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Thirty something Yes to Mittal |
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Sir Salman
State of armed forces
A brush with life
Israel-Palestine conflict Understanding the Chinese mind Inside Pakistan
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Thirty something THIRTY years of uninterrupted elected office is an achievement for any political party. More so for the CPM-led Left Front in West Bengal as it celebrates what is a global landmark for a democratically elected Communist party. Of all the political forces that ascended to power riding on people’s resentment against the authoritarian excesses of Indira Gandhi’s rule, the Left Front alone has remained intact and in power. However, to view the CPM, and the Left Front, through an ideological prism would not provide a correct picture: they are damned because they call themselves Communists or Left who have no place in a democracy; they are condemned by die-hard Communists because the CPM has compromised with “capitalist” and “feudal” forces and are not sufficiently Stalinist, Leninist or Maoist; and, lastly, while their transformation as functional social democrats is welcomed by pragmatists, their social democratic character is flayed for being a betrayal of “Communism”. Regardless of these perceptions, the Left Front has a distinguished record as a parliamentary party and its acceptability has grown across the spectrum. This is borne out not just by Mr Somnath Chatterjee becoming Lok Sabha Speaker and Marxist leaders being considered desirable presidential prospect, it is also demonstrated by ‘Amar’ Jyoti Basu being proposed as Prime Minister in 1996. Rare is a Communist party with such a record in the democratic world. However, reality bites, not just because of rising aspirations. In 30 years the Left Front has transformed the countryside in West Bengal. Yet unemployment in the state is one of the highest in the country and industrial development has been depressingly negative. If the Left Front is to remain relevant and West Bengal has to go forward, serious course correction is called for. Creating a climate for investments, industrial development, productive employment and infrastructure building is the minimum that needs to be done. Constitutionally and politically, despite the atrocities of the police and the Marxist cadres in Singur and Nandigram, the Left Front’s record is above average. On the economic and developmental tracks, its score is abysmal. Reforms in these directions require a change in the mindset of the leadership and cadres. These will be the key tests for the party, which has not been able to attract new and younger members in recent years. |
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Yes to Mittal THE Union Cabinet has cleared the final hurdle in the way of establishing the Bathinda refinery. On Thursday it gave formal sanction to Britain-based, India-born steel tycoon Lakshmi Mittal to pick up 49 per cent stake in the 9-million tonne refinery being set up by Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Ltd (HPCL). Both HPCL and Mittal Energy Investments will have 49 per cent stake each and the remaining 2 per cent will be offered to financial institutions. The Mittals will invest Rs 3,506 crore in the project. Guru Gobind Singh Refinery, located in Punjab’s Bathinda town, has seen many ups and downs since it was conceived in the late 1990s when the Shiromani Akali Dal was in power in the state. The subsequent Congress government, headed by Capt Amarinder Singh, renegotiated the deal and rolled back some of the tax concessions, saving the state from considerable revenue loss. Global oil companies like Exxon, Total SA, Saudi Aramco and BP of Britain had shown interest in the Bathinda refinery at one time or the other, but none of the investment offers materialised. Meanwhile, the unusual delay saw massive cost escalation — from Rs 9,000 crore originally to Rs 17,973 crore now. Happily, the refinery and its ancillary projects will create jobs in a neglected area. It is up to the state government to train youth for the upcoming job opportunities. The association of a high-profile global steel baron with an oil refinery should not come as a surprise as Mr Mittal has already entered the lucrative oil business, having first partnered with ONGC. His involvement with the Bathinda refinery is expected to bring in professionalism and put the project on a fast track. Under the existing policy, foreign direct investment in public sector refineries is limited to 26 per cent. Hence, a 49 per cent stake required Cabinet approval. The refinery deal was inked in February this year and it has taken so long for the Centre just to show the green signal to Mr Mittal. It does not reflect well on the way the government functions.
