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Relief at last Stand-off in Nepal |
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Gorkhas’
grievances
India-China border
Rapists
in uniform
Democracy compromised The immorality of
honour Our expectations from
the police
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Relief at last HOWEVER belated, the Union Cabinet’s decision to grant Rs 3.5 lakh as compensation to the kin of each of the 844 people killed in the horrendous Bhagalpur riots of 1989 is gratifying. It brings parity between the relief and rehabilitation packages for the 1984 anti-Sikh riot victims and those for the Bhagalpur riots. The Centre’s inexplicable delay in providing relief to the hapless victims proves that the wheels of the government move at snail’s pace and the politicians shed only crocodile tears. The Bihar government, too, cannot be absolved of blame. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who has been demanding parity in the relief, granted a monthly compensation of Rs 2,000 to the kin of the riot victims only from September 2007. The quantum of relief given to those who lost their breadwinners, property, etc. and to the injured is not much. While in the case of the dead, the ex-gratia would be in addition to the amount paid by the state government, in the case of the injured, the sum paid by the state government would be deducted. This will affect persons like, for instance, Malka Begum. Hers is a typical case of official apathy and insensitivity. The rioters chopped off her legs and threw her into a pond. The Army jawan, who rescued the young girl, later married her, fathered two children and deserted her after pocketing all her money. Very few people have been punished for the Bhagalpur riots so far. In July 2007, 14 accused were sentenced to life imprisonment. However, the last word is yet to be said on the 600-odd cases relating to these riots. In all riot cases, quick hearing, trial and punishment are a must. Certainty of punishment, rather than severity of it, deters crime. Strangely, if a person commits murder, he is hauled up. But if a group of people commits a pogrom, nothing happens. This is a sad reflection on the criminal justice system. The people will lose faith in the judiciary if cases are not heard for long and the culprits go unpunished. If there is collusion between the prosecution and the defendents, trials can even be shifted out of the state as has been done in Gujarat.
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Stand-off in Nepal THE resignation of seven Maoist ministers from the pre-election coalition headed by Girija Prasad Koirala is a pressure tactic to hasten the formation of a new government. This is the second time that ministers of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) have quit the government, the first being in 2007. Now, as then, the objective is to make the Seven-Party Alliance accept their demands. The difference is that in 2007 the Maoists had joined the government as part of the peace process and their electoral legitimacy was yet to be established. While the Maoists may be faulted for behaving in a manner that does not behove a party which has won the right to lead the government, the resignations also serve to expose Mr Koirala as a politician clinging to office. If the Maoists are only the single largest party with a third of the seats in the Constituent Assembly, it should be remembered that Mr Koirala’s party has only half the number of seats the CPN(M) has. The Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) is ranged on the side of the NC against the Maoists, and together the two mainstream parties, which have called the shots for long, are stonewalling the formation of a government to be headed by the CPN(M). Doubtless, this must be frustrating for the Maoists, who, trapped by parliamentarism, have few options to put pressure on those clinging to office without any constitutional sanction. It is more than two months since the elections were held. Within the stipulated 21 days after the results, the Constituent Assembly was convened, and at its very first session Nepal was proclaimed a republic. Mr Koirala ought to have quit even before the Constituent Assembly’s session and allowed a new government to guide the affairs of the House. Now the NC and the UML want Mr Koirala as President even before they sit down to discuss the formation of a new government. With the king out of the way, the field is now free for the political parties to return to the very games that proved to be the undoing of multiparty democracy.
