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Sena’s suicide squads Attacks on freedom |
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Heat on Taliban
Jihad and Pakistan Army
The child is the father of the man
Karzai’s Pakistan problem Chechnya’s tryst with brutality Delhi Durbar
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Sena’s suicide squads SHIV SENA chief Bal Thackeray is notorious for making wild, provocative statements. His latest suggestion about forming “Hindu suicide squads” to counter what he calls “Islamic terrorism” takes the cake. He is upset that the police caught four activists of the Sanatan Sanstha and Hindu Jana Jagruti Samiti, who planted bombs in theatres in Vasi and Thane. He feels it was a clumsily done job. Otherwise, ‘Hindus’ would not have been injured when one of the bombs went off. In other words, it would have been perfectly fine if the hapless people who were hurt were not Hindus. Only a person like Thackeray can get away with such an opinion expressed through an editorial in the Sena mouthpiece Saamna. Any other person in his position would have been behind bars for causing enmity and instigating people to take the law into their own hands. Thackeray has also talked about ‘Hindu bombs’ and ‘Islamic bombs’ as if one justifies the other. In no civilized society can such advocacy of violence be condoned. The Shiv Sena’s ally, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has just ticked him off for his editorial while the Maharashtra government is, as usual, poring over the editorial to determine under what provision he could be punished. If the kid-glove treatment he has been getting so far is any indication, nothing will come out of the government’s re-reading of the editorial. The Sena chief seems to have a limited view of terrorism. There can be no differentiation between Hindu terrorism and Islamic terrorism as both target innocent people and public property. It is true that the government has failed to deal with terrorism as in none of the terrorist attacks, be they in Ludhiana, Ajmer, Delhi, Jammu, Hyderabad or Ayodhya, the masterminds behind them have been brought to justice. This failure acts as an impetus for the terrorists to plan their next operation. It is not for want of laws that they escape. What is required is the readiness to have an open mind, look for leads and pursue them to their logical conclusion. Instead, it has become customary for the police to blame an organisation or a group, sometimes, without any shred of evidence as soon as an incident happens. Unless the police changes its mindset, fighting terrorism will remain a far cry forcing characters like Thackeray to suggest their own wonky remedies.
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Attacks on freedom The
Gujarat police has booked reputed sociologist and thinker Ashis Nandy for “promoting enmity between different groups” on the basis of his article “Blame the Middle Class: They are responsible for Gujarat’s politics of hate” published in The Times Of India on January 8. The article had argued: “In Gujarat this (middle) class has smelt blood, for it does not have to do the killings but can plan, finance and coordinate them with impunity. The actual killers are the lowest of the low, mostly tribals and Dalits. The middle class controls the media and education, which have become hate factories in recent times”. One may not agree with that or the way Nandy writes but the noted scholar is entitled to his views and has a right to express them in a democracy. The Modi regime has been a mute witness to the massacre of innocents in Gujarat. Since many in the police have got away with murder, they feel emboldened to silence critics of the government. The Police Commissioner of Ahmedabad has filed cases of sedition and criminal conspiracy against the resident editor and a reporter of The Times of India after a series of reports in the newspaper linked the police chief with organised crime in an atmosphere of growing intolerance. These are not isolated incidents. A few days ago hooligans had attacked the residence of Loksatta editor Kumar Ketkar in Mumbai just because an editorial had criticised the Maharashtra government’s decision to instal a Shivaji statue off Marine Drive. M. F. Husain is still living practically in exile facing trial for painting what he had thought he was free to do in independent India. If incidents of attack on journalists, artists and intellectuals are becoming alarmingly frequent it is because of the tacit support from the powers-that-be or their choosing to look the other way. It is not possible for the Gujarat police to have acted without a nod from the Chief Minister. Fortunately, the state high court has come to the rescue of the beleaguered journalists. What is worrying is the growing attitude of intolerance. To fight attempts to stifle dissent, the judiciary, the media and enlightened citizens will have to join hands and ensure that the right to free expression is not snuffed out.
