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Respite in Lanka Misconduct in uniform |
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PSUs bleed exchequer Punjab Govt shelves reforms EIGHTEEN of the 32 Punjab public sector undertakings (PSUs) had accumulated losses of Rs 5,815 crore up to March 31, 2006. This fact has been brought out by the latest report of the Punjab Accountant-General (Audit). The losses of various boards and corporations have been rising year after year.
Making borders irrelevant
Court martial
Vendetta politics is harming Punjab Can Indonesia learn to live with diversity? Europe in search of a new enlightenment
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Respite in Lanka THE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) agreeing to hold “unconditional talks” with the Government of Sri lanka (GoSL) is a welcome development although it does not hold out immediate prospects of durable peace. In fact, neither the two parties to the conflict nor the co-chairs who have facilitated this agreement to resume negotiations, expect any dramatic resolution of the Tamil-Sinhala conflict that has raged on for 23 years and claimed 65,000 lives. Yet, if the prospect of talks has led to sighs of relief, it is because it de-escalates the undeclared war that exacerbated the conflict in the last three months. It marks the end of the five-month deadlock that saw the worst spell of violence and armed hostilities in the four and a half years since the ceasefire agreement. Even while agreeing to talks, the LTTE has demanded an immediate halt to the military offensive of the Sri Lankan security forces, without setting this as a pre-condition. This was only to be expected. The LTTE, despite its military capabilities, was facing increasing international isolation; and, as a result, losing not only sympathy but also the means to bolster its firepower and finances. Its provocations did not succeed as President Mahinda Rajapakse initially resisted being drawn into retaliatory strikes against the LTTE. He stuck to the line that the GoSL would sue for peace but, beyond a point, the restraint collapsed and the island republic appeared headed for a full-scale war. Such a flashpoint certainly has been postponed, for whatever length of time, with the Norwegian Special Envoy Jon Hanssen-Bauer persuading both the LTTE and the GoSL to resume talks. The negotiations are likely to be held later this month or in early November and it would be adequate, at this stage, if the two sides agreed to keep talking. Even that is asking for much given the ways of the Tamil Tigers who have wrecked every attempt in the past for a negotiated resolution of the conflict.
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Misconduct in uniform THE recent incident of 15 Army personnel resorting to violence and assault of civilians in Jalandhar Cantonment is deplorable. The provocation was a minor incident of chain snatching. Instead of filing a complaint with the authorities, the Armymen shed both norm and form to run riot. Now, a case has been registered against them for trespass, rioting, voluntarily causing hurt and damaging property. The latest incident is not an isolated one, and is yet another blot on the uniformed force. Other recent incidents that come to mind are: two girl judokas were pushed out of a train at Panipat; nine Army jawans were held for stripping a young man in Begusarai; and five persons, including a woman, who were thrown out of train by soldiers at Shikohabad were killed moments later by another speeding train. Army personnel are required to maintain discipline and show utmost restraint even when provoked. Individual aberrations are understandable in extreme circumstances. In this case, the fault lies with their training and environment, which allows them to break discipline in such a wanton manner. To its credit, the Army, as an organisation, has shown repeatedly that wrongdoers would be taken to task and dealt with speedily. However, it is unfortunate that the values inculcated and reinforced through rigorous training and discipline cannot withstand the least pressure . The common man has always seen the Army as a cut above the rest. When its personnel resort to lawless behaviour, the feeling of being let down is widespread. The Army should punish the guilty, and ensure that such incidents do not happen in future.
