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The Ugly Indian Army pilferage |
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Death of innocence Ragging by any name is heinous ACCORDING to the Supreme Court, the onus for action against ragging is on the campus authorities. But the latter seem to be adept in shirking this responsibility. They just refuse to admit that there has been any ragging. A classic case is that of Chandigarh’s Government Medical College and Hospital, Sector 32, where a newcomer Manjot Singh recently committed suicide, allegedly due to ragging by seniors in the hostel.
No ambiguity in 123
Toy soldiers
A nuclear Iran is not in
India’s interest American public making a left turn Chatterati
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The Ugly Indian UNLIKE the fabled Ugly American — who is to be found only in lands other than his own — the Ugly Indian is very much alive and kicking on his home ground and he revels in his brutish ugliness. Mr George Fernandes’ remark that if it were in China Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would have got a “bullet in his head” for his “continuous bluffing” over the India-US nuclear deal is uglier than the ugliest ever witnessed in parliamentary politics. His statement may, or may not, amount to incitement to violence against the Prime Minister, but certainly it does suggest that making Dr Manmohan Singh a physical target would be justifiable. In issuing a Press release dripping with hate and violence, Mr Fernandes has violated every norm of decency and public behaviour. As an individual and as convener of the National Democratic Alliance, his conduct is unacceptable. Yet, it is essential that he be prevailed upon by the NDA, especially by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to make adequate amends. That would, in small measure, convey that the NDA does not approve of his remarks. However, for the NDA to redeem its credentials it is essential that Mr Fernandes be removed from the post of convener and be debarred from functioning as a member of the opposition alliance. Even under extreme provocation where the individual thus targeted does not enjoy much public regard, the remarks of Mr Fernandes cannot be condoned. In the case of Dr Manmohan Singh such a remark is unthinkable. This Prime Minister is an honest man and his personal integrity is beyond question. He is mild mannered, courteous and has shown grace even under extreme pressure. Differences over the Prime Minister’s defence of the nuclear deal are par for the course as is criticism about claims in defence of the deal. However, the worst opponents of the deal would not, and have not, resorted to the kind of language Mr Fernandes has chosen to use. In fact, all civilised critics of the nuclear agreement and civilised opponents of Dr Manmohan Singh should isolate Mr Fernandes. That’s the only way to draw a line which should not be exceeded by politicians. |
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Army pilferage WHEN everything from subsidised foodgrains to wheat to liquor meant for soldiers’ consumption is available in the open market at inviting costs, it is small wonder that specialised, expensive equipment meant for demanding combat conditions is also making their way into civilian shops. The latest Army pilferage scam to surface is the discovery of high-altitude rations, jackets, boots, and incredibly, parachutes, in shops in Jammu and Kashmir. Army intelligence has evidently identified these as meant for soldiers deployed in Siachen. These equipment are extremely expensive and most have been purchased from countries like Germany. The attraction such goods may possess for the well-heeled tourists “doing” J&K is obvious. There is also no doubt that the ever-present militant would be interested in them too. The openness with which these goods were being sold is particularly worrying. Boots and the like were reportedly being “offered” to trekkers in the Nubra Valley. While almost a dozen FIRs have been lodged and 31 people arrested, and the Army has ordered a probe, the regularity with which such scams surface and the continued availability of CSD goods in the black market indicate that it is the system itself which is corrupt. Apparently, some of the people arrested have named senior officers allegedly involved in supplying the equipment. This would surprise no one, as such sustained siphoning off of goods and equipment cannot happen without the involvement of higher-ups. The Army spokesperson has indicated that action was being taken against “low-level functionaries”, but that is the easiest part of the job. Senior personnel who indulge in these activities must be dealt with ruthlessly. While the Army claims that procedures are in place to prevent such dealings in the first place, they are obviously inadequate. The Army should swiftly bring those involved to justice, even as it puts in place tighter controls. |
