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PERSPECTIVE

Military power
Need to respond to new dynamics
by Premvir Das

F
or
60 years since India became a free nation, it has faced security concerns of many dimensions. Immediately after Independence came the war with Pakistan over intrusions in Kashmir. Then there was the war with China in 1962, another war in 1965 with Pakistan over the Kashmir valley, still again in 1971, this time resulting in the creation of Bangladesh and last but not the least, the 1999 conflict over Kargil.


EARLIER STORIES

Protesting too much
June 7, 2008
No to biofuels
June 6, 2008
A bold decision
June 5, 2008
Growth not enough
June 4, 2008
Save these trees, Mr Badal
June 3, 2008
Appeasing the militants
June 2, 2008
Do we need POTA?
June 1, 2008
Good news from farmlands
May 31, 2008
Gujjar war
May 30, 2008
THE TRIBUNE SPECIALS
50 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

TERCENTENARY CELEBRATIONS


OPED

Defence leadership
Incentives required to attract talent
by Lt-Gen (retd) Harwant Singh

W
hen
the successive central pay commissions have finally created a crisis situation in the military, the RM has tried to find a solution, which is worse than the problem itself. However, it will eminently achieve the objective of taking the focus away from the current turmoil in the services and engage the military’s headquarters in yet another wasteful and time-consuming exercise.

Profile
One more Sangma in politics
by Harihar Swarup
A
new political dynasty has come up in Meghalaya with the landslide victory of Agatha Sangma, the youngest daughter of former Lok Sabha Speaker P.A. Sangma in a byelection from the Tura constituency.

On Record
‘UPA bungled on oil, food’
by Faraz Ahmad

S
ince
the victory in Karnataka, the BJP has continued in a state of perpetual euphoria and constant hope to return as early as possible to once again rule India. The latest hike in the petrol, diesel and LPG prices has given the BJP one more stick to beat the Congress-UPA government with.

 

 





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Military power
Need to respond to new dynamics
by Premvir Das

For 60 years since India became a free nation, it has faced security concerns of many dimensions. Immediately after Independence came the war with Pakistan over intrusions in Kashmir. Then there was the war with China in 1962, another war in 1965 with Pakistan over the Kashmir valley, still again in 1971, this time resulting in the creation of Bangladesh and last but not the least, the 1999 conflict over Kargil.

All of these have involved the use of India’s military power against that of another nation state. Over the years, this capability has improved considerably. A fairly substantial military presence stretches across the land borders all the way from Rajasthan to the North-East.

Over this same period, there has been a threat of another dimension. In Nagaland, in Manipur and in Mizoram, there have been insurgent movements from the very beginning, some still ongoing.

The militants have received support from outside and also sanctuary, though access to both appear to have diminished in recent years.

In Jammu and Kashmir also, there has been insurgency since the 1980s, aided and abetted from across the border. In both cases, the Army has been actively involved in countering the insurgencies.

In the last decade, another security concern has arisen. The external intervention earlier confined to Jammu and Kashmir has now extended to the hinterland and this has manifested itself in acts of terrorism across the northern and central parts of the country with sponsoring groups receiving sanctuary in Pakistan, in Nepal and in Bangladesh.

To this should now be linked the escalating Naxalite violence across the states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa.

The Army is not yet involved in coping with these emerging threats but they are, if anything, even more worrying. So if there is a sense that India’s security concerns have become increasingly serious and complex, it is not without good reason.

At the same time, some things have begun to change. For one, India’s economic power has grown greatly in the last 10 years and this, along with achievements in the field of information technology, has enhanced its stature internationally.

There is widespread recognition that in the next two decades, India will be among the three or four largest economies of the world and a major player in Asia along with China and Japan.

Its military, especially maritime, capabilities are also seen as the most credible of any regional power.

If we add to this mix the country’s size, population and democratic profile, it will be apparent why the USA, countries of the European Union, Japan and others have begun to seek “strategic” relationships with us.

And, finally, the nuclear weapon capability, if not status, has been the proverbial icing on the cake. All of these have already distanced India from Pakistan and brought it, if not on a par, closer to the China equation.

On a different plane, the probability of nation state conflicts has receded. The Americans might lead a posse of the willing to try and enforce their interests in Iraq or Afghanistan and even these adventures may not be so easily feasible in times to come, but wars between nations like India and Pakistan are becoming improbable.