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Gorkhas’ grievances THE agitation for a separate Gorkhaland state has taken an ugly turn. The Gorkhas have taken to the streets, and even tourists are not being spared from attacks. Rival ethnic groups are being targeted allegedly with a view to driving them out and changing the demography of the Darjeeling hills. Political groups charged with countering the Gorkha movement have now joined the fray, giving rise to the spectre of another Nandigram. While the Gorkha Janmukthi Morcha (GJM) has launched an indefinite “strike”, Bengal’s ruling CPM-backed groups are clashing with GJM cadres. Everything appears par for the course, from arson, looting and stone-throwing to the use of firearms, bombs and other lethal weapons. While Central forces have been rushed to Darjeeling, both the Centre and the state government have a lot to answer for in their handling of the issue. Subhash Ghising spearheaded the Gorkha movement in the eighties. His protégé, GJM president Bimal Gurung, has rejected the conciliatory approach of his mentor. The Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), which Ghising headed, has not been able to meet the needs of the people, and Gurung has thus found it easy to stoke the embers of discontent. Caste politics has contributed, with the recognition of certain ethnic Nepali groups as scheduled tribes. West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee is willing to consider more autonomy for the DGHC, but has rejected the idea of separate statehood. While declaring himself open to talks, Gurung has been insisting on Gorkhaland as the ultimate goal. In any case, there can be no negotiations against the backdrop of violence. While law and order must be enforced with an iron hand, the CPM must rein in its cadres, who have no business taking the law into their own hands. Subsequently, both the state and the Centre should work towards transforming the DGHC into a functional and democratic entity, geared towards helping the Gorkhas realise their aspirations. Given its small size, a separate Gorkhaland state does not seem to be a viable proposition.
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It’s time for greatness — not for greed. It’s a time for idealism — not ideology. It is a time not just for compassionate words, but compassionate action. — Marian Wright Edelman
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India-China border
Every
time an Indian dignitary visits China, the government agencies, particularly the mandarins of South Block, are under pressure to show that the visit was a great success. I recall, when Rajiv Gandhi was to visit China in 1988, the Research and Analysis Wing informed the Army that several Chinese PLA divisions, which had arrived in Tibet after Wangdung incident (August 1986) and consequent to our occupation of Hathongla Ridge (South of Thagla Ridge) in Kameng District, had suddenly vanished and were back in their permanent locations. There was pressure on the Army to slow down Operation Falcon for construction/improvement of logistics infrastructure: even withdraw from Hathongla Ridge, which late General Sundarji refused to oblige. Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to China last week, much less significant than Rajiv Gandhi’s, was no different. As usual, there was more emphasis on the form and symbolism. Beyond the MoU for provision of flood season hydrological data of the Brahmaputra, there was nothing of substance. There was much speculation about the cancellation of Mukherjee’s meeting with Premier Wen Jiabao. Embarrassment or not, it showed Chinese priorities. How many Indian political leaders will take such a step? But was it necessary for Mukherjee to state in China that there is no tension on the India-China border: a tactical, military-level statement, which tends to hide the strategic reality. Such an assertion requires a bit of stock-taking of the ground realities. Ever since 1988, India and China have signed several agreements to improve bilateral political, economic, strategic and military relations. These include agreements and protocols signed in 1993, 1996, 2003 and 2005 on “Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Boundary Question”, “Agreement on Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) in the Military Field Along the Line of Actual Control (LAC)”, and “Modalities for the Implementation of CBMs in the Military Field Along the LAC”. From time to time, both sides have “reaffirmed that neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means or seek unilateral military superiority” and committed to work on the CBMs contained in these agreements. But till now, there is no accepted “delineation” or even an agreed perception of each other’s LAC on the maps. Consequently, there is often military tension in areas when troops from either side carry out road building, bunker construction/repairs or patrolling. More importantly, many other CBMs like deployment of troops and heavy weapons, as given in Article 3 of the 1996 Agreement, are related to distances from the LAC. These are not actionable until the LAC is delineated. Ever since China adopted “better border management” policy, there has been an increase in the PLA patrolling along the LAC, along with improvement of its infrastructure in the border region. During Kargil war, there were attempts to construct a road in the Trig Heights area, increased patrolling activities at Demchok, Pangong Tso (all in Ladakh), and a provocative deployment in Chantze (West Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh) to assert Chinese claim over disputed areas. At the military level, these moves indicated a demonstrative support to Pakistan, or an attempt to take advantage of our Army’s involvement on the western borders, and thus caused considerable