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Sir Salman IT has never been easy to determine whether Salman Rushdie is one of the most influential authors in the world, or the most controversial one. Both seem equally true at various times. No doubt the inclusion of this Bombay-born writer in the birthday honours list of Queen Elizabeth II was to recognise his literary talent by the nation that still cherishes its titles. However, even before the Queen could tap his shoulder with a sword and say, “Arise, Sir Salman”, the honour had snowballed into a major controversy. The backlash from Muslims in various nations across the world and disapproval by officials of nations like Pakistan just serve to spotlight the strong feelings Rushdie evokes. On the one side are those who celebrate his literary talent that came to the fore with the publication of Midnight's Children, which won the 1981 Booker Prize. His second novel, Shame, published in 1983, is set in Pakistan. It won Rushdie accolades. The Satanic Verses was Rushdie’s fourth novel, published in 1988. In it, he made certain references to the life of Prophet Mohammed which angered Muslims and provoked a world-wide outcry. The book was banned in many countries, including India, and it divided the world into two blocks, the West that supported him and the Islamic world that condemned him. The author went into hiding and lived a life of seclusion until the hullabaloo died down. The outcry against the author is a sad reflection of the intolerance that has crept into the society at large. However, it is difficult to believe that the effect of Rushdie’s knighthood in revitalising his enemies had been underestimated by those who announced the honour, as well as by the recipient. Rushdie’s writing has literary merit and has a world-wide audience. His readers can only believe that Sir Salman will respond to the honour with more offerings of literary merit, and hopefully, less controversy. Those who condemn him for non-literary reasons only condemn themselves.
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If my doctor told me I had only six minutes to live, I
wouldn't brood. I'd type a little faster. — Isaac Asimov |
State of armed forces The
core values of the armed forces in any functioning democracy are “complete subordination to the duly elected civilian authority” and “readiness to make supreme sacrifice without demur”. So are the values of our armed forces. Apolitical in nature, they are, by far, the best in the world. These values are instilled at the training academics and centres and carefully nurtured by developing a unique culture of esprit-de-corps, mutual trust, commitment and self-sacrifice. Highest standards of courage and integrity are followed to uphold these values. Of late, these values are under strain. The officers are becoming materialistic. Some of them keep on toying with the idea of leaving the armed forces at the earliest possible opportunity. The societal values of “liberalism” and “individualism” are creeping in the armed forces. The cupid has fallen for cupidity. Air Chief Marshal Fali Homi Major’s offer to release 15 to 20 pilots at regular intervals to enable them to begin a second career with Air-India is indicative of this trend. Unless it is a part of a well-thought-out strategy, the exodus will start. This bodes ill for the national security. Samuel Huntington, a Harvard scholar, in his famous treatise on the soldier and the state, warns, “Military institutions which reflect only social values may be incapable of performing effectively their military function.” The reason for the erosion of the armed forces’ core values are not far to seek. When an officer joins the armed forces voluntarily, he forgoes some of his interests and rights, including the right to life. In return, he expects respect, prestige and just rewards from society. Thus, a two-way obligation forms a covenant between society and the armed forces. But today an officer has come to perceive, rightly or wrongly, that society has not kept faith with him. Unlike the American, European and other democratic societies, who consistently hold their armed forces in high esteem, people in India show their affection only during the time of war. One thing that has taken the heaviest toll of core values is the continued deployment of the armed forces for counter-insurgency operations where there are no boundaries, no rules of war for the insurgents and no principles for political leaders. If one political leader wants to reduce the troop level, the other wants to grant amnesty to the terrorist - all at the cost of the armed forces. Military duties such operations are highly complex. An acute shortage of officers, multiple deployment and long hours of duty have raised the combat stress to the maniacal level. No wonder, incidents of soldiers committing suicide, or running amuck are on the rise. All the troops deployed for counter-insurgency operations must undergo a de-induction training programme on being relieved to restore their values. For this, a separate Armed Forces’ Core Values Training Institute should be set up. The shortage of officers may be met by granting regular commission to deserving women officers. The British armed forces plan to increase the strength of their women to more than 50 per cent of its total strength within the next few years. Suppression in the armed forces, though highly inevitable due to the pyramidical structure of the forces, carries a stigma with it. This gives rise to the confidential