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The day of the teacher Generally scandalous |
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Wrong call, Mr Gill
Unending terror
Last ride together
India
should secure its interests in Central Asia British withdraw from last base in Basra Delhi Durbar
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The day of the teacher IT is customary in India that even those who are forgotten during the other 364 days are remembered on one particular day of the year and their services to society eulogised. So we have Women’s Day, Fathers’ Day and even Teachers’ Day. At least on this day of their own, they are supposed to be feted and shown respect by the society. No such luck for teachers this year. They were greeted as at Kapurthala with lathis and brutalised by the police as if they were hardcore criminals. Their fault? They were voicing their frustration and demands. The government should have woken up to their plight when they had decided to observe this special day on September 5 as “demands day”. Instead, it beat them black and blue, forcing them to treat it as a “black day”. There could not be a worse way to handle those who shape the future of India. The plight of some of them is horrifying. Many private teachers get only Rs 2000 per month — far less than what even a manual labourer does. Forget about poll promises like pension and gratuity, because the government had already forgotten them. Think of what is happening in twice-blessed Bihar where teachers have not been paid their salaries for several years in many cases. All this may be injustice for the teachers, but is sheer disaster for the country, because what is suffering is the education of the young minds. Because of the low salaries, the right kind of people are just not attracted to the teaching profession. Those who do join because of their own compulsions are such a despirited lot that they cannot be expected to give off their best. As a result, what many places have is only an apology of education. “Teachers’ Day” should have been utilised to find ways to clear this mess. Instead, it became the day for the policemen to practise their traditional brutality.
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Generally scandalous IT is unbelievable that a Major-General can be accused of sexual harassment. The Army authorities would have found the charge against Major-General A.K. Lal, General Officer Commanding of the Leh-based 3 Infantry Division, prima facie true. Otherwise, they would not have removed him from his post and attached to the headquarters at Srinagar. Very soon, he will have to face a court of inquiry. The charge against him is that he sexually harassed a lady officer of the rank of Captain. It is no consolation that it is the first time that such a senior officer has been put in the dock for acts of moral turpitude. Even officers senior to him like a Lieutenant-General have recently been in the news for the wrong reasons. They have been accused of indulging in corrupt practices like selling provisions in the black market and lining their pockets. The report on Major-General Lal also mentioned the higher authorities hushing up a case against the wife of a Major-General who tried to smuggle out costly medicines meant for jawans posted in high-altitude areas. It is at best a conjecture that she is the wife of the disgraced officer. Whatever be the case, corruption is, unfortunately, not unknown in the Army. Early this week, newspapers carried reports of Army authorities taking action against a number of officers involved in the purchase of eggs which do not conform to the specifications of weight. Every now and then, newspapers highlight cases of petrol and diesel meant for use in areas like the Siachen Glacier finding their way elsewhere. The Indian Army is one of the largest in the world and is known for its high standards of professionalism. Given its size and the money involved in keeping the force fighting fit, some element of corruption can be expected, but not condoned. What is worrying is the extent of corruption at all levels. There must be something seriously faulty with the system of recruitment and training that a Major-General, whose job it is to protect the security of his subordinates as much as his countrymen, tries to outrage the modesty of a lady officer. When women are encouraged to join the armed forces and take up challenging assignments, it is a pity that there are officers with more than a glad eye. They do not deserve any mercy as they are a blot on the Army. |