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Heat on Taliban THE fresh drive launched to tame the Taliban by the US-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan was long overdue. The militants have been feeling upbeat because of the success they have achieved in raising the level of their destructive activity for some time. The most upsetting incident involving the Taliban was the storming of a major jail near Kandahar a few days back. The extremists succeeded in freeing over 1,000 jail inmates, most of them associated with the Taliban. Soon after this they captured a few villages near Kandahar with a plan to overrun this provincial capital at a time of their choosing. This could have been a serious setback to the efforts to clear Afghanistan of this violent and extremist movement, a threat to peace and stability in South Asia. By clearing the villages in Arghandab district, on the northern outskirts of Kandahar, the multinational troops, being assisted by the Afghan Army, have sent out the message that the Taliban can no longer be allowed to get away with their destabilising activities. In any case, there is no point in having 60,000 foreign troops, besides the 1.5 lakh-strong Afghan Army, in the strife-torn country if the insurgents continue to indulge in killings and kidnappings. Pressure must be mounted on Pakistan to make the Taliban activists in its tribal areas realise that their fate will be no different from those on the other side of the Durand Line if they do not take to the path of sanity. The Afghanistan government on its part must provide all kinds of assistance to the innocent people who may be suffering in the processing of taking on the Taliban in their stronghold in the south of the country. There are reports that thousands of families have left their homes in Arghandab district to safer destinations. Their interests must be taken care of by the Hamid Karzai government. The Taliban has been sustaining itself as a militant movement mainly by exploiting the miseries of the people, who get victimised in the military campaign against terrorism.
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Cruelty, like every other vice, requires no motive outside itself — it only requires opportunity. — George Eliot
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Jihad and Pakistan Army The
Pakistan Army has two kinds of officers: nationalist jihadis and Islamist jihadis”, says Arif Jamal, a Pakistani scholar at Harvard University and author of the forthcoming book, “Shadow War: the Untold Story of Jihad in Kashmir”. According to him, the nationalist jihadis would like nothing better than to snatch Jammu and Kashmir from India and see India break up. The Islamist jihadis, on the other hand, hate all infidels. They consider the US as the bigger enemy and see India as a sideshow which can be taken on after they have vanquished the “Great Satan”. Arif believes that the Islamists are on the ascendant and will eventually replace the nationalist jihadists. There are many who will view Arif’s analysis of the Pakistan Army with a great deal of skepticism. But this they will do at their own peril. Just as every bearded, conservatively dressed, non-drinking, five-time namazi is not a terrorist, similarly every clean-shaven military officer, who speaks English with a clipped accent, dresses up immaculately in Western suits, enjoys his whisky and generally follows a liberal life-style isn’t necessarily a moderate or a liberal. And yet a lot of people think that the army General Musharraf left is very different from the army he inherited, and that the peace process between India and Pakistan has drastically reduced the hostile perception of India among Pakistan army officers. Alluring as this thought is, it begs the question that if, despite the peace process, officers of the Indian Army are not only deeply suspicious of Pakistan but even hostile, how is it possible that the entire officer corps of the Pakistan Army has undergone such a radical transformation. Although mutual animus among officers of the two armies is entirely understandable, there is a big difference between the two armies. The Indian Army is firmly under civilian control and cannot even countenance going against the orders of the government. The Pakistan Army, on the other hand, is a law unto itself and can easily sabotage any peace initiative that the civilian government in Islamabad might want to take with India. Among the most glaring failures of General Musharraf, who before his transmogrification into an “enlightened moderate”, was a nationalist jihadi (he openly defended a terrorist organisation, Harkatul Mujahideen, held a brief for the Taliban and supported the jihad in Kashmir), has been his inability to purge the Pakistan Army of its jihadist leanings. Perhaps, he failed because the jihadi culture is deeply imbedded in the psyche of the Pakistan Army, and increasingly its people. May be, he failed because there were just too