Even if a conflict breaks out, its duration will be severely restricted. For one, international interests of many will be affected adversely; for another, the nuclear uncertainty will come into play.

To this should be added the deterrent military posture on our part and dissuasive capability of the other. So while a well-structured armed force is still needed, it is unlikely to be called to action versus Pakistan.

As for China, while there is no doubt that the border dispute remains unresolved and that country’s postures and policies are not entirely in consonance with our interests, a military confrontation appears improbable.

Our capabilities are much more credible than they were in earlier years and there is mutual recognition that any such conflict will act to the detriment of both. The nuclear environment is also no longer one sided.

Other forms of threats have now come to the forefront. These are not from nation states but from non- state actors who may or not be confined to just one country but stretch across many.

Terrorism, illegal trafficking of drugs, arms and people and possible proliferation of WMD are only a few of them. Threats to the safety of seaborne commerce, including of energy, is another potentially serious concern.

All of these have one thing in common: they cannot be countered by one country alone. The threats are trans-national and require interface between many countries, regionally and globally.

There is need for the sharing of actionable intelligence between several agencies within every country and between countries.

This, in turn, requires a great deal of mutual trust and confidence which can only come about through regular and frequent engagement between the enforcement agencies.

The joint exercises and patrols that India’s maritime forces carry out with both regional and extra-regional countries in the Indian Ocean waters is one manifestation of that engagement.

To this should be added assistance during natural disasters like the tsunami of 2004. Our region has the highest incidence of such disasters and, as its largest littoral, we must be able to provide help across the Indian Ocean stretch.

The capabilities for doing so in 2004 were not sufficiently credible and have already been augmented; more needs to be done. These same resources will also be useful in coming to the aid of legitimate governments threatened by criminal elements in their own countries e.g. the Maldives in 1989.

In short, India’s military power is no longer relevant only in the context of Pakistan or China. It has a much larger dimension in which countering threats from nation states is only one part.

Ability to ensure internal stability, wherewithal to deal with non-state actors and non-traditional threats and to provide assistance to littorals during natural disasters and other contingencies are equally important components.

India cannot shy away from its responsibilities as the pre-eminent regional power. It must play the lead role in arranging mechanisms for regional interface and cooperation and, generally, show that its power, in particular at sea, is credible.

More and more, with the passage of time, India will find itself being drawn into the regional, even global, arena. Postures and policies, force levels and structures which sufficed in earlier years, will no longer be adequate.

We must change our mindset and prepare for what lies ahead, rather than bask in the comfort of the times that were. Sad as it might be, they have, to borrow from Margaret Mitchell, Gone with the Wind.n

The writer is a former Director General, Defence Planning Staff

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Wit of the week

Barack ObamaAmerica, this is our moment. This is our time. Our time to turn the page on the policies of the past. Our time to bring new energy and new ideas to the challenges we face. Our time to offer a new direction for the country we love.

— Barack Obama, 
a Senator of mixed black and white, African and American, heritage

I’m not trying to be racist or over the top but it is seriously apparent that black people aren’t valued in this country (US). In the last 12 months, six kids were being tried for attempted murder for a school fight, an unarmed man got 51 bullets in his body by a New York police officer, died, and no one was charged, and endless other racist unknown acts have occurred this year.

— Michella Minter, a black 21-year-old student in Huntington

Hillary ClintonA lot of people are asking, ‘What does Hillary want?’ I want what I have always fought for: I want the nearly 18 million people who voted for me to be respected and heard.

 

— Hillary Clinton

Prime Minister Manmohan SinghI urge every citizen to conserve energy at every step, every minute of the day. Be it petrol, diesel, kerosene, LPG, electricity or even water — let us learn to save and use efficiently. Let us reduce wasteful consumption of petrol.

— Prime Minister Manmohan Singh

There was no choice. We have to see that our oil companies survive, otherwise there will be a serious crisis. — Sharad Pawar, Agriculture Minister

The price hike announced on petrol, diesel and LPG was unavoidable. Instead, mass transit systems need to be promoted. — K.V. Kamath, President, CII

His physique, his charm, and his intelligence have all seduced me. He has five or six brains and is remarkably clever. I’ve never dated a half-wit before, it’s not my style. But him; he’s very, very quick. And he’s got an incredible memory. — Carla Bruni, French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s better half

Kapil DevI was the first one to defy the Board and wore a logo on my shirt. I started using logos on the bat. I may have lost the captaincy because of that, but look what happened after that. So don’t say I am a controversial man. I did what was right.