Wrong call, Mr Gill THE spirited girls from Chak De India may have revived interest in hockey, but here is Indian Hockey Federation President K.P.S. Gill already hitting with a wrong stick. While providing incentives to team players on the basis of goals scored or wins recorded might make some sense, he has gone a step ahead with his plan of monetarily penalising players for every goal conceded. Anyone who has ever played or loved hockey at any level at all would be shocked. Indeed, it smacks of a lack of understanding of what sport is all about, and is once again a case in point regarding the damage bossism is doing to sports. Mr Gill, on his part, has asserted that while goal-based bonuses will be paid at the end of the Asia cup, penalty deductions “may or may not be” made. That is not good enough. This harebrained idea must be immediately repudiated, as its very existence will be a demoralising factor. Every player would like to defend his half, and as for the goalkeeper, he will already be doing his best to prevent the ball from hitting home. If he is not, or if he is failing repeatedly, there is a case for his replacement with better talent. But a monetary penalty is absurd and will only damage his temperament and game. Imagine, if in cricket, a batsman is monetarily penalised for not scoring a certain number of runs, or a bowler is penalised for not taking a wicket or giving away sixes and fours. Money without doubt is a key consideration for a professional sportsman, but is never the only one. Indeed the best players are in it for love of the game. The same, unfortunately, cannot be said of sports bosses heading sports management bodies. Many of them are there for the power, prestige and distributing patronage. The game itself takes a backseat. Indian hockey has been in freefall for a long time now, and the nascent revival needs nurture and care, not some kind of strong arm police tactics. |
The ladder of success is best climbed by stepping on the rungs of opportunity. — Ayn Rand |
Unending terror
AFTER the recent reprehensible twin-blasts in Hyderabad there has been a far more comprehensive and candid discussion than before on the apparently endless scourge of terrorism targeting this country. But what good would be this Niagara of words if it also goes the way of the previous outpourings of outrage following similar dastardly acts? In almost all analyses of the carnage at the Hyderabad park named after the Buddha’s birthplace, there is one common thread: investigating agencies and their political masters are “clueless” about all the numbingly vicious terrorist acts such as last year’s serial blasts on Mumbai’s suburban trains, to go no farther back than that. Against this bleak backdrop, it is a small mercy that for the first time, the Union Government has shown a willingness, albeit gingerly and tentatively, to have a central agency to investigate federal crimes. “Let the concept floated … not be brushed aside. Let it be carefully looked into”, said Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil. For a country that, next only to Iraq, is the worst victim of terrorism, this is a rather curious approach. India remains the only country of its size and awesome internal security threats without an appropriate instrument to combat them, largely because of the states’ “sensitivities” about their “rights”. Ironically, the Group of Ministers that oversaw the implementation of the Kargil Committee’s report had, in February 2001, rooted for such an agency, but nothing happened. The only mechanism to “coordinate” such stray counter-terrorism measures the state governments take is a committee, headed by the Union Home Secretary and consisting of Home Secretaries of all states. It meets once in a blue moon because these overworked officials can barely cope with the daily avalanche of crises in their respective domains. Why is this function not devolved on their deputies, with a duty constantly to report to the “principals”, as is customary elsewhere? No wonder the country lacks a coherent nationwide strategy to cope with a problem that is literally a matter of life and death for it. In any case, state governments cannot possibly deal with the diabolical involvement of Pakistan and Bangladesh in the vile acts of terrorism across India. From all accounts, the Harkat-ul-Jihad-e-Islami (HUJI) has been the principal perpetrator of the Hyderabad horror. At present largely based in Bangladesh and closely linked with Al Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Tayyba, Jaish-e-Mohammed et al, under the benign patronage of the ISI, it was born in Pakistan. The prime accused in this case, Bilal, originally belonging to Hyderabad, is known to be in Karachi. But, as in the case of the Mafia super-don, Dawood Ibrahim, Islamabad blandly denies Bilal’s presence on Pakistan soil. About the two other accused reportedly arrested in Bangladesh Dhaka remains coy. After Andhra Chief Minister Y.S.R. Reddy’s doleful confession that the state government does not have the wherewithal to combat terrorism, especially that of foreign provenance, isn’t it time to appoint a committee of state chief ministers to recommend how best to defeat terrorism, together with accompanying crimes of smuggling of weapons, RDX and narcotics; circulation of counterfeit currency, money laundering and hawala; illegal immigration and so on? The multiplicity of the brands of terrorism