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Death of innocence ACCORDING to the Supreme Court, the onus for action against ragging is on the campus authorities. But the latter seem to be adept in shirking this responsibility. They just refuse to admit that there has been any ragging. A classic case is that of Chandigarh’s Government Medical College and Hospital, Sector 32, where a newcomer Manjot Singh recently committed suicide, allegedly due to ragging by seniors in the hostel. The disciplinary committee of the college has suggested imposing a fine of Rs 2,000 on each MBBS student of the 2006 batch and also expelling 19 students from the hostel, but at the same time has asserted that there was “no ragging”. Pray, why the fine and expulsion then? Simple: they indulged in “indiscipline”. Quite some indiscipline this which drove somebody to suicide! A similar incident has happened in a private engineering college in Hooghly district in West Bengal. A new student landed in hospital after an encounter with the seniors but the authorities have dismissed it as a “mere scuffle”. Thanks to this tendency of hiding the burning problem under the carpet, ragging continues to be a serious menace almost everywhere in the country. Ironically, it is most prevalent in professional colleges. That is intriguing, because the students there are supposed to be more disciplined and serious than their counterparts in other colleges. But it seems that ragging has become so institutionalised over the decades that its claws refuse to be loosened despite the strict court orders. The fear of this humiliation has spoilt the lives of many students at the threshold of a promising career. This barbarism can be curbed only if the college authorities adopt a tough, zero-tolerance approach, which unfortunately is just not there. Their attempt most of the time is to deny the obvious. Even the HRD ministry’s guidelines are as inane as saying that freshers should develop an immunisation mechanism by being active from their first day on the campus. |
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I pray thee, understand a plain man in his plain meaning.
— William Shakespeare |
No ambiguity in 123
Politicising
what essentially represents an accord of momentous scientific import for India, even more than the United States, has tangled the Indo-US nuclear agreement in a web. The scientific, nuclear component of the agreement has to be disentangled from political and foreign policy issues if one seeks an objective appraisal. It is the evaluation of the nuclear establishment that one should look for. The participation of Dr Anil Kakodkar, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, and Dr R.B. Grover, Director, Strategic Planning Group of the Department of Atomic Energy, in the protracted negotiations and in the drafting of large parts of the agreement is, therefore, meaningful. A pithy evaluation of the Indo-US nuclear agreement from top nuclear echelons is contained in the comprehensive formulation: the nuclear accord is good for India, good for the United States and good for the world. Let us examine the three formulations. That the nuclear accord is good for the United States can easily be delineated. First and foremost, it means very big business at a time when the American economy is in a jittery in the post-Iraq war muddle. Characteristic is that GE, the leader of the American nuclear industry, has already set up shop in India, hoping for multi-billion dollar reactor business. Many more billions of dollars in defence equipment orders are anticipated by Washington as a byproduct. No less significant in Washington’s reckoning is the “strategic” fallout, changing global alignments and drawing India closer to its foreign policy objectives. This last aspect is intangible. Much will depend on the way India responds, and the Americans have learnt to their distaste in the course of the tough negotiations on the nuclear agreement that it is not pliable. As for the larger global fallout, its significance should not be underestimated. It lies in two meaningful areas: (a) in strengthening the global forces for amity, nuclear non-proliferation and constructive, developmental uses of nuclear science and technology for the welfare of humanity; and (b) in contributing eventually in a big way to restraining the spectre of global warming that haunts the world more than any other menace. For India, the far-reaching import of the nuclear accord has to be carefully examined, for it is multi-faceted and is of immense long-range implications on India’s scientific, developmental and economic parameters. Taking an overview, one can say that the final terms of the accord are better than what was anticipated, for they give India all that constituted its core demands, and more. This is so in the case of reprocessing rights and technology, high-end nuclear technologies, uranium nuclear fuel for safeguarded reactors and facilities, recognition of India as a nuclear-weapon state, and safeguarding its strategic, military- related nuclear activity