— Kapil Dev, former India captain

 

Women MLAs and MPs of the country have done nothing to check women’s exploitation. — Former Union minister Balwant Singh Ramoowalia

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Defence leadership
Incentives required to attract talent
by Lt-Gen (retd) Harwant Singh

When the successive central pay commissions have finally created a crisis situation in the military, the RM has tried to find a solution, which is worse than the problem itself. However, it will eminently achieve the objective of taking the focus away from the current turmoil in the services and engage the military’s headquarters in yet another wasteful and time-consuming exercise.

In the military each rank carries a certain degree of aura and authority and any dilution or serious alteration of this structure tends to upset the hierarchal system and response to command authority.

It matters little that a small state may have a large number of DGPs, even one for special enquiries and yet another for fire-fighting equipment and so on or in the IAS, financial commissioners for freedom fighters etc.

Such a system of downgradation may work in the civil, because there is no such thing as rank, which is specific only to the defence services. For the military it will be counter- productive, devalue the rank and adversely affect the working and delivery systems.

The military has been forced to look for patterns adopted by the civil services and the police merely because some contrived rank equivalence is being established with the civil, forsaking the earlier patterns.

A simple solution existed for close to a hundred years before partition, which linked status with pay, which, in turn, relates to length of service, and addition of rank pay and monetary compensation for the X factor and enhanced pension for early retirement etc. But now a new and perverse formulation is being thrust on the military.

The reason for the sustained absence of military leadership lay in the fact that there never has been a collective national security perspective and the existence of indifferent nature of governments and together they brought about military leadership deficit. Best minds never opted for the military.

The same formulation is on display when M.M. Pallam Raju, Minister of State for Defence, informs us that sainik schools are the nurseries to groom future armed forces officers. Earlier, the FM had allocated Rs 44 crore to these schools in his budget with the same mindset.

Surely the future leadership of the armed forces cannot come from the constricted and cloistered environments of sainik schools. The military’s leadership in the 21st century has to be essentially a product of liberal university education with a strong science background.

The RM’s new proposal is to have a cadre of short service commission officers, who serve for 14 years and then are discharged with a gratuity of Rs 2 lakh for every year of service and no pension. The sum of Rs 28 lakh, 14 years from now, will not buy a one-bed room apartment in a tier III city in a lower middle class colony!

The officer at the time of his release would be a Lt-Col in his mid-to-late thirties with all the attendant family commitments.

He would be about the same age at which a soldier is now being discharged with inadequate pension. Like the soldier, he will remain unemployed and frustrated.

Their frustration will deliver the final fatal blow to the Army’s image because they will carry their rank into retirement.

When the existing offer of regular commission fails to draw the right material, how does the RM hope to attract suitable material for this hopelessly poor career on offer?

These are the officers who will be required to lead infantry companies, armoured squadrons etc into battle and are expected to be the cutting edge of the military.

Soldiering, unlike other professions, demands total commitment, involvement and dedication to the cause. One has to be highly motivated to motivate troops and be able to lead them into the very jaws of death.

Battles are invariably full of surprises and the unexpected. Military leaders have to be intelligent to quickly regain balance when surprised, master the unexpected, innovate and deliver, all under an environment of intense stress and danger.

The type that will be drawn by this short service commission of 14 years would fall short on these essential qualities.

Those who feel that by opening regular commission to women will meet the shortages in the officer cadre unwittingly project the view that women are available on the cheap!

Will a career that has become unattractive for men because of poor prospects, pay etc draw to it women of the right talents in droves?

There is no gainsaying that there is a need to recast the structure of officer cadre in the military and make it an attractive career, both in terms of promotion avenues and pay etc.

One possible solution is to have a regular cadre of 55 per cent and the balance 45 per cent made up by, 25 per cent short service (5 years,) 10 per cent from the ranks and the balance 10 per cent from those recruited direct into the JCO cadre.