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PSUs bleed exchequer EIGHTEEN of the 32 Punjab public sector undertakings (PSUs) had accumulated losses of Rs 5,815 crore up to March 31, 2006. This fact has been brought out by the latest report of the Punjab Accountant-General (Audit). The losses of various boards and corporations have been rising year after year. Instead of making efforts to turn around or dispose them of, the government has burdened them further with new Chairpersons. This was to accommodate political loyalists who could not be made ministers or parliamentary secretaries. Regretting the government’s failure to take up remedial measures, the Punjab A-G has urged it again to wind up the loss-making corporations and restructure and downsize the others. The reiteration of this plea is unlikely to move the government to action since there are political compulsions. As the Amarinder Singh government prepares for the assembly elections early next year, it is not expected to take any initiative towards reform that can have adverse political fallout. Besides, the government’s record of reforms has been far from impressive. The power reforms have been shelved as the PSEB employees protested. Although the Punjab Government has appointed a Disinvestment Commission headed by former Chief Secretary P.H. Vaishnav, it has displayed a marked indifference to undertake any sell-off programme for the ailing PSUs. Instead, the government has pumped in Rs 3,718 crore more to keep the sick PSUs alive. The government has bled the exchequer and not only by continuing to hold on to the loss-making PSUs. It has come under attack also for mismanaging them and turning a deaf year to various acts of omission and commission pointed out by the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Punjab Accountant-General. Despite a favourable Supreme Court ruling in the PNFC case that the state is not liable to pay the staff for a closing unit, the government has not gone ahead with disinvestment. The Centre, too, is not in a position to prevail on the states to put through such reforms as it has suspended its own disinvestment programme.
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The meaning doesn’t matter if it’s only idle chatter of a transcendental kind. |
Making borders irrelevant
EVER since the “historic” Havana meeting between Dr Manmohan Singh and Gen Pervez Musharraf, spin doctors in the Prime Minister’s Office have been averring that the General assured Dr Manmohan Singh that Pakistan was not involved in the 7/11 bomb blasts in Mumbai, and that the Prime Minister was impressed by the “sincerity” of General Musharraf on this score. Precisely, two weeks after the Havana meeting, Mumbai Police Commissioner A.N. Roy exposed the involvement of the ISI and its two favourite terrorist outfits, the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed, in the Mumbai train blasts. The conspiracy was hatched in Bahawalpur, the home of Jaish leader Maulana Masood Azhar, who was escorted to Kandahar in 1999 by Mr Jaswant Singh. One hopes the spin doctors in the Prime Minister’s Office will remember that in an interview to The Khaleej Times on May 4, 2001, General Musharraf proudly proclaimed: “In the national interest we have to tell a lie and may be I have told lies here and there”! The Havana joint statement avers; “On the Jammu and Kashmir issue, there have been useful discussions. There is need to build on convergences and narrow divergences”. The significance of this reference should not be underestimated. It is evident that back channel contacts between the discreet and astute Satinder Lambah and his counterpart Tariq Aziz have established some common ground based on the negotiating space made available by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s idea that while boundaries and borders cannot change they should be made “irrelevant”. It appears that some realism has dawned on General Musharraf who now realises that while hackneyed references to self-determination and UN Resolutions may be good for campaign rhetoric, they have little appeal in major world power centres. It is in this background that one has to look at General Musharraf’s proposals for the settlement of J&K based on “demilitarisation” of identified regions — specifically Baramula, Kupwara and Srinagar — the division of the state into seven different regions, “self-governance” and “joint management”. Strangely, General Musharraf has averred (and for once I do not doubt what he has said) on three occasions that the proposal for “joint management” was initiated by the Indian side. Quite obviously, General Musharraf wants “demilitarisation” of three major urban centres to create a situation in which the writ of the Indian State does not run there and his favourite Jihadis from the Muzaffarabad-based United Jihad Council take over control of these towns. Further, demilitarisation would mean India relinquishing its sovereign right to deploy armed forces on its own territory. Finally, the Kashmir valley is the main artery of communications for our forces deployed on our borders with China. Any talk of “demilitarisation” is, therefore, a non-starter. What India can agree to, at best, is redeployment of forces within J&K and some force reductions, after terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir irrevocably ends and the infrastructure of terrorism in Pakistan, Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and the Northern Areas is fully dismantled. This will involve General Musharraf discarding the fiction that the Jamat-ud-Dawa (the new name of the Lashkar-e-Toiba) is a “charitable” organisation and that Maulana Masood Azhar is a peace-loving Pakistani citizen. General Musharraf’s proposal to divide