by protecting Indian autonomy in this area, and upholding the Bhabha-ordained Indian nuclear path, above all, upholding Indian nuclear research and development. There can be no ambiguity on the nature and terms, for the nuclear accord is spelt out in one of the most elaborate scientific-legal documents of our times-the so-called 123 Agreement, officially described as the “Agreement for Cooperation Between the Government of India and the Government of the United States of America Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy”. Nothing is left vague or ambiguous in regard to the terms of Indo-US nuclear cooperation in the 22-page fine print of the agreement. The full implications of the agreement and all the controversies can be settled by referring to the relevant sections of the 123 document - Scope of Cooperation (Article 2), Transfer of Information (Article 3) containing transfers of the American scientific technology information, Nuclear Trade (Article 4), Nuclear Fuel Cycle Activities (Article 6) stipulating dealings in sensitive technologies such as reprocessing, enrichment and heavy water, Storage and Retransfers (Article 7) dealing with such high radioactive and critical nuclear material as high-enriched uranium, plutonium, uranium 233, tritium, etc, Physical Protection (Article 8), dealing with physical protection of sensitive nuclear material and equipment, IAEA Safeguards (Article 10), laying down the full meaning of “India-specific” safeguards, Implementation of the Agreement (Article 12), and, finally Termination and Cessation of Cooperation (Article 14). The focal aspects of the Indo-US nuclear accord were pinpointed on the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, a high-end technology. The Americans were hardly prepared for the stiff Indian posture on India’s reprocessing rights, contained in Dr Kakodkar’s description of reprocessing rights, at the very outset of the Indo-US interaction, as “non-negotiable”. In the end, India not only protected its right to reprocess all spent fuel, from indigenous reactors as well as American and other imported reactors, but even opened up scope for adding to Indian reprocessing technology by obtaining American know-how. What is significant is the mention of enrichment in the list of nuclear fuel cycle activities for Indo-US cooperation. Next, the Indian quest for additional uranium fuel — one of the key issues befuddling India’s nuclear programme — has been fully taken care of. And the key issue of rapidly expanding Indian nuclear electricity generation has now come to centre-stage. What India hopes to get is more than what was anticipated, for American nuclear industry is keen to take as much of the nuclear cake as its French and Russian competitors will allow. India can upstage its target of nuclear electricity from 20,000 MW to 50,000 MW as its first lap capability build-up. The India-specific IAEA safeguards are another feature of the agreement. These are yet to be worked out between the AEC and the IAEA. But the Indian side has made it clear that the safeguards cannot impinge on the R&D sector of Indian nuclear activity. Nor can the IAEA peep into the Indian chain of nuclear R&D centres barring what has been placed in the safeguarded list under the terms of the separation plan. That Dr El-Baradei is a friend of India and welcomes the Indo-US nuclear deal is another reason for cheer in this respect. The implications of international cooperation in nuclear science and technology are not limited to Indo-US cooperation. It will now be possible for India to open up international nuclear cooperation worldwide-with France, Russia, Canada, et al-since the barrier of Indian nuclear isolation is being lifted. The way is opening up for India to take its place as a nuclear front-runner since Indian nuclear capability has been built the hard way as ordained by Dr Bhabha, and Indian nuclear scientists are among the best in the world. The prime concern of the political class-once averse to nuclear tests and detonations - is the autonomy of the Indian nuclear strategic sector. That has been fully protected. But it would be puerile to demand that India is insulated in the matter of fresh nuclear tests, in isolation of the global non-proliferation debate. Till India becomes a member of the NPT in equal status with other nuclear-weapon states, India will have to seek a global equilibrium in the matter of nuclear testing, not just an understanding with the United States. Indian nuclear philosophy remains what it was — seeking the weapons’ elimination. This country can view nuclear weapons only as security-oriented weapons and not as a participant in the nuclear arms race. To this end, the nuclear establishment’s preparedness and further operations are adequate. A fully satisfactory picture will emerge only if the non-proliferation architecture is rebuilt, with due change in the structure of the
NPT. The writer, who has authored “India’s Tryst With The Atom”, specialises on nuclear issues.