tension. China recognises Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK) and has no problem with its military personnel visiting that area. But it does not give similar recognition to the Indian part of Jammu and Kashmir. In late 1990s, after agreeing with Indian officials on the visits of senior Army officers to opposite sectors in Ladakh as a CBM, the PLA refused to send its Military District Commander to Leh for talks. This may also be the reason for China not agreeing to Indian pilgrims using the Leh-Demchok-Kailash Mansrover route. After Kargil war, when most Defence Attaches (DAs) in New Delhi were keen to and were taken to Kargil sector, the Chinese DA declined to go. In 2003, China agreed to give up its oft-reiterated claims on Sikkim and to restore trans-border trade across Nathu La. The Indian Government made much of this development. But this is yet to receive the Chinese official stamp in the last five years. The ground reality is that this 206-km-long Sikkim-Tibet border, part of the India-China boundary that is clearly “demarcated” on the maps and ground, creates frequent tension as we have seen in the border incidents at Doka La (near Bhutan-Sikkim-China tri junction) and now in the “Finger Area” of North Sikkim. Is Sikkim back into contestation? One wonders! Recently, the Chinese Ambassador to India publicly laid claim to the whole of Arunachal Pradesh. China refused to give travel visa to an Arunachali officer, part of an official delegation, on that account. Meanwhile, China has constructed all weather highways to and within Tibet, an oil pipeline and a railway line to Lhasa, and upgraded all airfields in Tibet. The now operational Qinghai-Tibet railway is slated for further expansion — linking Lhasa with Shigatse and Yadong near Sikkim border. Chinese land communications with Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar too have also been improved. These developments have upgraded Chinese defence infrastructure and military capability in Tibet substantially and enabled almost complete integration of Tibet with the rest of Han China. And yet when India re-activated the airfield at Daulat Beg Oldy recently, there was a written protest from China! We know that China claims substantial parts of Indian territory as its “historical territory”. The problem is what is Chinese territory? Which era is its benchmark? China recognises McMahon Line as its boundary with Myanmar but not with India. Some Sinologists say that China does not nurse extraterritorial ambitions. There are many who feel that China never gives up its border claims. In its 2004 White Paper, China had affirmed that “re-unification” of China is a “sacred duty” of the PLA. China’s territorial integrity in terms of its grand strategy can certainly be interpreted to include parts of Indian territory. So, when the troops deployed on the border cannot be reduced, have to maintain 24/7 vigilance, and have to go through frequent bouts of military tension as narrated, are we justified in telling the Chinese that there is no tension along the border? In recent years, several developments have increased the comfort level in the Sino Indian bilateral relations. Bilateral trade has increased to $ 30 billion and is growing at about 30 per cent a year. There is progressive increase in the investment and business possibilities. Multi-dimensional individual, governmental and non-governmental contacts are growing fast. While these developments are being rightly highlighted, the proverbial Chinese firmness in sticking to their strategic and national interest, as seen from the negligible progress in the border dispute, Sino-Pakistan relations and elsewhere is quite evident. So long as Beijing and New Delhi continue to drag their feet on the delineation of the LAC and the border dispute, disputed areas along the India China border will remain potential flashpoints for military tension and border skirmishes.n The writer is former Chief of Army Staff currently associated with the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
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Rapists in uniform
JB.
Johar was an Assistant Commandant in the Central Industrial Security Force. In the year 1985 he reported for duty at the Bokaro steel plant. I was surprised to find that he started getting good coverage in the local press about his performance in the steel plant. But what was in store was much more surprising. One day I was informed by the Intelligence Officer that a young Adivasi woman was assaulted by Johar when she resisted his attempt to rape her. The girl lodged a complaint with the local police. Telephonically, I asked the local SP to register a case against him. The S P, though a well-intentioned officer, told me: “Sir, a case against your Assistant Commandant will bring a bad name to your force”. I told the SP that on the contrary the police not registering a case against such a scoundrel would definitely bring a bad name to the CISF and not otherwise. The SP agreed, registered a case and arrested him. The problem of rape or molestation of women by officials in uniform is not a minor one. Many years later a very bad case of sexual misbehaviour by a Head Constable in the Punjab Police in Hoshiarpur district came to our notice through the Press. The Head Constable was alleged to have got young boys and girls photographed naked in the police station after hauling them up at a police naka, while the youngsters were on way to Vaishno Devi shrine. The SSP of the district did not take prompt action even after the incident was highlighted in the Press. I pulled up the SSP and asked him: “At this young age don’t you get angry which such subordinates? What has happened to you?” The officer had no satisfactory explanation. On very strict instructions from Police Headquarters, action was finally initiated against the defaulting official. Such cases of sexual abuse by men in uniform deserve to be dealt with promptly and strictly by senior officers. Such criminal elements from the force are required to be weeded out. Another effective measure in this regard would be to substantially increase the number of women in the police force. Efforts should be made to have at least 10 per cent woman police employees in different ranks. Even our former President Sh. APJ Abdul Kalam had stressed this point. This will ensure security to women victims of crime and women witnesses in police stations. They will also help in tackling agitations by women. With more women in uniform, visit by women and children to police stations and police offices will no longer be an unpleasant experience for them.n The writer is a former