report (CR) syndrome where an officer infuses “Servility” rather than the “warrior spirit”, and encourages loyalty towards himself rather than towards the cause, institute or the country in the subordinate officers. The CR system needs to be revamped. The reviewing officer need to know the officer more intimately. At present he, being far removed from the unit, simply dittos the initiating officer’s evaluations. Multiple sources of input including peer and subordinate evaluations should form the basis for promotion. Assured career progression with decent pay while serving, and adequate pension on retirement for the armed forces’ personnel is the only way to protect these values. The officers can be placed on command, staff and other appointments within the various departments of the Defence Ministry and paramilitary forces. The condition of the combat soldiers, particularly in the Army, is bad. Admittedly, the sum being paid to them is paltry; soldiers and society are painfully ignorant about it. The condition becomes worse once they retire. The Army, to maintain combat effectiveness, retires its soldiers at the peak age of 35 to 45 years. From the authorised strength of approximately 10 lakh JCOs and Ors, 45, 000 retire every year. Since the full pension is permissible to a person only if he completes 33 years of service, most of them draw only one-third of their last pay drawn. As the pay scale of the general duty category of the soldier is the same as that of unskilled labour, the pension alone cannot sustain the ex-servicemen and their family. Most of our ex-servicemen live in penury. Lt-Gen K Balaram (retd) presented a paper on the “Utilisation of Manpower in the Army” to Ministry of Defence in 1985, proposing that the general category soldiers after retirement from the combat arm units be remustered as “skilled categories” in the combat support and service units. The retirement age in the combat support and service units be raised to that of a civil servant. The proposal merits attention when, with the advances in technology, the combat support and service units operate from relatively safe distances. The Six Pay Commission, which is carrying out is deliberations, must take into account the need for protecting the core values of the armed forces by suitably compensating them for their sacrifices. Huntington says, “the professional motivations of the officer are the combination of the technical love for his craft and the sense of social obligation to utilise this craft for the benefit of society… Society, on the other hand, can only assure this motivation if it offers its officers continuing and sufficient pay while on active duty and when retired.” Ultimately, it is the state of civil-military relationship that will determine the value system for the armed forces. Unfortunately, the existing state of civil-military relations, where the civilian bureaucracy has its stranglehold over the armed forces, will impair the calibre of military professionals in the
future.
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A brush with life
WHEN I was young, the teeth-cleaning technology had not yet become a racket. We simply burnt the shell of almonds, powdered them fine using a pestle and mortar, sieved the black powder through a piece of muslin, and bottle the black magic. It was the best. Others took fine coal ash and used it. Some just crushed charcoal fine and brushed their teeth. A few adventurous souls powdered sea salt, and mixed it with a few drops of mustard oil. They swore there was nothing like it. I can say that many of those who used any of these ‘dant-manjans’ could say ‘cheese’ in their late eighties with their natural chewing apparatus intact. My own teacher ate sugarcane at 85 years of age just as we would eat candy! And then came the toothbrush. In the beginning it was a simple, direct thing. A plastic handle with a big hole at one end, and bristles at the other. However, it required, of necessity, toothpaste. After a year or so, when the brush was nearing the end of its life, one just broke the head and used the long piece, with the hole at one end to draw strings in pyjamas. Recyclable and effective! But trouble came soon after. The toothbrush industry declared that the ordinary brush does not clean deep. Ergo, the bent toothbrush, with the angle ‘scientifically’ designed to reach the most inaccessible places of the oral cavity. Then came double-coloured bristles — one cleaning the front and the other the back of teeth. This was not enough. It was proclaimed that all brushes have a life, but how was one to know that? Simple — this toothbrush would proclaim its age by a change of colour of the bristles! And who would pay for all this scientific research? You, dear reader. The toothbrush, which cost half a rupee some 30 years back, can cost anything up to Rs 50 now. I am sure the cost of manufacture is not more than Rs 5. The rest goes for ads and fattening the teeth line, sorry, the bottom line. From time to time that irrelevance, the electric toothbrush also keeps appearing. And by tooth, a revolution has taken place in the toothpaste industry. I counted in my chemist’s shop 18 brands, not taking into account special-use toothpastes! Some progress. I have also observed that the toothbrush reveals the real personality of its user. Some use their instruments with ever so kindly gentleness that the bristles are thankful to them. They remain straight and soft. Others create a mayhem. The bristles bristle with anguish. They are violently twisted out of shape and become crooked and nasty. Therefore, if you want to know the real personality of a person search for the toothbrush, and don’t be taken in by the apparent saint-like visage of the person. Truer than doing the person’s psychoanalysis. Believe me. I have done that and never had to lie through my teeth for