J&K into seven distinct regions on religious/sectarian lines is totally unacceptable to a secular India. But as talks on the devolution of power in J&K progress, surely mechanisms can be devised through institutions like empowered Regional Councils to address issues of regional economic disparities and allegations of excessive domination of the state by people based in the Kashmir valley. Similarly, General Musharraf has not spelled out details of what he means by “self-governance”. Even today J&K enjoys a huge degree of self-governance and devolution of powers to village panchayat levels. The Governor of Jammu and Kashmir takes his oath according to the Constitution of the state and the Chief Minister presides over the Unified Command of military, paramilitary and police forces, apart from sweeping powers of appointment to state government posts. Across the LoC, effective power in PoK and the Northern Areas is wielded in the “Azad Kashmir Council” and the “Northern Areas Council”. Both “Councils” are presided over by the President/ Prime Minister of Pakistan. The so-called “Prime Minister” of PoK has no fiscal or administrative powers comparable to his counterpart in Srinagar. He cannot even appoint a department head without the approval of the Department of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. The situation is even worse in the Northern Areas where the Legislative Council is only an advisory body, with all the powers being wielded by a chief executive appointed by Islamabad. With New Delhi having set up several internal working groups to deal with issues of “autonomy” in J&K, it is essential to insist that there should be symmetry between the levels of self-governance in J&K on the one hand and PoK and the Northern Areas on the other. Any discussion with Islamabad and with separatists and other groups in J&K will have to bear this in mind. The rush to seek to settle “internal issues” in J&K, ignoring what is happening in PoK and the Northern Areas will be a folly. But self-governance, based on symmetrical levels across the entire State of J&K can certainly be an issue that can be discussed with Pakistan, without prejudicing our commitment to the parliamentary resolution of February 22, 1994. New Delhi should not be seen to be defensive in discussing these issues with Pakistan. As General Musharraf has agreed that boundaries should be made irrelevant, it should be made clear that experience across the world suggests that boundaries become irrelevant when they initially cease to be barriers to free movement of goods, services and investment. Both India and Pakistan had agreed at the Kathmandu SAARC summit to implement the recommendations of the Eminent Persons Group set up in 1997 that envisage the establishment of a South Asian Economic Union by 2020. The LoC can be made “irrelevant” for economic exchanges once Pakistan agrees to speed up the implementation of the South Asian Free Trade Area and cooperates to set up a Customs Union in South Asia by 2015. Is General Musharraf prepared to move in this direction in return for the acceptance of his “idea” of self-governance? Moving forward on the Havana Joint Statement is going to require a national consensus. Proposals involving Jammu and Kashmir cannot move ahead without a measure of transparency, as ultimately the process of devising mechanisms to make borders irrelevant will have profound national implications within India. But this entire exercise cannot achieve any meaningful content if Pakistan remains the epicentre of global and regional
terrorism.
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Court martial
I
WAS posted as Brigade Major (BM), of an artillery brigade at Kaluchak near Jammu in 1974 and was to be “Officer Commanding” of all Other Ranks of the Brigade Headquarters. On taking over, my Brigade Commander desired of me to improve the discipline of the “Camp”
(Brigade Headquarters) and that I should stick to the saying: “New brooms clean better”. During the briefing it emerged that there was a “gunner” who, whenever he went on leave always overstayed the leave (OSL) and that he was punished a number of times. In nutshell, it was conveyed to me that he was a “bad hat” and should be dismissed from service after making one more mandatory “Red Ink Entry”. After many days, he rejoined from leave and was remanded to me on an “Offence Report” for having OSL. I have forgotten his name and let’s call him Potha Raju. He was from near Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, was tall, well built though weak looking. On being customarily asked, “What you have to say in your defence?” he promptly pleaded guilty fully knowing that he could be dismissed from service as he was only one “Red Ink Entry” short to qualify for the same. For those jawans who are from well-off homes the “Five Red Ink Entries” is ruse to get rid of the Army Potha Raju did not look that “type”. So I asked him: Do you want to serve, or should I dismiss you after punishment?” He pleaded that he was very poor and wanted to serve but had land-related problems which necessitated him often “Over Staying Leave”. Accordingly, he always went on leave during harvesting season, which his wife could not manage as she was no more part of the joint family and his neighbours and others created problems. His presence was needed for harvesting and marketing of the produce. His entire record was in front of me and it revealed that he always went on annual leave in a particular month and overstayed his leave for the last four times. I deduced that he was not a “Bad Hat” but victim of circumstances. There was sincerity in his eyes and demeanor and I decided not to choose the easier route of dismissing him but making a good soldier out of him. Since he was