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Freedom from
poverty Himachal calamity |
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Domicile obstacle Help jawans’ wards Education of their children is one of the many worries that plague military personnel. With regular transfers and postings to remote areas, the children find themselves uprooted repeatedly from familiar environments, besides having to cope with the long absence of their fathers.
Pakistan’s
military raj
Newspaper-induced
stress
INDIA AT SIXTY Legal
Notes
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Himachal calamity Himachal
Pradesh has had to celebrate Independence Day in tears this year. Torrential rains and flash floods have brought in untold misery. The number of deaths may well be above one hundred. As many as 65 persons have been washed away in Ghanvi village alone. Dams, roads and railway lines have been damaged extensively. The total loss to property is estimated to be more than Rs 1,000 crore. Almost all districts of the state have been badly affected by cloud bursts and floods, with the worst hit being Kangra, Una, Sirmur and Shimla. This is not the time to discuss whether the state had made sufficient preparations to face just such an eventuality. After all, floods during the monsoon are almost an annual feature. What matters most right now is the ability of the government to provide relief and rehabilitation to the survivors. Many of them are living in a pitiable condition and their survival will depend on how quickly the administration mobilises itself to provide relief. The government has promised to do this work on a war-footing, but past experience on this count has not been too reassuring. There is need to keep a close watch on the performance of the lower-ranking officials who come in actual contact with the affected persons. One major problem is that the washing away of roads has made many areas inaccessible. Will the government be able to rush in essential supplies through helicopters in sufficient quantity? This tragedy is perhaps too big for Himachal Pradesh alone to cope with. There must be a national effort to make sure that the injured and displaced do not suffer because of paucity of funds. Not only a large number of houses have become unliveable, but huge tracts of agricultural land have also been washed away. The fragile ecology of many places in the region is in danger. The task at hand is huge but can be accomplished through government-public cooperation.
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Domicile obstacle Education
of their children is one of the many worries that plague military personnel. With regular transfers and postings to remote areas, the children find themselves uprooted repeatedly from familiar environments, besides having to cope with the long absence of their fathers. Many struggle in vain with the challenges of learning new languages, making new friends, and simply starting all over again. In addition, it is an uphill task to gain admission to schools and colleges of their choice, because of domicile requirements in several states – a problem that Defence Minister A.K. Antony has sought to tackle by writing to state governments, urging chief ministers to waive such requirements for children of defence personnel. Many states stipulate that students seeking admission to certain professional courses should have been resident of the state for a specified period or should have passed 10th or 12th standard from that state. Many wards of military personnel will find themselves unable to fulfil such a requirement in the state where they are resident. It would be unfair to expect them to travel elsewhere for admission, even if that were possible, or to settle for what is available, against their own choices. At a time when our armed forces are finding it difficult to attract the best of talent, and shortages of both officers and other manpower persist, it is incumbent upon state governments to do their bit for the soldiers. Many studies have found that family worries tend to affect performance, and are a factor in incidents of suicides and fratricide. The persistence of the domicile requirement is an anomaly, something that should never have applied to soldiers’ children in the first place. Chief Ministers of all states should now initiate steps to waive the domicile requirement for the children of our jawans. |
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Lord! we know what we are, but know not what we may be. — William Shakespeare
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Pakistan’s military raj
Using