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Israel-Palestine conflict The
Hamas takeover of Gaza last week revealed deep fissures within the Palestinian cause. The Americans, the Israelis and the Palestinians all might like to think these divisions are temporary, but the reality is not so simple. To a large extent, residents of Gaza and the West Bank are two different peoples, and the idea of a three-state solution – Israel, plus a Hamas-run Gaza and a Fatah-governed West Bank – makes historical sense. Gaza was, starting in the early 1800s, culturally dominated by neighboring Egypt. Although Gaza was part of the Ottoman Empire, a large number of its residents were Egyptians (and their descendants) who had fled political turmoil. The West Bank, on the other hand, became culturally and economically linked with Jordan after the kingdom's founding in 1921. Unlike Gaza, the West Bank always has had a prosperous Christian minority, which served as an important moderating influence. The two regions' experiences after the establishment of Israel in 1948 also were quite different. In 1950, Jordan annexed the West Bank, granted its residents citizenship and created a bureaucratic and legal infrastructure that helped connect the West Bank with the rest of the Arab world. The simultaneous Egyptian occupation of Gaza, however, was both careless and brutal. Gazans remained stateless and were forbidden to leave the strip. Egypt never created a Gazan civil service, placing Egyptians in charge of all civil and military posts. Even today, the two economies are almost entirely disconnected. Gaza wallows in a poverty that has led to political and religious radicalization. In 2006, Gaza's unemployment rate was more than 35 percent, compared with 18 percent in the West Bank. With the exception of the joint distribution of foreign aid and political patronage, the two regions have very little to tie them together. However, the most important difference is the way that refugees who fled or were expelled from Israel in 1948 have assimilated. More than a million refugees and their descendants live in the Gaza Strip, making up more than 84 percent of the total population – and nearly 50 percent still live in camps. The much larger West Bank integrated its refugees far more successfully. Only 26 percent of refugees are in camps there – representing less than 10 percent of the total population. Because they have created familial and economic ties to the West Bank, they are more rooted and amenable to political compromise. It is conceivable, for instance, that West Bank Palestinians would give up the refugees' right of return in exchange for Israeli territorial concessions. Yet many Gazans, who have lived in refugee camps their entire lives, are tragically, if understandably, unwilling to accept such a compromise. The idea that national identities remain static is a late-20th-century fiction. Palestinian identity has been in flux since the Ottoman period, and there is no reason to think that it is now frozen in place. Indeed, after receiving Jordanian citizenship in 1950, many residents of the West Bank came to see themselves as Jordanian. Yet after the Israeli conquest in the 1967 Six-Day War, they quickly adopted a pan-Palestinian identity. All that was needed for this identity to shift was a single generation severed from Jordanian power, influence and institutions. (Acknowledging that his ostensible subjects would never again view themselves as Jordanians, King Hussein renounced all claims to the West Bank in 1988.) A similar division has existed for some time between Gaza and the West Bank. As a result of Israeli travel restrictions, an entire generation of Gazans has never set foot in the West Bank, and vice versa. In light of the current political schism between the West Bank and Gaza, Yasser Arafat's vision of a united Palestine seems more remote than ever. It is finally time to seriously consider a three-state solution. Israel would be able to treat Gaza as a pariah state and respond to Hamas' rocket attacks accordingly. Israel could then await Gaza's further descent into a quarantined chaos or the unlikely emergence of a more moderate political leadership. West Bank Palestinians also could profit from such an arrangement. Indeed, the Israelis are already considering giving Fatah the nearly half-billion dollars in tax revenues they've been withholding. Once detached from Gaza, the West Bank leadership probably could force Israel to dismantle roadblocks and evacuate settlements. Following a perverse logic, the benefits might even extend to residents of Gaza. Freed from West Bank hegemony, Gazans could live in whatever Islamist dystopia they choose. A bifurcated Palestine ultimately might facilitate a temporary solution to the conflict: peace between Israel and the West Bank, continued fighting between Israel and Gaza. This is an admittedly partial solution, but it is better than the status quo of no solution at all. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post |
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Understanding the Chinese mind The