many of them in the Army and it wasn’t prudent to carry out a cleansing operation without risking a putsch. Also hindering the somewhat half-hearted attempts to rid the Army of its jihad ethos was the desire to retain the jihad option for achieving strategic goals in the future. Finally, after his historic U-turns, first on Afghanistan (which riled the Islamists) and then on Kashmir (which would have rankled with the nationalists), General Musharraf had become deeply unpopular and was probably in no position to push through the ideological reforms in the Army to the extent he might have liked. Let alone the entire rank and file of the Army, even General Musharraf’s close associates remain unreconstructed jihadists, totally impervious to any sort of enlightened moderation, much less enlightened national interest. A recent TV interview with Lt- Gen. Jamshed Kiyani, a former sidekick and now bitter critic of Musharraf, was quite a revelation to understand what goes in the Pakistan Army. In the interview Kiyani blasted Musharraf for “slavish subservience” to the US, but conveniently avoided listing Pakistan’s options after 9/11. It appeared as though he was dying to blurt out that the Pakistan’s possession of nuclear weapons was a guarantee against any hostile action by the US. Quite obviously, for Kiyani and his ilk (a large tribe, one dare say) nuclear weapons are weapons of use and not weapons of deterrence. As long as Musharraf was the Army Chief, the officer corps kept their anger and resentment in check and followed orders of the Army Chief, even if sullenly. But as soon as Musharraf stepped down as Army Chief, the restraints and constraints imposed by the Musharraf dispensation seem to have loosened. As a result, there are disturbing signs that both the nationalist and Islamist jihad is back in fashion. It is still not quite clear whether this is happening because the new Army Chief, Gen. Ashfaq Kiyani, has allowed it to happen or because he has still not been able to establish his authority in the organisation. Whatever the case, it means that the urge for jihad is alive and kicking. For the moment, however, serving Army officers are making politically and diplomatically correct noises and are not coming out openly in favour of jihad. Instead, the lead has been taken by the ex-servicemen many of whom held important positions under Musharraf, and whom even after retirement never opened their mouths in public as long as Musharraf was the boss. But with regime change, they have rediscovered their basic, or should we say baser, instincts. They are targeting Musharraf not because they want to strengthen democracy but because they want a return to the jihadist policies of the 1980’s and 1990’s. These ex-servicemen are followers of the “strategic defiance” school, which aims to use jihad as an instrument of foreign and domestic policy under the protective umbrella of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. The big question is whether the noise being made by these spent bullets of the Pakistan Army will find resonance in the serving officer corps. There is reason to believe that the jihadists have received encouragement from the ambiguous statements that General Kiyani has made on Kashmir and the peace moves he has initiated with the Taliban in the Pashtun belt. For instance, within days of Asif Zardari’s interview to an Indian TV channel in which he clearly pointed to a radically different approach to solving the Kashmir issue between India and Pakistan, General Kiyani, during a visit to the forward areas along the LoC in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, seemed to negate Zardari’s comments by reaffirming “the Army’s commitment to the Kashmir cause in line with the aspirations of the nation”. The rising incidents of infiltration, repeated violations of the ceasefire along the LoC, the re-emergence of jihadi groups who are once again holding public meetings, the re-opening of the offices of these groups, talk of relaxing the ban on some of the jihadi organisations ostensibly to bring them into the political system, and the sudden re-activation of the propaganda machinery to incite the Sikhs, all seem to suggest that tensions with India are going to be ratcheted up. This is something that will certainly please the nationalist jihadi lobby in the Army, and will even find support from the Islamist jihadis. Clearly, if Pakistan is once again reverting to the jihadi adventurism of the closing decades of the 20th century, then it will be making a terrible miscalculation. In the past, Pakistan had to contend only with India. But the situation today is vastly different. Any adventurism by Pakistan can easily invite the wrath of the world, especially the West. The question is whether the Pakistan Army gives in to its jihadi fervour or whether the instinct for self-preservation acquires primacy. If it’s the latter, then there is hope for Pakistan. But if it is the former, then catastrophe is
unavoidable.