DGP, Punjab
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Democracy compromised One
of our most remarkable achievements of the first six decades of freedom is that we have not only sustained but also reinforced a vibrant system of governance based on parliamentary democracy, committed to secularism and inclusive and equitable development. Democracy has come of age and is flourishing and thriving in our country. We have indeed come a long way in the task of nation-building, in preserving the country’s unity and integrity and in consolidating and strengthening our democratic institutions; but we still have miles to go before we are able to realize the dreams of our Founding Fathers for the social, economic and political emancipation of every citizen of our country. We have not been successful in ensuring that the fruits of development reached the lower-most strata of society. Poverty, illiteracy, high rates of infant and maternal mortality, adverse gender ratio, unemployment, poor health-care system, caste, gender and religion-based prejudices and incidences of farmers’ suicides are issues that have remained as blots on our democracy. Democratic practices could be undermined by inequalities, even when democratic institutions are well in place. A fair distribution of power and resources is the basic and fundamental requirement of democracy and as such inequality of any kind is a hindrance to its growth and consolidation. Certainly, there are perils and pitfalls of democracy which do not relate much to the democratic institutions per se but to the democratic practices. Today, there is a growing feeling in the country that our democratic practices are often being deeply compromised. The most vital process of elections themselves have been one such area. Though we have an impressive electoral system which has proved its credibility and resilience on several occasions; in most cases ensuring free and fair process, there are times when its fairness has been compromised in various ways. The degeneration in the essentials of our electoral system caused by the negation of socio-political values poses a serious threat to our democracy. In this context, we need to address issues like corrupt electoral practices, criminalization of politics, the vicious role played by money and muscle power in deciding election results, inadequate representation of women and, more significantly, lack of voter participation and voter awareness. Though we had made several attempts to reform the electoral system from time to time, the desired result is not yet achieved. We need to remain vigilant to the growing need of revamping the country’s electoral system and strive to address the issues in their entirety. Yet another serious problem before us concerns the justice delivery system that we have in place in our country. An efficient and effective judicial system is one of the primary requirements for democracy to succeed. The legal system in India has sound institutional foundations incorporating all basic democratic principles of impartiality, secularism and equality before law. But, as we can see, in practice the functioning of our justice delivery system is at variance with certain democratic ideals because of some organs of our Constitution are trying to encroach into others domain and thereby creating distortions. The backlog of millions of pending cases has virtually paralyzed our legal system. Legal proceedings generally take years to be completed apart from entailing large and mostly unaffordable expenses and are often far from intelligible for the average citizen. As a result, legal protection tends to remain beyond the effective reach of the people, mostly the poor. Those at the receiving end of the system end up with justice eluded because of inordinate delays and huge expenses, beyond the reach of the poor peasants, the dismissed workmen and the downtrodden. The corrupt practices in our judicial system are frequently reported in the media. This, together with the high cost of litigation, has made the common man apprehensive about approaching the courts for redressal of any grievance. Not only have the courts become inaccessible and unaffordable for large sections of our population, the inordinately slow justice delivery system has shaken the faith of our citizens in our judicial system itself. If democracy in India is to take deep roots, the key elements of good governance have to be practised by all. Unfortunately, our administrative apparatus is afflicted with a number of evils eating into the very foundation of our governance system. We need to ensure good public administration by effecting appropriate institutional reforms, that can give people the scope they need to develop their skills and thus actively articulate their concerns and rights. Equitable distribution of the society’s resources, curbing the abuse of power and corruption, and guaranteeing equality of all persons before the law through effective governance are fundamental to a Yet another area that warrants