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Toy soldiers
The
National Cadet Corps (NCC), male and female, is the child of what in my student days was known as the university training corps (UTC), except that it had no female wing. In the early ‘30s no member of the fair sex was ever seen wearing trousers or a uniform unless she was a hospital nurse or girl guide. As for handling a rifle, albeit one made harmless by removing its firing pin, God save us, girls were girls those days, not caricatures of boys, or of men, as they grew up. World War II was to change all that. Anyway, the UTC was a bit of a lark. Apart from the dummy rifles, one was paid a T.A of Re 1 and eight annas for attending the weekly parade inside the Red Fort. As the journey was performed on a bicycle, the money was spent on a 50’s tin of imported cigarettes. The reason for making the Mark Three, Lee Enfield rifles harmless was to discourage any thoughts of an armed “revolt” among us lads of 15 to 18 in the cause of freedom. Though where we would have got the “ammo” for such an enterprise I can’t imagine. Our battalion commander was a college professor given the honorary rank of major. He used to strut up and down the parade ground, short, leather-covered, stick in hand, while a British sergeant-major, assisted by a sergeant, drilled us, shouting in barrack-room language at those of us who didn’t know their left foot from their right. The dress we wore was neither elegant nor comfortable. Heavy black boots, grey woollen socks, khaki puttees, thickly starched khaki shorts and shirts, all under a pitch helmet which was either a size too small or several sizes too big so that it slumped over our eyes everytime we stamped our feet at the command of “shun”. Charlie Chaplin couldn’t have looked any funnier! Yet, fun it was. Especially the annual camp held on the wide expanse of the polo grounds in North Delhi, now the home of the CRP (Central Reserve Police). We slept under canvas, six to a tent, our bedrolls spread out on the turf. Bawdy stories were the order of the night and, very often, a plot was hatched to score off someone who had offended us by word or deed. One of these was from my own college. While most of us attended our classes dressed anyhow, some in pyjama-kurta, this fellow never wore anything but a suit, tie and a sola topi. At the UTC camp held in September, 1932, he had the audacity to turn up with a collapsible camp cot which he placed in the middle of the tent. For his five tent-mates,stretched on the ground, this was an eyesore. There was some whispered conversation and the next morning one of them reported sick and was excused from attending parade. At about 8 am, as we were marching on the road skirting the polo grounds, we saw a cart carrying the night-soil from the camp pass by us. On top lay the offending camp-cot, never to be seen again. Camping in close proximity of the Ridge, with open jungle (now Model Town) on the other side was not without its hazards. That September, heavy rains compelled us to strike camp and move into the Kingsway station built in 1911 for King George V, now a hospital for infectious diseases. On the very first night there, a cadet was bitten by a snake. He was rushed to the Hindu Rao hospital and, I am happy to say that his life was saved. He was one of the few who took his “soldiering” seriously. He joined the army and ended his distinguished career in the rank of
Lieut-General. |
A nuclear Iran is not in
India’s interest Iran
continues to relentlessly pursue its goal to enrich uranium despite the entreaties as well as threats of the international community. For India this has led to diplomatic arm-twisting that is undermining the country’s emerging strategic partnership with the United States (US). In the event of a US showdown with Iran, the recently negotiated 123 Agreement with India may not pass muster with the US Congress unless India comes out strongly in support of whatever steps the US-led international community proposes to take. There are enough indicators to this effect. Richard Boucher, Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs, had said a few months ago: “We are unhappy with the proposed Iran-Pakistan-India $7 billion gas pipeline project… There could be consequences for countries investing in Iran.” Earlier, Ambassador David C. Mulford had voiced his reservations about the Indo-US Nuclear Deal being approved by the US Congress if India did not vote to refer Iran to the UN Security Council. Congressman Tom Lantos and some other members of the US Congress have been extremely vocal in expressing their misgivings about India’s support for Iran at the IAEA and its energy ties with that country. Both in September 2005 and in February 2006, India was apparently coerced into voting to hold Iran in “non-compliance” of its safeguards obligations to the IAEA, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. This was seen domestically as a meek surrender of India’s strategic autonomy for uncertain future gains and as a move that undermined, even jettisoned, India’s half-century old policy of non-alignment. It was also viewed as being detrimental to India’s long-standing friendship with Iran and, as a corollary, harmful for India’s energy security, as India is heavily dependent on Iran for its oil and natural gas imports. While the Iranian government has categorically ruled out any intentions of acquiring nuclear weapons, India is concerned that the acquisition of uranium enrichment