the concept of Milbus to describe how state resources are used by Pakistan’s military officers for their personal benefit, Ayesha Siddiqa’s book, “Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy”, shows that the military, which has dominated Pakistan for much of its history, has become entrenched in the corporate sector, running Pakistan’s most important industries. It has become an independent class in the country, and a law unto itself. Milbus includes everything from land given to officers and support staff to clubs and travel, as well as military involvement in civilian sectors, including farming and running hotels, none of which have anything to do with national security. The military’s influence stems from its role as the guarantor of national security in a country which has been mismanaged by inept politicians. This influence started growing soon after Pakistan’s birth, when the army initiated war against India in 1948 without adequate military control and came to define the country’s national interest. Independent of what they see as incompetent civilians, the military people regard Milbus as essential for their welfare. The Pakistani state has given land to the military, which has come to monopolise essential services like water, so that senior officers are akin to the feudal lords of a pre-modern historical era, exploiting not only the poor living on their lands but also ordinary Pakistani soldiers. Pakistan’s generals have acquired assets worth anything between Rs 150 million and Rs 400 million and the military owns 12 per cent of state land, more than any other institution or group. Fifty-nine per cent — or 11.58 million acres — of this land is agricultural land. The military’s political clout gives it — alone among official institutions — the power to privatise state land for the personal use of senior officers, including building golf courses. The military’s hidden economic empire comprises the Fauji Foundation, the Shaheen Foundation, the Bahria Foundation and the Army Welfare Trust. Their estimated worth runs into billions of dollars, but their exact worth is not listed in the defence budget, so that there is no explanation for the transfer of money from the public sector to individual officers. Subsidiaries of the defence establishment, they have military and civilian employees and include banks, insurance companies, radio and TV channels and cement, sugar and fertilizer plants. Commercial ventures set up on state land — power, sugar, fertilisers — have run into losses, but the army’s attitude is that no one has the moral authority to question the military or to run the country, and that politicians are not trained to do their job. In fact, weak elected politicians lack the power to hold the military accountable for money-losing projects. Military discipline, a strong club instinct and old boy network keep officers employed and well heeled even after retirement. Officers are the main beneficiaries of a socially and economically inequitable Milbus, which is also reflected in a recruitment policy that is biased against some provinces and ethnic minorities. About 70 per cent of military pensions are paid to Punjabis from all ranks, a mere 1 per cent to Baluchi officers, and 2 per cent from the Northern Areas which comprise part of the Kashmiri territory annexed from India in 1948. Most military businesses are concentrated in Punjab. The long-term consequences of these imbalances are the embitterment of less favoured communities and the perpetuation of ethnic tensions. Siddiqa could have underlined that the political career of Pakistan’s military began soon after its creation not just because its politicians were incompetent, but also because no political party won an electoral majority or was able to forge a consensus on the nature of the Pakistani state since 1947. That is partly why the military stepped into the proverbial vacuum which is abhorred by power. The military has convinced the population of its indispensability so that few can challenge its dominance of the state and society. Siddiqa contends that the inequities fostered by military dominance and Milbus have made the common man lose faith in the military and turn to religious extremism. But she could have made more of the fact that as long as Pakistan seeks to hive off Kashmir from India, the military’s grip on political institutions will not be loosened. That is largely because of the religious definition of the Pakistani state, which has placed it at odds with India’s secular democratic definition. The first Pakistani invasion of Kashmir, soon after Partition, took place when the supposedly secular Jinnah was Governor-General of Pakistan. Pakistan’s religious character justifies to its leaders and people its claim to Kashmir and puts it on a permanent collision course with India; that is why it cannot accept the Line of Control as an international border, a move which could usher in better relations with India, and also reduce military expenditure and influence. The Islamic ideological definition of the state is also a major restriction on intellectual pluralism and freedom and a reason why democracy never seems to take off in Pakistan. Civilian rulers — no less than generals — have exploited religion and nurtured extremism to further their political ends, which include attempts to sever Kashmir from India. So, it is arguable that the religious definition of Pakistan, rather than social inequalities in themselves, has contributed to the rise of its military in politics and also to Islamic extremism. Will the army withdraw from politics? Given the political and financial vested interests of the military, Siddiqa is probably correct in saying that it is “almost impossible” for the military to return to the barracks. So, whether Gen Pervez Musharraf, Ms Benazir Bhutto or anyone else is in power in the foreseeable future, the pessimistic conclusion to be drawn from this informative book is that the sun is far from setting on Pakistan’s military
raj. The article is based on “Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy” by Ayesha Siddiqa; Pluto Press, London, and Ann Arbor, 2007.