Those from the ranks/direct JCO cadre should have a minimum service of six to eight years and be able to clear the services selection board before entry into the officer cadre.

A new cadre of direct recruitment into the JCO rank could be introduced with graduation as the minimum qualification. These JCOs would be able to handle a large range of administrative duties such as boards, unit audits, minor courts of inquiry etc and thus relieve unit officers for training of troops and upgradation of their skills.

The overall career prospects of the regular officers, which will form the core of the officer cadre, will remain reasonably bright.

Irrespective of the type of commission, there have to be adequate incentives to draw on the right material, both for regular and short service commission. Short service commission officers should have a training period of six months, followed by five years service with the units. Some out of these may seek regular commission.

On release from the Army a large range of avenues should be open to these short service commissioned officers. Those opting for an alternate career should be absorbed in Central police organisations, central services (after qualifying a written test,) PSUs etc. Their period of service with the military should be counted in their new careers.

Depending on qualifications and aptitude, some of them could be given free education in IIMs, IITs and hotel management institutions and law colleges etc against reserved seats with a substantial stipend.

Such a system will make short service attractive, draw on the right material and these officers will carry the work ethos, discipline and dedication of the military into other areas of civil life.

The above mix of regular commission, short service commission and those from JCO/ranks will, by and large, meet the aspirations of regular commissioned officers and as such draw on the right material both for the regular and short service commission.

However, it will take years before such a proposal can be implemented and its effect realised and, therefore, is no solution for the present turmoil in the services.

To overcome the existing frustration and shortages in the military, the service will have to be made attractive enough to attract the right material and to provide a degree of satisfaction to retain those already in service.

The RM by his proposal for 14 years short service commission has simply failed to grapple with the problem proper and instead is setting the military to chase a crooked shadow.n
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Profile
One more Sangma in politics
by Harihar Swarup

A new political dynasty has come up in Meghalaya with the landslide victory of Agatha Sangma, the youngest daughter of former Lok Sabha Speaker P.A. Sangma in a byelection from the Tura constituency.

The Tura seat was held by Sangma for nine terms, running close to 30 years. He vacated the seat to contest the just-concluded Megha-laya assembly elections, winning by a huge margin.

With her election to the Lok Sabha, Agatha has become the youngest member of Parliament and the first woman MP from the hill state.

Twenty-seven-year-old Agatha, a Delhi-based lawyer, says: “I was not prepared for the election though I had an eye on politics. It has all happened a little too soon but I am proud and happy.”

After an LLB from the Indian Law Society, Pune, Agatha joined the Delhi High Court. She then did not her MA from Nottingham University on environment management. Till recently, she was on the payroll of the New Delhi-based legal firm, Foxmandal Little.

Agatha is the fourth from the Sangma family to joint public life after her nine-time MP father and chairman of the State Planning Board successfully launch-ed his two sons — Conrad and James — in the last assembly election.

While Contrad is Meghalaya’s Finance Minister, his younger brother, James, a Parlia-mentary Secretary. Both the brothers have emerged as new power centres in the state capital, Shillong.

Padma Shree Patricia Mukhim, a prominent local voice and editor of The Shillong Times, the state’s oldest English daily, says: “the Garos are clear about who they elect. I feel persons like Agatha have filled the vacuum of knowledgeable, competent young people in politics. People didn’t only look at them as P.A. Sangma’s children but leaders by their own right.

Agatha has now pledged to work for the empowerment of women and describes her election to the Lok Sabha as a good first step to encourage the fairer sex from the hill state to enter active politics.

“Society in Meghalaya may be matrilineal but men are still at the forefront of decision making. That holds good in the field of politics too, but my election as an MP will encourage women here to joint active politics”, she says.

For the next few months, Agatha plans to tour various parts of the Garo hills, meet the people and understand their problems. She hopes to raise the issues of her people in the monsoon session of Parliament beginning on July 15.

She reacts sharply to what she calls “insinuation” of dynastic politics and says: “You don’t win elections because you are your father’s daughter. People liked me because of what I am. They saw me, heard me, judged me and then voted for me”.

On his part, Sangma says his daughter had a lot to do with her style of campaigning. “My appeal was simple; I never launched personal attacks on my rivals as they did on me”.