a perpetual offender, I could not leave him with a minor punishment but an example had to be made out of him, for improving others’ discipline. So I remanded him to Summary Court Martial (SCM) of which I was the sole judge. I, as a Major, could award three months Rigorous Imprisonment (Lt Col could sentence a concerned offender to one year’s RI). If an offender was dismissed from service he was sent to a Civil Jail and if he was to be retained he could be sent to Military Prison at Trimullgherry near Secunderabad (AP). Accordingly Potha Raju was “Court Martialed” and sent to Military Prison at Trimullgherry for three months RI. After he served his sentence he was interviewed by me as it is customary for an OC to interview persons after their long stay outside the unit. Potha Raju was very grateful for being retained in the Army and was not bitter at all. In fact he was happy as his wife and children could visit him in the Military Prison which was near his village. His wife made it known that he had come on “duty” to Secunderabad which had a salutary effect on her tormentors. I appointed Potha Raju as my Batman (an OC’s Batman is privileged person), against everyone’s advice. I was told that since he carried the stigma of having been “Court Martialed” (by me) he might harm my son who was less than three or misbehave with my wife. Potha Raju did nothing of the sort and took extra care of my household. He conducted himself most honourably. We developed deep “mutual respect” which is the foundation of all military relationships. A number of letters to the Collector of Hyderabad to resolve Potha Raju’s problems were written by my predecessors and me but to no avail. Had the civil administration been a bit caring. Potha Raju would have escaped all the punishments for an offence which was beyond his control. If any “civil administrator” happens to read this piece he/she must take a vow to resolve the problems of the families of the soldiers so that no more Potha Rajus are subjected to an avoidable court
martial.
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Vendetta politics is harming Punjab OF late, feudal instincts have started dominating Punjab politics which had remained almost free from the “eye for an eye” political culture, witnessed in other states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and even neighbouring Haryana, till the late 90s. The way Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh and the opposition and SAD leader, Mr Parkash Singh Badal and his son, Mr Sukhbir Singh have been bad mouthing each other for the past six years, was unknown earlier in Punjab. Media persons and others concerned have seen several abusive shouting matches between the Chief Minister and the leader of Opposition on the floor of the Punjab Assembly as well as outside. Except on one occasion, that was provided by an all party meeting convened by Captain Amarinder Singh on river waters issue about two years ago, both the leaders have not even exchanged a formal “Sat-Sri-Akal” or any pleasantries. The late Beant Singh as Chief Minister had aggressively targeted the Akali leader late Gurcharan Singh Tohra in the early ’90s. Beant Singh had gone to the extent of holding a political rally against Gurcharan Singh at a short distance from his home at his native Tohra village. On occasions, Beant Singh had used strong language against Tohra but he never crossed the “Laxman Rekha”. And Tohra also confined himself to political attacks against his bete noire but never came down to the level of a street fight that is often witnessed at present. In spite of the outward repulsion for each other, Beant Singh and Tohra had maintained channels of communication between themselves. In fact, there is definite information that Beant Singh invited Tohra to his grand daughter’s marriage by sending an invitation card to him through a close confidant. Earlier, during the emergency, late Giani Zail Singh had put several Akali leaders in jail for months but he also maintained secret channels of communication with them. Haryana saw slanging matches among its top political leaders in the 70s and 80s but that culture is on the wane there for the past few years. The “tu-tu, main-main” culture has been introduced in the State’s politics by the fierce rivalry between Captain Amarinder Singh and Mr Parkash Singh Badal. It has started appearing more like personal enmity than a political tussle between the duo. Such rivalries were more pronounced among feudal lords when feudalism was at its peak. One can have glimpses of it in Pakistan where even now feudal lords have a vice like grip over the political system. By and large, this crude sort of political culture had vanished after the Independence in India. Captain Amarinder Singh had his education from the two best schools in the country. And Mr Parkash Singh had been a student of one of best colleges in Lahore before Independence. No one expects that senior political leaders, whichever stock they may be from, should come down to the level of injecting a virus of wretchedness in the political system. Leave aside the abusive exchanges. Read the content of advertisements published in various newspapers against each other through their supporters. Expressions like Chor(thief) and dacoo (dacoit) and