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Newspaper-induced stress Newspapers
are not good for health, especially mental health. In fact, they have proved to be quite disturbing for my peace of mind. They are triggering on anxiety syndrome in me. The morning delivery of the fresh and fragrant copy at my doorstep is the point of great elation as I feel like a drug addict getting a fresh dose of dope. I quickly scan through the headlines and then dig more deeply to suck the juicy parts. Once, the whole newspaper is thoroughly gone through, the real ordeal begins. Who says a newspaper is like a poppy flower whose life is but a few hours? Just read that quotation. How aptly it describes the ironies of life. Must preserve it. It could give solace in the times of despair. Have a look at the editorial today. What a classic commentary on the issue and several new words to learn and increase my vocabulary. This article on the Oped page holds important information on the topic which I am researching. This should also remain. These news items can be used as updated examples for my lectures. Oh! I just cannot bear the idea to part with this beautiful photograph on the last page. That flowchart can be used for kids’ project work. The cartoon strip must also be saved for its funny punch line. Then, there are recipes, handy tips, website addresses and other important information to be noted down. It is like a treasure trove. There are gems scattered around, who but a fool would let go of them. So the newspaper cannot go to the trash bin but only to my room which is now turning into an archive and overflowing with precious wealth of knowledge culled from the newspapers. My stress of neatly sorting out the information for easy accessibility daily is multiplied by the callous attitude of my family members who are bent upon getting rid of the daily clutter (according to them) before the sun sets. Meanwhile, the pile grows with every passing day and so grows my stress. I am very seriously thinking of subscribing to a tabloid or a paper which is trash even before reading. Maybe, it will relieve me of my
woes. |
INDIA AT SIXTY
When
we talk of India Eternal, the reference is certainly not to its cinema. But even in this make-believe world, there are certain things that refuse to change. We find it very difficult to break out of the “boy-meets-girl-meets-villain” mould, although we have completed 75 years of cinema. There are, of course, glorious exceptions, but they are far too few to remove the overall impression about Indian cinema. Modern techniques have endowed it with a lot of gloss, but under the surface there has been hardly any change. Bold attempts have occasionally been made to break free of the template. However, these have yet to receive public support to the extent that they should. It is the same old chicken-first-or-egg paradox. The public says it wants to see good, world-class cinema. The producers counter that leave alone going truly international, their attempts to digress even a little from the set theme have led to unpredictable – at times disastrous – results. Being hardnosed businessmen they cannot afford to take too many risks in the name of creativity. In a way, they are right. Nobody can afford to make films only for himself, unless he has pots of money to burn. There has to be an audience to patronise it. This is especially true in a country like India. But it is almost impossible to get viewers in sufficient numbers into theatres for an off-beat fare. Whether it is the recent Nishabd or the older Mera Naam Joker, unconventional films tend to fall flat at the boxoffice. Similar is the fate of many other films dealing with mature themes like Lamhe and Cheeni Kum which were given the thumbs down because they were ahead of their times. While that is the fate of mainstream films, the art cinema in particular is as good as dead. The frustration of good actors like Naseeruddin Shah on that count is palpable. Instead, the so-called masala films are ruling the roost, most of which are no better than the Parasi theatre of the pre-Independence era from which they originated. Even Naseer, Om Puri and many others have no option but to join this mindless bandwagon. And yet, we get highly disturbed when our cinema is not given its “due” on the global platform. Just as we were thinking that we just have to go to the West Indies and bring the World Cup home, our hopes touch the sky whenever we send an official entry to the Oscars. The impression is that an Oscar award is the next logical step. When we return empty-handed, we either blame the “western bias” for this humiliation or start showing the “grapes are sour” syndrome by saying that we should not run after the white man’s recognition. There is no critical evaluation of where we stand. Our problem is that we are bedazzled by islands of excellence like Satyajit Ray and Ritwik Ghatak to ignore the cesspool that has accumulated all around. What we also do not know – or do not want to know – is the difficult circumstances under which even these masters had to function, thanks to public apathy and lack of official support. Ironically, some excellent work has been done in films emanating from regional studios, while the Mumbai film world, Bollywood as it is called, is smugly dishing out insipid, commercial fare decade in and decade out. In a country of the size and diversity of India, there cannot be a one size fits all type of cinema for every section. But just as a lay viewer has the right to enjoy escapist extravaganzas, serious viewer too must have the facility to savour wholesome fare. With a population exceeding one billion, there are certainly enough people who can make a decently made film a success. It is just that they too have gone with the current, denying the unusual films even the minimum clientele. Our huge cinema halls were always meant for populist stuff. I have all along advocated parallel, smaller cinema halls for select audiences who love good movies and are willing to pay a wee bit extra for them. The wish has partially come true through multiplexes, but we are nowhere near the ideal situation. The cinema halls there are less than one-third the size of a regular cinema, and consequently easier to fill. But instead of catering to serious cinegoers, they too have become a haven for those in search of spectacular thrills. There are enough Karan Johar type films to keep these theatres packed. But this mall culture is not even a midway point between the popular and serious cinema. At its most basic, a film is a good story well told. Unfortunately, even this is becoming too tall an order for us, unmindful of the fact that world cinema has gone way beyond the “good story well told” level. Experimentation is the need of the day, but we tend to take refuge in the tried tested. Some small films do make