capability may create a propensity to develop nuclear warheads some time in the future. Iran has obtained uranium enrichment technology by clandestine means from Pakistan through Dr. A.Q. Khan. It could in due course develop nuclear weapons and may even pass on this technology to terrorist groups either as a state policy or through lax procedures that may be exploited by scientists with fundamentalist leanings. It already has an advanced ballistic missile development programme. The Shahab-3 IRBM is capable of striking targets in western India. As Iran is likely to continue to be governed by a hard-line nationalist regime, the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran will add to regional instability in an already unstable neighbourhood. Saudi Arabia may then follow suit and acquire its own nuclear weapons and other neighbors may seek nuclear guarantees. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has highlighted India’s security concerns arising from proliferation activities in India’s extended neighbourhood. On account of national security considerations alone India’s opposition to Iran’s uranium enrichment programme is completely justified. No international agreement with Iran will work in the long-term if it does not recognise Iran’s right to produce or process its own nuclear fuel under mutually agreed IAEA safeguards. This is not only a key clause of the NPT but was conceded in the Paris agreement signed in November 2004 by the EU-3 and Iran. The best way to ensure that Iran is never tempted to make nuclear weapons will be to address its security concerns and accommodate it as a major regional actor that is now showing increasing willingness to play a more responsible role in international affairs – the antics of its current President notwithstanding. The international community is clear that a civil nuclear energy programme that bestows enrichment capability on a state ruled by a hard-line nationalist regime and one that has been an active state sponsor of terrorism, is a threat to peace and stability and must be curtailed or at least subjected to an intrusive safeguards regime. India’s interests also lie in the same direction and India must fully endorse and support any measures that the United Nations Security Council might take to convince or cajole Iran into honouring its safeguards commitments and other treaty obligations – even if it comes to imposing UN sanctions if all other means fail to achieve the desired results. However, India cannot wish away the crippling impact that economic sanctions and, even worse, military strikes on Iran will have on its energy security and its trade in the region. India must balance the concerns of the international community about Iran’s nuclear ambitions with its growing energy requirements. India must call on Iran to respect its treaty obligations under the NPT and IAEA safeguards and give up the pursuit of nuclear weapons. On their part, the Western powers must realise that India can play a positive role in the early resolution of this knotty crisis. In order to obtain India’s support, they must also ensure that India’s energy needs are met through alternative means, particularly when a showdown becomes inevitable. The writer is a Senior Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi. |
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American public making a left turn Karl
Rove, the US deputy chief of staff at the White House who resigned recently, dreamed of creating a “permanent Republican majority.” But as President Bush’s longtime adviser exits the Washington scene, the political landscape he helped chart is already shifting beneath his feet: The era of conservative values – a tight-fisted approach toward government aid to the poor, traditional positions on social issues and a belief in a muscular foreign policy – that emerged in the 1990s is coming to a close. Disenchanted by the failures of the Bush administration, the public is moving away from its policies, values and ideology. This shift is an echo of the late 1960s, when weariness with the Vietnam War and discord at home resulted in a backlash against Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, and the late 1970s, when growing discontent over the stumbling performance of Jimmy Carter’s administration opened the door to the Reagan revolution. This time, though, it appears to be the Democrats’ turn to reap the benefits. Earlier this year, the Pew Research Center released the results of our comprehensive study of the public’s political and social values, the most recent in a series of reports dating to 1987. We found that many of the trends that had fueled the Republicans’ rise to political dominance over the past decade-plus have weakened – and in some cases even reversed. Consider this: In 2002, the country was evenly divided along partisan lines – 43 percent of the public identified with the Republican Party or leaned toward it, while the same number said they were Democrats. That shift in affiliation was a historic change from most of the 20th century, when Democrats usually held sizable advantages over Republicans. But if Rove hoped for a permanent majority, his hopes may have been dashed. Today, half the public – 50 percent -lines up with the Democratic Party, compared with 35 percent who align with the GOP. Even more striking is the public’s disenchantment with military muscle, a traditional GOP bailiwick. Here’s something Democrats can really take heart from: Public support