afflicting India is staggering. Apart from jihadi terrorism, there is the Naxalite terrorism that is, in fact, the most widespread and apparently the most immune from official counter-action. In the Northeast, a rash of ethnic terrorism has gone on longer than anyone can remember, and the horror of horrors is that the crimes of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), which is of relatively recent origin, hardly register themselves in the capital’s corridors of power. However, it is the jihadi terrorism that understandably has become the most tormenting. Doubtless, the matter is delicate for it involves religion and arouses conflicting passions. Few are therefore prepared to discuss it objectively. Political correctness (or is it political calculation?) comes in the way. Polarisation of the polity worsens the situation. The BJP’s refrain of the Congress being “soft” on terror because of the “vote bank politics” is matched by the Congress’ counter-charge of the saffron party’s “communal and divisive agenda”. Each of them carries conviction only to the already converted. Let there be no reluctance to recognise that there is some local support for foreign-inspired jihadis but only from a very small fraction of the minority community. Yet, Hindutva hotheads blandly blame almost all Indian Muslims, numbering nearly 150 million, which is not a digestible digit. Not many leaders of the Muslim community or organisations, for their part, take a strong enough stand against the merchants of terror, hate and murder. To play partisan politics with the grave problem and doing nothing even to comprehend all its ramifications is surely an invitation to disaster. Come to think of it, in the ultimate analysis, jihadi terrorism, with its global reach, is a manifestation of the fight within Islam — between moderates on the one hand and the extremists on the other. The struggle is complicated by the bitter Shia-Sunni divide. Modernity is the only route to making any community moderate and enlightened. But how does one modernise those a huge majority of whom is abysmally poor, woefully uneducated and lives in festering ghettos? At the same time, prompt, drastic and effective action has to be taken to prevent terrorism to the extent possible and punish it when necessary. Examples of other countries might be worth studying and following. The humongous surveillance and security measures the United States has adopted have doubtless made life difficult for visitors and citizens alike. But that country has so far averted any terror attack after 9/11. Britain has demonstrated that closed circuit TV and other advanced technology, if properly utilised, can be of great help in detecting and deterring the potential troublemakers. Sadly, this is precisely where our worst and totally unpardonable weakness comes in. It is, to put it bluntly, the incredible incompetence and limitless corruption that have made the nearly entire Indian administrative system, not just the police, dysfunctional. At a time when indiscipline by MPs disrupts Parliament on most days, and measly cheques issued from the Prime Minister’s Rs.3,750–crore Vidarbha “package” continue to “bounce”, what else can you expect? It is unrealistic to believe that while governance in all other areas has gone to the dogs, any counter-terrorism agency to be set up on some distant date would be a paragon of efficiency, competence and
integrity. |
Last ride together
Images of my first ever bus ride remain deeply etched in my memory. Like a pampered three-year-old, who moans on the slightest discomfiture, I lay in my mother’s lap — pockets full of lollipops, face red with anger and eyes full of tears. For, why was I being taken on this overcrowded Punjab Roadways bus, for a rickety ride? My mom kept explaining, “Every year around this time, we visit Chandigarh, your nani’s place.” Her words didn’t provide much solace, until I reached my nani’s home, and eventually her arms. As soon as we rang her doorbell, she flung the door open and rushed towards us with a zest known only to loving grandparents. And this was followed by a hundred loving gestures to welcome us — delicious sweet and sour rajma (her own creation), spicy chutnies, home made Kulfi, bedtime stories of Rani Lakshmi Bai, custom-made dresses for my teddies and hugs to seal it all. And then, she’d take me on a different sort of ride — a bumpy one on the rickshaw. “Every ride is enjoyable, provided your loved ones are with you,” she would smile. By and by, I stopped hating those bus rides, for they led me to my nani’s arms. And I almost fell in love with those rickety rickshaws, for on these, my nani used to take me to the Jagat cinema, Sector 17 and the Rose Garden. The next ride I remember with her was on the airplane. A paralytic attack had affected her but had failed miserably in defeating her courageous soul. For, there she was — chuckling, cracking jokes and enjoying the ride, despite all her physical pain. Time flew and I thought I’d experienced