Ravana (symbolising evil) are being used in advertisements. Obviously those reading the content of such advertisements are getting sadistic pleasure from the language used and accompanying caricatures in them. But no one is realising what kind of damage is being caused to the political system in the process. What message is being sent across the society through these advertisements? And what sort of credibility and level of respect these leaders will be commanding among bureaucrats, officers and employees through whom they are to run the administration of the state? Officialdom read such advertisements without fail and many of them keep these as collector’s items. People of Punjab know what kind of political leaders they are. They are aware of the political janam patri of each leader active in the public sphere. And they are also well informed about the level of honesty, dishonesty, mental and political capabilities of their present and former Chief Ministers, present and former Ministers, MLAs, MPs etc. They need not be told the same through ad-wars. Only misfortune of people is that they have no suitable alternative to elect honest leaders as their representatives. If they had any alternative, by now many of the political leaders of all hues active in public life for past several years would have been consigned to the dustbin of the history by them. The political atmosphere soaked in hostility of top leaders is certainly proving detrimental to the development of the state. No industrialist will come forward to make investment in any important sector when political leadership of the state is at daggers drawn. Industrialists and investors never like that some one should browse through their books and records to settle political scores with their counterparts in other parties. And industrialists and investors also hate their names being linked up with scandals and debated in media by politicians of any hue. Dragging names of industrialists and investors in political controversies and scandals have proved costly for the development of the state for the past six or seven years. Stamping out of corruption is not on the agenda of politicians. In fact, most of them patronise and promote it. Punjab has been slipping downward on education, health, food grains and on the industrial front for the past three decades. Unrest among its people is growing by the day. Political leadership of ruling Congress and the main opposition party-Shiromani Akali Dal — is squarely responsible for it. For
people, especially for politically aware citizens of the state, it is the right time to dwell on this issue. Washing of dirty linen in public may be good for politicians to belittle each other but it is not in the interest of Punjab.
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Can Indonesia learn to live with diversity? Indonesia recently celebrated its 61st Independence Day. It has been a bumpy road all the way and the country is still grappling with manifold problems. Professor Theodore Friend, in his book, Indonesian Destinies, says that Indonesia suffers from what he calls, “split-level characteristics”. And it occurs “in at least three areas: split-level democracy, split-level free enterprise, and split-level Islam.” He is of the view that: “From these fundamental separations in both the larger culture and individual psychology arise the difficulties Indonesians have experienced in welding constitutional liberalism to democracy, and thereby guaranteeing it.” This sort of explanation of Indonesian psyche is neither here not there as it might fit any nation; because all people at an individual or collective-level have these characteristics in varying degrees. What has happened instead is that Indonesians haven’t managed to blend and balance their particular identities to advance their national project. And this is because its leadership sought to foist a single identity on a highly diverse populace. Nationalism is a relatively recent concept of European origin. To rid themselves of Dutch colonialism, Indonesians, like many other colonial people, felt the need to create a sense of common identity as one people and one nation. In the process, they sought to blur their different identities based on region, religion, language and others. But as soon as this was accomplished, the glue of a common national identity, couched in terms of an anti-colonial struggle against the Dutch, started to loosen. Some people and groups started to assert their particular, narrow identities. Instead of engaging with them and accommodating diversity, the new centralist state sought to suppress such eruptions. One way would have been to accommodate ‘difference’ through a democratic polity. But that was abandoned after a brief experiment in the fifties, replaced by ‘guided democracy’. Which essentially meant the leadership knew best. In other words, people at large could not be trusted to exercise their political rights. Until Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s direct election as the country’s President, Indonesia has been lurching in a continuous state of transition. Things appear to have stabilised a bit under Susilo and, at times, even appear to be making some headway. But even though Indonesia now has the apparatus of democracy, its supporting structure is still, by and large, of an earlier era. The armed forces, though their political role is diminished, still loom larger than life in the country’s affairs. Corruption and connections, though in a less crass form, still make the country go around. But a heartening change has been in Aceh where a 30-year old insurgency has been politically sorted out (though the tsunami played an important facilitating role); even though there are still some reservations about how the future will take shape. In other words, an attempt has been made to politically engage with ‘difference’, without foisting with force a centralist version of Indonesian identity. Hopefully, this will also spread to Papua with genuine autonomy for the region. The test of the new democratic political order in Indonesia will be to accommodate and blend particular identities of its diverse people into a national project where ‘difference’ is an asset rather than a liability.