for more government aid to the poor and needy is back. Support for more government involvement in dealing with social problems is on the upswing overall. More Americans now subscribe to the sentiment that “the rich get richer while the poor get poorer.” At the same time, many of the key social trends that nurtured the Republican resurgence in the mid-1990s are cooling down. Support for traditional values on social issues such as homosexuality or the role of women has edged downward since 1994. Another bad sign for Republicans, the party of staunch religious values: Most Americans remain religious, but the number expressing strong beliefs has dropped since the mid-1990s. During Bush’s first term, Americans’ foreign policy values were shaped by reaction to the 9/11 attacks. But six years later, they reflect the growing unhappiness with the war in Iraq. There’s considerable wariness about the use of US military force, not just in Iraq, but also in Afghanistan. Leading this nationwide left turn are independents, who have always been the pivotal voting bloc. Rove largely de-emphasized those voters while concentrating on the care and feeding of the GOP base. Didn’t work. Today, independents are much more in sync with Democrats than with Republicans on both domestic and international issues. So what accounts for changes of this magnitude? Throughout history, they’ve often represented a response to poor governance as much as any basic ideological shift. Recent history is full of examples of presidents and political parties overreaching in reaction to a change in the public’s political values. Though the public was moving in a more conservative direction in the early ‘90s, it had little appetite for the more radical proposals the GOP promoted after taking power, such as shutting down the Department of Education. House Speaker Newt Gingrich slowed the Republican momentum in 1995 by pushing his agenda too hard, too fast. This is a lesson the Democrats should take to heart. Change is headed in their direction, but a new Democratic era will emerge only if a potential Democratic administration shows successful leadership and real achievements. Kohut is president of the Pew Research Center. Doherty is associate director of Pew’s People and the Press polling unit. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post |
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Chatterati The
tussle between the communists and the Congress-led UPA inevitably generates more sound than any action. The same A.B. Bardhan who was responsible for “rescuing” the Congress with the appropriate candidate for President is now shouting the loudest. His protests, because he is in a small party even within the communist alliance, are always the loudest. But in any case the sequence of protests in Parliament have made Parliament look like a collection of school children behaving badly. Everybody knows that the communists in China signed a harsher version of a similar deal with the US many years ago. Everyone also remembers that the BJP was the one to halt nuclear testing in the pursuit of a closer friendship with the US. So, clearly, all this is only political one-upmanship. That too at a time when there are floods in large parts of the country. Serious issues to do with agriculture are being ignored. All the parties seem to forget that even in its worst form the nuclear deal will not impact their electorate. There is less than 700 days left for the next round of national elections. Is nobody really worried? Of course, in all this, everyone is surprised at the unnatural firmness of the Prime Minister. May be he is tired of being bullied both internally and externally. But whatever it is the country seems to prefer a determined man more rather than a loud and unruly Parliament.
Consumer rights India is the world’s fastest growing market for mobile phones. Your subjiwala is the best evidence of that. But clearly we are also extremely sensitive about product quality and we are getting better at demanding our rights. This is somewhat new, but global companies are beginning to feel the impact. Nokia received over two hundred thousand SMSs within twelve hours of its opening its SMS helpline, though only five per cent of these customers had faulty batteries. The new Indian consumer is now demanding both low prices and high quality. In return the Indian consuming class guarantees huge quantities. A marketer’s dream that could be a manufacturer’s nightmare.
Talent search The Indian cricket team did well in the Test series in England. But, when will we learn to crush the opponents? Why can’t they be ruthless? They always take the easy way out, being satisfied by small wins instead of aiming for the big ones. So, the team won the battle and lost the war. Sad scenario. Hope now floats on the Indian Cricket League. Will Kapil Dev create the Dare Devils and more captains to bring home the world cup? Kapil is passionately bent upon reviving the game of billions in this nation. ICL has taken a huge step in trying to compete with the powerful, financially secure, BCCI, which runs like a private company with political influence. One cannot question Kapil’s intentions. Subhash Goyal and Kapil make a remarkable team to bring out fresh talent from every nook and corner of the nation. There is competition and scope for people with talent now. |
He alone is the Doer. His name is great. All that is accomplished, proceeds from Him. |
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