our focused attention is in addressing the rampant corruption that has afflicted our system. In fact, corruption is endemic at all levels and spheres of public life in India and it has become deeply embedded in our society. It is an accepted fact that corruption erodes the Rule of Law, hampers economic growth, distorts societal and human values and weakens the very edifice of democracy. In more recent times, corruption in high public offices has raised serious moral and political concerns. I believe that we must have sound institutional mechanisms in place to contain corruption, to strengthen accountability and to promote good governance. It will inevitably improve the quality of our democracy, and the effectiveness of its delivery mechanisms. Failure to set and follow high ethical standards by political leadership, no doubt, would lead to erosion of public trust, diminishing community expectations and exacerbation of social divisions. Leaders in both the government and the civil society have a duty and responsibility to always lead by example. Values are conveyed and supported not by words but by deeds. Politics in our country today is, unfortunately, increasingly becoming confrontational and adversarial. This is not in the interest of the health of democracy. All political parties, whether in Government or in the Opposition, must view themselves as partners in development if they are serious about promoting and consolidating democracy in the real sense. It is time for us to move from confrontational politics to cooperative politics in the interest of our people and for strengthening our democracy. Regrettably, over the years, there has been a decline in the quality and standards of behaviour of our elected representatives. The image associated with many elected representatives among the people is very negative which, in turn, cause to breed cynicism among the people about the efficacy of our political system itself. It is in this context that the role of the media which is considered the fourth pillar of democracy assumes special significance. Freedom of the Press is an integral part of the functioning of a representative democracy. Unfortunately, of-late, it appears that, propelled by narrow commercial interest, our mainstream media has surrendered that larger social role and have fallen for short-term gains, where market forces have a greater say in formulating their editorial policies. The media is often seen taking partisan approaches, circulating half-truths in the garb of news and thus causing to reifnorce prejudices and cynicism. If such tendencies are not curbed, the media can become antithetical to democracy, contributing to the undermining of trust among our people towards our democratic institutions. Excerpted from the EMS Namboodiripad Memorial Lecture delivered by the Lok Sabha speaker at Thiruvananthapuram, on June 13, 2008
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The immorality of honour A girl
of 12, on the threshold of puberty, intimidated, stalked and confused, asks a question innocently, “What is the meaning of my body? Does it have the feather of the proverbial surkhab or is it studded with diamonds and pearls? My brother’s eyes forever follow me. My father’s gaze guards me all the time, stern and angry…. If it is so precious then why must I labour in the fields…” This extremely pertinent question is cited by human right activists Aftab Hassan Khan in a report on Women in Sindh. A province where women are declared Kari (Black) and put to death even if they are spotted talking to men of their grand father’s age. The tragic stories spill all over, from Pakistan to other Islamic countries and to the interiors of India where women are taught to spite themselves and blame their own bodies for posing a potential threat to their lives. The scenes of panchayats sitting smug amidst heart rending wails rising from neighbouring houses are often repeated in Haryana, India. The issue of honour killings is a complicated one. A complex socio-cultural phenomenon, this act of heinous violence against humanity is deep rooted in societal psyche and needs serious consideration. Although the concentration of the crime is more in the interiors yet it is fairly widespread and raises its ugly head from almost anywhere in the world. In India the most recent instance is the killing of 23 years old Sunita, in Ballah Village of Haryana. Her crime was that she took the reins of her life in her own hands, made her decisions, married the man of her choice, and thereby, transgressed the social code. In the wee hours of the morning Sunita and her husband Jasbir were dragged out of their house and brutally murdered. Sunita was pregnant. Although an “honour killing” is perpetrated against both men and women, the thrust of hatred and the onus is more on women since women epitomise “family honour”. It is the woman who is supposed to uphold it, guard it, and preserve it at the cost of whatever she might have to sacrifice for it. Whether it is a personal choice, a cherished feeling, a decision to break free from the shackles and chains of customs, nothing is justified. It is sad to note that in the twenty first century while the slogans of globalisation and technology revolution are articulated most vociferously, women (and some men) have to die for the sake of something as flimsy as “honour”. Will somebody stand up and define “honour”? Will somebody put a finger on who is responsible for this deep rooted evil? Will someone get up and explain morality? Will anyone proudly announce that he/she is the one who has never committed an “immoral” act? Will anyone have the guts to deny that we all live in glass houses? Let us, for a change, admit that honour is a façade, a mask that the mighty don to hide the ugly face of their fiendish ego. Men and women are murdered across the