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The child is the father of the man After
the sudden rain, the Sunday morning in Chandigarh was giving the feeling of a hill station. A pair of two really small shiny black birds, just about the size of a thumb, with curved needle-like beaks, God knows what to call them, squeaking and flying merrily through the fence was an omen of a pleasant day ahead. Around 11, our family friends, an NRI doctor couple, who are taking pains to raise their two boys, aged 11 and 5, in India, dropped in. Needless to state, my friend believes that schooling is much better in India, though graduation onwards he says, it is better in the US and that a foundation of Oriental values gives stability to personality. The younger of the two boys was drawn to my son’s small white bicycle; he started making rounds of the device, twisting its brakes and gears to quench his curiosity. “I can teach you how to ride, in 10 minutes! Are you game? I taught Teju (pointing to my son) how to pedal, in a day, when he was three.” I made him sit on the saddle and gave a push. And Lo! before the father could express his anxiety, the boy was already afloat. He reminded me of the newborn calves, who start jumping and running about as soon as they are born. While we were all gaping at the boy, he was cool about his feat and had gotten busy refining the newly acquired skill. Seeing the audience, my nine-year old son pulled out my bicycle to display his skills. We went to the park between the houses. He made a dash and then jammed the brakes and bent forward and the rear wheel got lifted by a foot or two. “This is called a “Stopee”. He said with a chuckle. “Can you do that?” came next, with a twinkle in his eyes. I accepted the challenge without a blink, “Look at me now, you can improve then!” I came across pedalling and slammed the brakes; the momentum was enough to make the bike skid sideways but not enough for a ‘Stopee’. “Ok, one more chance.” This time I came real fast and pressed the brake levers hard and bent forward. Wow! the rear wheel was up in air, but then it went up and up and up! and I wished it came back. But it was too late and the next moment I was flying over the handle bars and before I could do anything, I had crashlanded on the front. In the next split second I was praying, the cycle does not fall on me; but the prayer was perhaps too petty to be heard, and with a thud the cycle landed flat on my back. Everyone gave sympathetic looks initially, but the grim faces could not hold the bottled up laughter, which erupted eventually, when I stood up. With a bruised knee and a palm, I was accompanied home by the adults and the kids. Back home, as I was telling my wife, you will be happy to know, even at 40, your husband has the courage to fall from a bicycle, my son was moving about the house smirkily; he had added another feather in his cap that his father did not
have.
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Karzai’s Pakistan problem The
recent antics of the Taliban have made clear that security – yes – of the conventional law and order sort – remains NATO’s top priority in Afghanistan. And they have an impeccable sense of timing. The escape of 1,000 Taliban prisoners from jail in Kandahar, and their subsequent declaration of intent to take over the city, came just as international donors had presented President Karzai with an aid package of $ 20 billion in Paris on 12 June, no doubt lulling the West into thinking they had done everything to advance the security, prosperity and human rights of Afghans. With the Taliban threatening to capture Kandahar, what are the options before President Karzai and NATO? Apart from preparing to repulse a Taliban attack? There is of course the many-sided ‘Pakistan option’ – or options, if your prefer. Karzai certainly doesn’t see Pakistani as a helper against extremism. He threatened on Sunday to send soldiers into Pakistan to fight militant groups operating in the north-western Pakistan to attack Afghanistan. The inference is that he sees the hidden and sinister hand of extremists trained Pakistani army and intelligence in the jail-break – and more generally – in perpetuating insecurity in Afghanistan. Sixty per cent of the militants who have crossed the border into Afghanistan are actually Pakistanis. So Afghanistan has a right to avenge all the harm they have done over the last three decades. At another level, even as Yusuf Gilani’s elected government concluded a peace deal with extremists last month Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of the Pakistani Taliban, declared that jihadist attacks on Nato and Afghanistan would continue. Mehsud’s belligerence has its sympathisers among some Pakistani military officers, who regard Karzai as Washington’s puppet, and also most Pakistanis, who think that America’s presence in Afghanistan threaten’s their country’s interests. The point is that militants cannot thrive without some measure of local support – whether that comes from ordinary Pakistanis or the intelligence and army. The army, which dominates Pakistan’s politics, and which has been hailed by Gilani as the guardian of its national and ideological frontiers is not minded to help Karzai or his Nato backers. Growing evidence – most recently from the Rand Corporation – that the Pakistani army