recent denial of a visa to an Arunanchal Pradesh born IAS officer, as part of a 107-strong team intending to visit China, on the ground that Arunanchal was part of China and that being a Chinese citizen he did not need a visa, is the latest attempt by China to reiterate its claim to the territory which we consider ours and is now under our effective political, administrative and military control. Earlier also their Ambassador had made a similar claim even though the timing was not very opportune for a seasoned diplomat to do so. Whether we like it or not, the fact is that China is our neighbour, a giant one at that. It is imperative that we understand this giant so that we can safeguard our interests. To further safeguard itself from “barbarians”, China constructed over generations a 4,000 km long wall, the world’s greatest example of human effort in its entire history. Safeguarded from foreign invasions and resultant disruption of its way of life, China developed a great civilization, even though they had periods of internal turmoil, but those did not adversely affect their civilizational advancement. You name any invention/ discovery in the ancient and medieval period, it originated in China — be it silk, tea, ink, paper, gun powder, rockets, hot air balloons, magnet and its use in navigation, etc. China considered itself the “centre of the world”, the “middle kingdom”, as the greatest civilization. It was due to this greatness of civilization that the Chinese have a great sense of superiority. Even in their decay in the 19th century they treated the rest of the world with contempt. It was this “sense of superiority”, that made them challenge, the might of the USA as early as 1950 in the Korean war. It is pertinent to note that at that time China was a backward, undeveloped country with a primitive army. This aspect of their (perceived) sense of superiority needs to be factored in all our calculations while dealing with China. Due to their great civilization the Chinese, like all highly cultured people have a great sense of shame. The Chinese would go to any extent to “save their face”. There is a saying to the effect that a Chinaman would not mind losing his head to save his face. While they have a tremendous sense of shame, they have no sense of guilt. This lack of sense of guilt emanates from their feeling of superiority. Having convinced themselves of being superior to all other races, they perceive that they can do no wrong and hence have no sense of guilt. If needed, the Chinese are temperamentally capable of evaporating the whole of, lobe without feeling a wee bit of sense of guilt. The Nazis, due to their (so-called) sense of superiority had no sense of guilt for sending six million Jews to gas chambers. Now contrast this with the American scientists, who felt guilty on seeing the horrendous destructive power of the atomic bomb after testing the same. The Chinese concept of time is entirely different from the rest of the world. Psychologically, they think in terms of ages and eras rather than in some specified units of time e.g. months and years. This concept of Time gives them a tremendous sense of patience and time tolerance. They thus can show abnormal tolerance to resolve their problems and just do not get worked up even if there are enormous delays. That is why they are not in hurry to resolve border dispute with us and can wait indefinitely for an opportune time to come to give them the visualised advantage. It was this concept of time that enabled them to construct the Chinese wall spreading over hundreds of years. While they have great patience and can wait endlessly, they never lose their focus. Its most modern example is the focus they have shown in developing their country through “four modernisations’ — agriculture, industry, science and technology and military — introduced by Deng Xiao Ping in the late 1970s . They have not wavered a bit since then. Even though they want to develop trade and other relations with us, they have never lost focus on our territory and keep on reiterating their claims even on most inopportune times and on most frivolous occasions. Their great civilizational background, the concept of time (patience) and the sense of focus have made the Chinese great strategists and past masters in state craft, right from ancient days. Sun Tzu’s treatise on planning, preparation and conduct of warfare is not only masterly but still valid despite the vastly changed circumstances and mind-boggling modern technology. It is their this sense of strategy that has made China to create a nuclear-armed proxy in the form of Pakistan, which is bleeding us white, thus keeping us weak. China has almost encircled us in form of Pearls (naval bases and outposts) around us. It is their strategy to contain us and keep on weakening us so that we are not able to develop our full potential to dominate South Asia and convert the Indian Ocean into an Indian lake. The Chinese know most of their oil passes through the Indian Ocean, hence they must try to neutralise the Indian geo-strategic advantage. Hence, a clash of interest with China is a certainty, which can only be ignored at our own peril. We must prepare for this clash in all fields — economic, political and even military. We must not forget that. To safeguard us from the Chinese onslaught, before it fully manifests itself, we must launch our version of economic, technological and military modernisation. We must have our own Pakistan against China and Vietnam is a ready-made proxy for this purpose. However, do we have the vision and the will to do so? That, my countrymen, is a billion yuan question.
