. “Driving means someone is brave,” she said. “They’re strong. Not only in their body but in their spirit.”

While there are few statistics to document the rise in women on the road — driver’s licenses haven’t been issued since the 2003 invasion — it is evident at schools like al-Riyadh. Manager Sabah Kadhim said 29 of his 50 students are women, a 70 percent increase compared with recent years. The Iraqi Automobile and Tourism Association reported that 123 people signed up for driving lessons in November, most of them women.

“Women used to be everywhere driving their cars. Then we saw a backslide,” said Safia al-Souheil, a member of parliament and women’s rights activist. “Today is much better.”

Unlike in Saudi Arabia, women in Iraq face no legal barriers to driving. For decades, Iraq was one of the most secular countries in the Middle East, with women going to college, competing in sports and enjoying legal protections in marriage, divorce and inheritance.

But as the country slid into chaos, death squads and kidnappers began prowling the streets. Islamic extremists threw acid in the faces of women who went out unveiled.

“Even if we had learned to drive, it wouldn’t have mattered. You would have had to stay at home,” said Sabah Salman, 24, a college student in an exuberant yellow head scarf, green polka-dot jacket and long black skirt, sitting next to Ahmed, her cousin, in al-Riyadh’s reception area.

Women weren’t the only ones affected by the violence. But, in this patriarchal society, they were seen as more vulnerable, especially since many men started carrying weapons. To get around, many women had to resort to taxis, buses or rides from husbands or male relatives.

— By arrangement with LA Times-Washington Post