As Agatha enters the Lok Sabha in a blaze of glory, bringing up in her wake a trail of records which will be hard for others to beat. Consider these facts: She has become the first woman MP from Meghalaya, she is the youngest MP and her victory margin is the biggest by a woman politician in the state.

The last and the ultimate — the Sangmas, perhaps, can now claim to be the only family in the country with four members in active politics and power.

Conrad has gone on record saying: “I think we have created history of sorts as we have not heard about as many as four members of a family in politics”. The exceptions are his mother Sarojini and elder sister Christy, who is in London. All other members of the family are into active politics.

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On Record
‘UPA bungled on oil, food’
by Faraz Ahmad

Ravi Shankar PrasadSince the victory in Karnataka, the BJP has continued in a state of perpetual euphoria and constant hope to return as early as possible to once again rule India.

The latest hike in the petrol, diesel and LPG prices has given the BJP one more stick to beat the Congress-UPA government with.

The Tribune spoke to BJP spokesman Ravi Shankar Prasad. Excerpts:

Q: Your party is agitated over the oil price hike. You are ruling 12 states. What measures have you taken at the state level to mitigate the suffering of the common man?

I would reply to this in two parts. The first is the crude prices internationally are rising. Now what was important for the government was to take appropriate measures to manage the consequences so that the common man does not suffer. The Central government has failed in that aspect.

That is, the first thing and I can give you one very specific instance. They have reduced the Customs duty on petroleum products. India hardly imports any petroleum products worth any substance. If you probe further you would know that the Indian refinery capacity is recognised the world over. Therefore, this is just a window dressing which they have done.

In 2006-07 the total revenue earnings of the Government of India from the duty, tax etc was in the region of nearly Rs 75,000 crore from the petroleum sector.

Chidambaram has publicly declared that in 2007-08 the total fiscal revenue of the Government of India has risen phenomenally due to tax collections and that is Rs 2.30 lakh crore.

You say that your economy is buoyant with 9 per cent growth rate. That is your claim. Mr Sharad Pawar says there is a bumper harvest. Therefore, there was enough flexibility available to rationalise the duty tax regime so that the common man may not suffer.

This is called managing the consequences, where this government has failed. It will have a steep cascading effect. You increase the cylinder price by Rs 50. Today even an ordinary dhaba runs on cylinder. Even the “kachriwala” on footpath uses gas for making food for labourers and rickshawallas.

And the most significant aspect would be the Rs 3 hike in the diesel prices. It will fully impact the movement of goods transport. The net result will be the 8.1 per cent inflation now will go up to 10 per cent in the coming three months.

Why did the Prime Minister not call a meeting of all chief ministers to take them on board? So that there would have been some uniform slashing of sales tax across the country.

As far as the BJP governments are concerned, Bihar has already done it others will do it depending on their resource constraints and the tax slabs. It is the costliest in Mumbai and Delhi.

The international price of crude during the NDA regime was $ 35 per barrel and the price of petrol also was Rs 35 per litre. By your own logic, shouldn’t the government now charge somewhere around Rs 135 per litre?

First of all let me clarify one thing very clearly that in our times the petrol prices were revised five times. And if the prices were increased, they were also decreased twice. This fact is rarely spoken. And we did not touch the gas cylinder at all. It was available in plenty.

But they have put up figures that you raised the cylinder price by Rs 109 in your regime.

Completely wrong. There was no rationing of gas. It was available in plenty. But the larger issue remains. Did the prices rise in the country? That is the benchmark. From 1999 to 2004 we kept the prices stable in spite of constraints like Pokhran II sanctions, the Kargil war, a drought in 14 states, the Gujarat earthquake and the Orissa cyclone. Therefore, our charge is that, be it the management of food or oil, this government has bungled on all fronts.

How do you address the allegations that in your anxiety to secure the Prime Minister’s post for L.K. Advani, you are suppressing dissent in Bihar, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh?

Rajasthan is a separate problem. It is a sensitive issue being handled to the best of her ability by Chief Minister Vasundhra Raje. And the responsibility to declare any community as ST lies with the Central government and not the state government under the Constitution.

As far as Bihar is concerned yes, there is some demand of the MLAs and some problem arising out of Cabinet expansion. The party has decided to take the views of all MLAs in two days. If there are grievances, these are sought to be addressed by the party. The problem is being solved in a democratic manner.
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