big on the multiplex circuit. The Munnabhai series and Bheja Fry belong to this category. The latter perhaps would have sunk without trace in the pre-mall era. But have you noticed that both these belong to the comedy genre? Nothing wrong with that but we are still quite some distance away from the stage where the multiplexes will be saviours of serious cinema. Many things ail the film world. The biggest drawback is that the story writer is Mr Neglected in the current scheme of things. With the very foundation being so weak, it is impossible to raise a stable structure. Instead of experimenting with contemporary storylines, we are still living in the mythological era. If you look carefully enough, you cannot help noticing that almost all good-versus-bad staple plots of Indian cinema can be traced back to the Ramayana or the Mahabharata. Both epics have enough characters to provide storylines to last us a lifetime. Since there is no appreciation for good scriptwriting work, many take recourse to lifting foreign plots. In fact, when the storyline of a Hindi film is well structured, the regular cinegoers start getting worried. If they have not seen the original, someone known to them certainly would have. The sense of being cheated happens to be fairly strong in such cases. The entire focus is on lead actors. Star system is all-pervasive. There are no takers for a majority of films made with newcomers. As in the case of the story, most producers bank on a handful of actors. No wonder their fee is astronomical. With such a huge chunk of the film’s budget going towards their remuneration, who has got the funds to pay the poor story writer? Some of the actors are talented enough to want to break the mould. But their bravery is mostly rebuffed. They have become prisoners of their own images. A noticeable weakness of the audiences here is that they associate the character played by an actor with his real-life persona. So, if Amitabh Bachchan is playing a womaniser in a film, he has to be actually like that. That tendency has kept many stars from doing creative work. Since for the brute majority of the filmgoers, cinema is only a device to escape the humdrum and grey mediocrity of their everyday lives, most producers peddle only dreams. Exotic foreign locales, a few foot-thumping songs and a double dose of believe-it-or-not action and you have your average film. With few above-board avenues of finances available, the mafia and unscrupulous moneylenders have got a stranglehold over the filmmaking business. Since these people have no taste for finer things, what they want dished out is mostly pedestrian stuff. Nearly 75 years of such disappointments has broken the spirit of the sensible viewers. But unless they start rejecting the stereotyped films, the makers will continue to come up with fake goods. |
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Legal Notes The
pendency of cases in the Supreme Court has gone up slightly during the past four months mainly due to registration of new cases, in spite of an effective disposal rate. Some 43,580 cases were pending at the end of July as compared to 41,581 recorded on March 31. During the four-month period between April and July, 15,016 new cases were registered. These include both admission matters as well as regular cases. In the category of the latter fall those cases in which intricate questions of law are involved and the court feels that these need to be thoroughly examined. In the admissions category, the court only looks into the admissibility of the direct petitions and appeals and disposes them with final or interim orders. It is because of this reason that the number of regular cases is fewer – 18,365 as compared to 25, 215 admission matters. The rising number of cases could also be attributed to the apex court not having the full sanctioned strength of 26 judges – it is at presently working with 22 judges. Due to the cumbersome process of appointment of new judges, filling up all the vacant posts is expected to take a fairly a longer time. VRS can be revoked before acceptance The Supreme Court has ruled that an employee working with the government or public sector undertaking, opting for voluntary retirement, could claim his job back if the retirement proposal is revoked by him before its acceptance by the appointing authority. The revocation of the offer will be complete the moment it is conveyed to the employer and any subsequent acceptance of the voluntary retirement offer would be rendered ineffective. The ruling was laid by the apex court in a case of three employees of the Food Corporation of India’s Punjab region, who opted for voluntary retirement on September 13, 2004 but revoked it before it was accepted on November 9, 2004. The Punjab and Haryana High Court had struck down the corporation’s order of acceptance of the retirement and the apex court upheld it, laying down a law. It said the issue though had been dealt by it earlier in an identical case relating to the State Bank’s employees, which led to the fixation of the 15-day time frame for acceptance of revocation in all banks. But the FCI had fixed the time period of three months, and its employees had revoked the offer much before the expiry of the period, the court held, permitting the employees to continue
in service. SC, ST posts interchangable in promotion At a time when the reservation issue is being hotly debated in Parliament, courts and in public fora, the Supreme Court, in a significant ruling, has laid down that the vacancies of SCs and STs in promotion in government jobs could be interchanged in the absence of no eligible candidate being found from one of the reserved communities. The apex court said, as per the promotion policy, such exchange of reserve vacancies is allowed between
SCs and STs. The ruling came on a petition by Oriental Insurance Company employee Sonia, posted in Punjab and Haryana region. She belonged to SC category and appeared in the exam for recruitment of Assistant Administrative Officer as departmental candidate. There were five vacancies of which four were reserved for SCs and one for STs, and she was allowed to appear in the selection examination against ST category and was declared successful. On it being challenged in the Punjab and Haryana High Court, her promotion was struck down. But the apex court set aside the High Court order saying that apart from the promotion policy, the exchange of reserved posts was even permitted in the office memorandum of the insurance company specifically to the appointments in question. The apex court directed the company to call Sonia for interview before the interview board for selection to the post of Assistant Administrative Officer and if she is selected, she should be promoted to the post against the ST quota. |
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