villages in northern India for marrying outside caste, for adultery. Such murders are often committed with great pride and in full public view with least amount of regret or remorse. What makes the crime even more gruesome is the fact that it is the male members of the victim’s own family - many a times with the involvement of other female members - who kill their own daughter and thus “salvage” their honour, “cleanse” and “purify” the family. This, according to society, is “social justice”. Well, it stinks of feudalism. We have hardly come farther from the time of the intimidating “thakurs” and the “zamindaars”. The devils are still alive in the khap panchayats that run a parallel barbaric judiciary, wherein their “gotra” concept comes in open conflict with human rights. The fact of the matter is that society – at least in the rural area – is yet to come to terms with the fact that women can make their own choices. More so, the idea that daughters can claim a part of the family land is hard to digest. The question arises, what exactly has changed in the twenty first century? The chastity belt of yore has given way to a repeated “stitched up” virginity as the iron footwear of Chinese women has given way to gruesome methods to stretch them and make them tall and attractive to their men. The newborn female infant who used to be struck against stones has now grown only to be brutally killed in full public view by her own brothers in the name of family honour. Let us sit back for a moment and sift the “moral” from the “immoral”. The writer is with the Department of English, Government College for Girls, Chandigarh
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Our expectations from the police Consider
the following cases: Binayak Sen held for a year in a jail in Chattisgarh without trial and without a shred of hard evidence against him. The numerous other atrocities committed by police-supported Salwa Judum in Chattisgarh… The Anti-Terrorism Squad and the Special Task Force of UP police picking up, detaining and interrogating suspected terrorists in flagrantly illegal ways, with no lawyer agreeing to take up their case because they are all Muslims… “Encounter” deaths of innocent people caused by the police under the garb of fighting left-wing extremism… Rapes and murders galore by members of the police force that is actually paid to prevent rape and murder… And innumerable acts of omission such as not accepting FIRs, if inconvenient. If we could have Lodhas of Bengal considered as a criminal tribe, it would be surely justified for the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), in view of the above, to fund a study to determine if the tribe of the police should be done the same honour. That leads us to the question: what may we judge our police by? I dare say we may do so against the following ten expectations of civil society from the police: Professionalism: Just look at the way traffic police operates in say, Hyderabad. They have no idea of what the rules of the road are: not even what a one-way street means. Honesty and integrity: Today, those who don’t have a price in the police are unlikely to last for long. Respect for human rights: The police station is, for civil society, one of the most dreaded places to go to. It has become virtually synonymous with torture, insult, rape, and apathy to basic human rights. Courtesy: Have you ever heard a policeman say sorry or thank you? Help: Can you recall the last time a policeman was helpful to you, say at the police station, if you went there with a genuine complaint and are neither rich nor famous nor know somebody who is rich or famous or powerful? A minimal understanding of basic human needs and human behaviour: If they had that understanding they wouldn’t think that the only solution to left-wing extremism is through the gun. Ability to resist political pressure in the discharge of duties: If this were so, the brats of the rich and the powerful would not be able to break all traffic rules with such impunity. Commitment to the country, to its objectives and to its values: What we see, instead, in our law enforcement set up, is a total commitment to oneself and surrender to political, bureaucratic and money power. Police and sycophancy have become a lethal combination for the civil society in our country. Strict law enforcement (and, therefore, awareness of law!): Otherwise, how would the maximum number of traffic violations and violation of building norms occur right under the nose of the police? Being proactive: The road contractors, at least in my city of Hyderabad – specially in areas where the rich, the powerful and the famous don’t live – after doing whatever job they were supposed to do (no matter how badly), leave all the waste material by the road side which the police sees day in and day out. Have they ever made a complaint against the contractors and the builders having behaved so irresponsibly? In a fair marking system, with ten marks for each of the above ten expectations, I dare say 1 per cent of our police force will probably receive over 90 per cent; 4 per cent between 75 and 90; 5 per cent between 60 and 75, 45 and 60, and 30 and 45 each; and 75 per cent below 30 marks. So there is much space for improvement! I believe there is a police bill on the anvil for consideration by the Parliament. But, perhaps, it is too much to expect that the law
makers will not behave like the police itself and take note of the above expectations of the civil society from the police. It is unfortunate that it is not understood that such a situation, where keepers of law become breakers of law, and makers of law become insensitive to the miseries and problems of people, cannot last for long. Remember the French Revolution. We may well be headed for a similar one.
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