all my “first rides” with my nani. But little did I know that yet another painful ride was coming my way. On August 22 last year, as I sat in my office, interviewing somebody, I received an sms, that left me numb in shock. My nani, who’d always accompanied me on little rides, had completed her journey of life. Life had yet another queer ride in store for me — bidding farewell to my loving nani. Riding high on the emotional sea-saw of pain and helplessness, this seemed like a ride to emotional hell. But suddenly, her words managed to creep up from the recesses of my subconscious mind, “Learn to enjoy every ride, for who knows, it’s your last one.” I realised that this was my nani’s last ride — from terra firma to heaven. Till now, she had accompanied me on every ride of mine, with a smiling face. Now, it was my turn to give her a smiling send-off. And so, a faint smile shone on my tear-strewn face, pushing aside the clouds of despair. Yes, nani, I’ve learned to smile in the face of a tragedy — to give you the brave sendoff you deserved. Even in your death, there’s been a lesson — to live life courageously, to accept death
gracefully! |
India should secure
its interests in Central Asia
There
was a passing reference in the media recently to India quietly deploying an IAF, Mi-17 helicopter unit in Tajikistan. This will perhaps be India’s first ever military out post on foreign shores. Never in the past had India gone beyond its borders to establish its military presence. On the contrary, it had waited invariably for the invaders to reach deep inside its territory before engaging them. No wonder, George Tanham of Rand Corporation of USA, in an essay on India a few years ago, highlighted its “lack of strategic consciousness.” It’s not so any more. India has already broken out of this centuries-old, ill-conceived and self-imposed strategic restraint. India’s growing energy needs and rising power has changed this mind set. It is willing to deploy its forces any where in pursuance of its national objectives. Deployment of Indian Air Force at Ayni air base in energy rich Central Asia is in keeping with this thinking. Strategic reach in this vital region is in India’s long term interest. Central Asia has vast natural resources. This led the powers that be to scramble for their control after the disintegration of the former Soviet Union in December 1991. The region faces myriad problems ranging from political instability, lack of democracy to insecurity which has prevented their mutual integration so far. The sole super power was quick to exploit the situation in view of the rich dividends. The Russians were unhappy for, they still considered these (five) republics as their area of influence. Nor were the Chinese happy with the Americans operating in their immediate backyard. Besides, they have their own stakes in mineral rich central Asia. Both thus got together with a single common aim of undercutting the US’s strategic reach and controlling the entire energy resources of the region. That’s how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) came into being. Gradually, India, Pakistan, Iran and Mongolia were also brought on board, but only as observers. Its China and Russia who actually nurture it with their long term aim of shunting out the US. The recent Sino-Russian exercise “Peace Mission 2007” was thus designed to achieve some of these objectives. It involved for the first time the armed forces of all these Central Asian States. The aim behind this military diplomacy was to create a collective defence mechanism for likely future intervention. Although counter-terrorism was the declared aim of this exercise, large scale involvement of air power and emphasis on rapid deployment of forces suggests attempts at fine tuning a rapid intervention mechanism. Interestingly, some member states, because of their security dilemma, though wary of the US, still prefer its presence in the region as a counter balance to Russia and China. Kyrgyzstan continues to have an American base at Manas, despite SCO-2005 summit having called for withdrawal of US forces from central Asia. Kyrgyzstan also retains a Russian military base on its territory. India too had to find a place in this strategic melee. India traditionally considers central Asia as a part of its extended neighborhood. Its eagerness to re-establish its old historical contacts and simultaneously try to safeguard its strategic interest in the region is therefore understandable. Adjacent areas of Iran and Afghanistan are also no less important for India’s point of view. Iran has an abundance of gas which it can sell to India. India also has historic relations with Iran which it is keen to revive. Afghanistan too, occupies an important place in India’s strategic calculus. Ironically, in both these cases, Pakistan holds the trump card and plays the spoil sport. India does not have direct physical access to Central Asia and is therefore not in a position to pursue its objectives vigorously. Nor