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Inside Pakistan The British decision to confer knighthood on controversial writer Salman Rushdie appears to have disturbed almost all sections of people in Pakistan. Their reasons for feeling outraged may be different, but their reaction shows what exactly is there in their mind — the West is not bothered about their sentiments. The liberals are afraid that the resurrection of a dormant issue will embolden the extremist fringe to deny whatever little space they have been able to occupy after a protracted struggle. Salman Rushdie may be a great fiction writer", as Dawn says, "but he has used his pen to create hatred rather than enlightenment among nations. When it (Satanic Verses) was published in 1988, the book had aroused indignation throughout the Muslim world because of its blasphemous contents, leading to widespread protests. Iran even issued a fatwa of death, later withdrawn, against a man whom some people call a Satanic author. "Common sense requires that both sides do nothing that could aggravate the sense of mutual alienation. Like the Danish cartoons, Rushdie's knighthood will widen the chasm. Equally deplorable is Mr Ejazul Haq's talk of suicide bombing," Dawn adds. Mr Haq is the Religious Affairs Minister of Pakistan. The Frontier Post, a well-known Left-leaning daily, in a scathing comment said: "This knighting of a known sacrilege-peddler is sure to bolster this (hurt) sentiment of its (Britain's) Muslim community and also play into the hands of its extremist fringe. Internationally, too, this uncouth crowning stands to come potentially as a red rag to the extremists for fuelling and fanning their fanaticism." "For Pakistan, struggling domestically to justify its role in the war against terror", as The News says, "her majesty's decision to honour Salman Rushdie can only make the task more arduous. In fact, most moderate Muslims, struggling to find a voice in a rapidly radicalised milieu, have been forced to retreat into their defensive bunkers as the shrapnel from the decision threatens to hit the ground. As for the growing ranks of those radicalised by the recent antics of the US and its staunchest ally, the move is exactly the kind of ammunition it was looking for….The radicals are clearly going to have a field day." Now, missing
voters As preparations have begun for the general election due in Pakistan some time next year, a serious controversy has arisen with regard to the voters' list. The provisional electoral rolls show a large number of missing voters. In 2002, Pakistan had 71.86 million registered voters. But, strangely, the number has come down to 52 million despite the fact that it has 2.7 per cent annual population growth. According to one calculation, the total number of registered voters should have been around 82 million. The result is strong protests by opposition parties like the PPP, which feel that efforts for rigging the elections have already begun. One fails to understand how their grievances will be redressed. As Business Recorder (June 21) puts it, "Under the rules, the rolls will remain on display only for three weeks, which means up to July 3. By then how many new voters would be enlisted is anybody's guess. Then, there are many corrections that the political parties would like to be made in terms of deletions, additions and properly spelled names." If no corrective steps are taken soon, the issue of missing voters may put a big question mark over the fairness of the crucial battle of the ballot. Strained
accord At least 34 people died in an explosion in the Dattakhel area of North Waziristan on Tuesday. But how the massive blast was caused remains a mystery. In the opinion of Dawn, "There are at least three versions of what actually caused it. According to the residents, missiles from across the border had hit a madarsa in the area that led to the death of a number of people. The Pakistan army spokesman insists that the blast was accidental and occurred when some militants were making explosives. The US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan have categorically denied that they had fired any missile. Who is to be believed? The tribal people, however, believe that it was a pilotless US drone that fired missiles over the affected area. A report in The News (June 21), quoting military sources, has it that "it was not a madarsa but a terrorist camp where the blast took place." Whatever the truth, the tribal elders say the accord they had reached with the government last September is under strain. They feel let down by Islamabad. |
I swear by swadeshi as it affords occasion for an ample exercise of all our faculties and as it tests every one of the millions of men and women, young and old. |
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