and intelligence are fomenting extremism has been dismissed by the military as “factually incorrect” and “yet another smear campaign maligning Pakistan armed forces”. General Ashfaq Kiyani, General Musharraf’s successor as commander-in chief, has made known that the army will not be retrained or redeployed to fight militants in the north-west. And the ongoing war of words about the killing of Pakistani soldiers and civilians by American drone aircraft last week does not augur well for Islamabad’s help against extremists. So what can the US do? Washington could try to persuade Pakistan’s politicians and army they can’t stop militant activities against their own establishment unless they also stop training them against Afghanistan (and neighbouring India) in the name of Islam. It is of course the military, in alliance with clerics of their choice, who decide which version of Islam will be followed by Pakistan. The extent to which Pakistan’s politicians and army have harnessed Islam to the service of the state, against democracy, and against Afghanistan and India since its creation in 1947, makes it unlikely that they will be able to perform a 180-degree turn and stop manipulating religion for domestic, political or diplomatic ends overnight. Even if Islamabad showed a new determination to do so, how long would it take for any new, non-religious, ideology of state and society to find favour with Pakistan’s citizens and army? Moreover, the militants have no central command; they are a loose network of groups and individuals, each one doing pretty much what they like. So, no one knows how many could be influenced by the Pakistani authorities to disarm, demobilise and reintegrate as peaceful citizens of a peaceful society. The birth of an anti-extremist establishment in Islamabad remains a pretty bleak prospect. The US could consider sending reinforcements and deploying more troops on the Afghan-Pakistani border. That option would be difficult and it would take time to reduce cross-border raids. But it would be better than accepting Islamabad’s argument that the border is too long and porous to be sealed -- which means that NATO should do nothing, and let extremists keep on frustrating its Afghan campaign. Most of all, perhaps, NATO’s operations should be better coordinated. Is that really impossible? Poor coordination is the main reason why more than 50,000 NATO and 57,000 Afghan soldiers, aided by 15,000 Afghan policemen, have actually presided over – a steep rise in Taliban violence since 2005. But opponents of extremism should remember that a mere 350-strong US Special Forces and 15,000 Afghans threw out the fundamentalist and cruel Taliban government in less than three months in 2001. Good coordination then resulted in a security mission accomplished. Last but not least, efficient coordination of NATO operations and the deployment of reinforcements from NATO countries must be attended by respect for the human rights of Afghans. That, after all, is what ought to distinguish NATO from Taliban thugs. Yet a concern for human rights, good governance and development should not blind anyone to the fact that the enhancement of Afghanistan’s security will entail the continued use of force against extremists in the foreseeable future. The writer is Visiting Professor, Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution, New Delhi
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Chechnya’s tryst with brutality GUDERMES, Russia – “I’m going to make them scream.” Two former guerrilla fighters wrestle a chained tiger down the muddy slope. The tiger rears up on its hind legs, fangs bared, and swats at the guards with splayed paws. They yell and beat the tiger about the head until the animal is low to the ground. Meanwhile, Kadyrov is tossing chunks of bread into the water for his fancy birds, imported here from all corners of the Earth. He hopes to draw them close enough to shore to get scared by the tiger. He still wants to hear them scream. Kadyrov has been the president of Chechnya for a year; he was appointed by Russian President Vladimir V. Putin shortly after his 30th birthday made him old enough to hold the job legally. He inherited his power from his father, Akhmad Kadyrov, a Muslim cleric and separatist leader who cut a deal with Moscow after a blood-drenched war and emerged as Chechnya’s president, only to be assassinated. Ramzan Kadyrov is finishing the job his father started when he shifted allegiances and steered Chechnya back under the sway of Moscow. The younger Kadyrov has managed to silence dissent, pacify the breakaway republic and embark on a massive reconstruction campaign. Kadyrov’s biography is brutal and Byzantine. His story is the story of Chechnya, and also a glimpse into the violent underbelly of modern Russia. Today the streets of Grozny, famously flattened in a ruthless rain of Russian bombs, ring with construction and adulation of the young president. “God brought us Kadyrov!” exclaims a taxi driver as he steers through the capital. Kadyrov’s critics say that he lords over Chechnya using terror and violence, that he has created a neo-Soviet dictatorship. But his critics are hard to find, because they have a habit of disappearing. “When Ramzan Kadyrov came to power, the fear began. This fear creeps into people’s hearts gradually,” says Tatiana