does it have a type of strategic reach as the US. Pakistan does not allow India to transport goods and services to either Afghanistan or Central Asia. India has to follow a circuitous route through the Arabian sea and Iran to reach its goods to the region. Similarly, the gas from Iran has to transit through Pakistan territory which complicates the deal. Way back in 2002, a plan was conceived under a three-way agreement between India, Russia and Tajikistan. Construction of runway, hangers and the air traffic control tower, beside other peripheral work services, were to be undertaken by India. The Russians were to help India in providing logistic support. India’s Border Road Organisation has so far spent about Rs 100 crores in restoring and upgrading the Ayni airfield which was lying unused since the mid-eighties. As of now, the immediate plan may be to induct a Mi-17 unit and some Kiran trainer aircraft with instructors to train Tajik pilots before the end of this year. This seems a mere prelude to a larger strategic imprint in the region. There is a distinct possibility of inducting fighters, like Mig-29s, later. In all likelihood, this airfield may even be developed in near future into a full fledged air base. It will then enable India to induct forces into the region in case of an unforeseen eventuality. India is thus gradually raising its force projection capabilities in Central Asia. India has also ensured its continued presence in the region by becoming a part of a Joint Working Group to fight terrorism. This will ensure not only its energy interests in the long run but also help keep tab on anti-India activities along the Pakistan - Afghanistan border. It will also enable India to keep an eye along the 1200 km long Tajikistan border with Afghanistan. India’s main thrust would remain securing of its energy interests in the region. Energy is very crucial from the point of view of India’s future. In this global competition, the Chinese have often out done India. Despite Myanmar’s initial preference for India in selling its gas, the Chinese managed to secure the contract. Likewise, despite decade long negotiations with Kazakhstan for oil blocks, no headway has been made so far. We should thank Uzbekistan, whatever be its reasons, for allowing limited access in its gas processing sector in 2005. Now that India is a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, it should try and boost its bilateral efforts in Central Asia. The writer is a former Director General, Defence Planning Staff
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British withdraw from last base in Basra BAGHDAD, Iraq – British troops handed over their last base inside the southern city of Basra earlier this week, leaving it to local Shiite Muslim political parties and militias whose power struggles often have spilled over into violence. The British troops, who withdrew to an airport outside the city, were hoping their exit from Iraq’s second-largest city would let Iraqi authorities take charge and resolve simmering conflicts. But Iraqi civilians and analysts warned that Basra had become a symbol of Shiite infighting and corruption centered on the region’s lucrative oil fields, which account for the majority of Iraq’s estimated 1.5 million barrels of oil exported daily. Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al- Maliki, a Shiite, has struggled to bring the area under control since he became premier last year. Al- Maliki officially fired the region’s governor, Mohammed Waeli, after the regional council voted to dismiss him earlier this summer amid charges that he was involved in corruption, including oil smuggling. But Waeli has defied the order and remained in power. The 550 British soldiers moved out of the one-time residence of former dictator Saddam Hussein on Monday, but the keys to the palace were handed over on Wednesday. The British vacated two other main bases in the city this year. “Having a foreign army on the streets is not going to be part of the end stage here; the nationalist feeling is strong here, and people do not tolerate foreigners too kindly,” said British military spokesman Maj. Mike Shearer. Army Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, the day-to-day commander of U.S. troops in Iraq, told reporters Tuesday that the British move was a “solid plan.” But a war of words has erupted away from the battlefield, between former British and U.S. military officials. Retired U.S. Gen. Jack Keane, who advised the Pentagon on Iraq earlier this year, has criticized the British performance in Basra. In turn, the former head of the British Army, r etired Gen. Mike Jackson, has derided the U.S. policy in Iraq as bankrupt. Al-Maliki congratulated Iraqis for taking full control of the city and urged them to “hold on to national unity and to seek the country’s high interests rather than the narrow group and political interests.” Iraqi national s ecurity a dvise r Mowaffak Rubaie, who attended the hand-over of the palace, urged Basra residents to keep the peace. “I am calling on the people of Basra to cooperate and leave (behind) the division and conflict,” he said. Al-Maliki dispatched two strongmen to Basra to bring order to the city: Gen. Mohan al Freiji, who is described by some western officials as having possible links with the Badr Corps militia, has been put in charge of Basra’s security plan; Gen. Jalil Khalaf, a confidant of Iraq’s defense minister, is to lead the police corps. Until recently, Basra’ security forces have been marred by controversy. Last Christmas, the British blew up the Serious Crimes Unit police station, which allegedly had been used by local militias for illegal detentions and torture. This spring, the defense ministry removed the commander of the Iraqi army’s 10th Division, Gen. Abdul Latif, for failing to act decisively against Basra’s militias and criminal gangs. As the national government attempts to assert itself, Britain hopes to reduce its 5,500 forces in Iraq to 5,000 by the end of the year. It seeks to transfer security responsibility in Basra province to the Iraqi government this fall. “Nothing has changed by way of what we do. The only difference is that we have reduced operation forces in the city of Basra to allow local forces to take the lead,” Shearer said. “We will come in if needed.” Despite the assurances, locals and Iraq analysts said they feared the situation could become more volatile. Reidar Vissar, a research fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs who runs the Web site Historiae.org, worries that the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, a Shiite political party, might use the army against the rival Fadila party and against Shiite cleric Muqtada al- Sadr’s Mahdi Army. “There is a real possibility that a conflict may erupt in Basra between SIIC and an alliance of the Sadrists and Fadila,” Vissar said. Locals said the British forces already had become a non entity in the city, rarely intervening during battles among political factions. By arrangement with
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Delhi Durbar Civil aviation minister Praful Patel has acquired quite a formidable reputation for putting the country on the world aviation map and opening up the Indian skies for an unprecendented boom in the industry. However, his enthusiasm to promote the country’s airlines has also raised many an eyebrow, specially with regard to his proximity to the Jet Airways chairman Naresh Goyal. The two were spotted together at the Paris Airshow and then later at Hillary Clinton’s charity dinner in New York. In fact, Patel makes it a point to attend virtually every programme organised by the private airlines. For instance, Patel attended the inaugural function of the Jet Airways hub in Brussels and, more recently, he was present at a special function organised by Jet Airways to mark the inauguration of its Delhi-Toronto flight. If Patel was considerate enough to drop in, Goyal was quick to return the compliment by ensuring that the programme was held in the evening to suit the minister’s schedule.
BJP adrift With the Left Parties occupying the opposition space on the Indo-US nuclear deal, the main opposition party, the BJP, is finding it difficult to make its mark on the issue. Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee and Rajya Sabha Chairperson Mohammad Hamid Ansari have rejected the BJP’s motion seeking a discussion on this matter under rules requiring a vote, while their efforts to expose the rift between the UPA and the Left in Parliament also failed. If this was not enough, senior BJP leader and former Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani’s public statement extending guarded support to the deal and subsequent retraction only ended up adding to the prevailing confusion. Not only was the BJP unable to project its stand on the issue with clarity, but it also confused the already demoralised party cadres. This is not the first time that the BJP has been pipped to the post by the Left
parties. who have been hogging the limelight on almost all issues, including price rise and the agrarian crisis. With snap polls anticipated, the BJP realises it has to reinvent itself to remain in the reckoning, but just doesn’t know where to start.
Eventful visit The Canadians have traditionally had a two-party system in their country. Coalition politics, therefore, is as alien to them as cricket is to the Americans. A four-member group of Canadian Conservative Parliamentarians understandably evinced great interest in the working of coalition politics when it called on Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee recently. On his part, Chatterjee advised the Canadians to pay a visit to the Parliament Museum to understand the evolution of Parliamentary democracy in India, adding pointedly: “It is a museum of events and not of objects”. Contributed by Girja Shankar Kaura, S. Satyanarayanan and Rajeev Sharma
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