Kasatkina, the Moscow-based executive director of Memorial, a Russian human rights group that has been active in Chechnya for years. “These are people who fought in the mountains, they are rebels and their arms are soaked in blood up to their elbows. Their code is, if you go against us or you go against Kadyrov, you’ll be exterminated.” When Kadyrov hears the term “human rights group,” he smiles, puts a knife in his mouth and bites down on it. Then he says all the stories are lies. There are a few things Kadyrov won’t talk about. The first is the war. When Chechnya fought the first of its two wars for independence from Moscow, Kadyrov and his father fought against the Russians. He shrugs that he was “15, maybe 16” when he led his first militia. He says he didn’t have a childhood. He doesn’t want to remember those times. The process of switching sides to the Moscow camp – that, too, is an unwelcome topic. “I was always with the people,” he says. “I don’t know who changed which side, but I was always with the people.” Nor will he talk about his father’s death in May 2004. Kadyrov was in charge of his father’s security, but he was in Moscow the day he died. Somebody planted an artillery shell smack under his seat in a soccer stadium in Grozny. Kadyrov wears his father’s mantle eagerly. The scarcely rebuilt capital is crowded with memorials to Akhmad Kadyrov, many of them adorned with this quote: “I have always been proud of my people.” Akhmad Kadyrov was arguably more famous for declaring: “Russians outnumber Chechens many times over, thus every Chechen should kill 150 Russians.” Since Ramzan Kadyrov took over, Moscow appears to have granted him a blank check for reconstruction and a free rein to crack down. Analysts say this is the Faustian deal struck by the Kremlin: Let Kadyrov do what he wants as long as Chechnya stays quiet. Kadyrov has nothing but praise for Putin. “He’s my idol. Putin is a beauty.” For all his macho swagger, Kadyrov has gotten smoother since he came to power. Earlier in his career, he told a reporter: “I’ve already killed who I should have killed. . . . I will be killing as long as I live.” Reminded of those words, he smiles in recognition and nods. Is it still true? Certainly, he says. But he avoids repeating the word “kill.” By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post
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Delhi Durbar The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is truly God’s Own Party. Whenever it is faced with any crisis, godmen immediately rush to its aid. It is well-known that Asaramji Bapu and Murari Bapu have helped the BJP expand its appeal to a large cross-section of the god-fearing populace Recently,
when the BJP-government in Rajasthan failed to quell the Gujjar agitation and the protests continued for days on end without any solution in sight, BJP spokesman Prakash Javadekar hit upon the idea of persuading godmen to appeal to the striking Gujjars BJP sources said when a Jain Muni’s attempts failed, someone came up with the idea of asking Sri Sri Ravishankar to speak to the Gujjars. Sri Sri Ravishankar went there for a day to address the protesters, who listened to him with rapt attention, after initial heckling. Result: the Gujjars got talking to the Rajasthan government and a solution is in sight, commented a happy BJP leader. Passing the snub It was the last thing the organisers had expected on a day so special. Everything was in order till the clock struck 11 am – the time for the inauguration of the event to mark World Day against Child Labour. The right moment, however, kept getting delayed, thanks to human resource development minister Arjun Singh, who failed to turn up, courtesy a cabinet meeting; and the women and child development minister Renuka Choudhury, who arrived an hour behind schedule. This, when UNICEF and ILO representatives were there well in time. While Renuka saved the day by turning up, someone in the gathering had a take on Arjun Singh: “He is perhaps passing the snub.” The previous day, Rahul Gandhi had failed to turn up at Arjun Singh’s house for a scheduled meeting. Fertile grouse While the UPA government boasts of the Right to Information Act as among its major achievements, its own bureaucracy is clearly not impressed. Take the case of fertiliser secretary J.S Sarma who has warned the fertiliser industry and fertiliser associations against speaking to the media The secretary has apparently even gone to the extent of saying that he will stop all payment of subsidies to the industry if anyone spoke of fertiliser shortages. He has been claiming that there are adequate supplies of fertilisers in the country but industry sources dismiss his figures. Anxious wait There is a tough contest on for the coveted post of economic advisor in the Indian Embassy in the USA . There were initially 23 contestants in the fray but the final shortlist has three names: joint secretary in the finance ministry V.S. Senthil, joint secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat Asaram Sihag and director, fund bank division in the finance ministry, Prashant. The three will have to spend a few more anxious days as the finance minister is expected to take a decision by June-end. Contributed by Faraz Ahmad, Aditi Tandon and Bhagyashree Pande
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