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Europe in search of a new enlightenment IN an age scarred by flashpoints between cultures and religions, it is easy to make accusations of prejudice or bigotry. There are fears of a clash of civilisations in which Europe’s enlightenment values are under attack from religious obscurantism. Cherished traditions, such as freedom of speech, the alarmists complain, are being surrendered out of political correctness and appeasement. Thus we see this week that Spanish villagers who have for centuries donned medieval costumes to re-enact battles between Moors and Christians are now abandoning the custom of burning effigies of the Prophet Mohamed to celebrate the end of 800 years of Muslim rule in the Iberian peninsula. Meanwhile, in France a philosophy teacher is in hiding after publishing a newspaper article critical of Islam. In Germany a production of Mozart’s opera Idomeneo has been cancelled for fear of angering Muslims. And in Rome, Benedict XVI continues to issue apologies – he’s done four so far – for his ill-judged quotation from a 14th-century Byzantine emperor who had called Islam “evil and inhuman”. The Pope clearly still isn’t sorry enough in the view of the two Muslims who yesterday hijacked a Turkish airliner and ordered it to Italy in protest. Everywhere have sprung up champions of freedom of expression and crusaders against religious darkness in the name of Western values. Yet the truth is somewhat different. This is not so much a clash of civilisations as one between religious and secular fundamentalists. For our world is very different from even that of our fathers, let alone that of Voltaire, In his day, religion was the dominant oppressive culture against which emerging rationalism struggled. Today, by contrast, Islam embodies the identity of one of the most alienated minorities in Europe. That is not all. The reality of a multi-faith multicultural Europe, in which many feel threatened by the fear of new and growing waves of immigration, is provoking a crisis of identity characterised by increasing insularity and fear. It is in that context that the simplistic polarisation between “the inalienable principle of freedom of speech” and “the sphere of divine duty” is taking place. The result is all too often a dialogue of the deaf. The Pope has not helped here. Though he has apologised for not distancing himself from the “evil and inhuman” quote he has not resiled from the substance of his Regensburg address. In it he insisted that, thanks to the influence of Greek philosophy, there was no conflict between faith and reason at the core of Christianity. The Christian God is incapable of actions which are not good: hence He could never endorse the use of violence to spread religion. In Islam, by contrast, he said, God is not bound by any human categories, even that of reason, which is why Islam sees no contradiction on spreading religion by the sword. To back his argument he selectively drew on Christian theologians who endorsed his view, niftily omitting those like Tertullian or Calvin who leaned towards the “God beyond reason” view. And he cited a marginal medieval Muslim theologian, Ibn Hazn, who said that God is not bound even by his own word, ignoring the many Muslims, such as the Mu’tazilite school, who have said God must act in accordance with reason. The decision in Spain to scrap the burning of effigies of Mohamed reveals that a new sensitivity is developing in many quarters. It was evident in the cancellation of the production of Mozart’s Idomeneo at the Deutsche Oper. There are signs too of a growing maturity among the Muslim community. The wild men have been in evidence — and much quoted by a confrontation-hungry media — but many Muslims are coming to see that they must respect the traditions of the culture into which they and their fathers have immigrated. And if cynicism, irony and indeed blasphemy are part of the culture they have decided they must observe it with detachment. A group of German Islamic leaders, meeting in Berlin, called unanimously for Idomeneo to be performed as scheduled next month. One imam even said they would all attend the performance. That was a refreshing contrast to the hyperbole about art and free speech being “the elixirs of an enlightened society”. Instead of a power struggle, or a test of wills, it opens the way to a more mature approach.
By arrangement with
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And when it is said to them, “Believe as the people believe”, they say, “Shall we believe as imbeciles believe? No, it is they, they who are the imbeciles, though they do not know. Many say, that wealth, power and position corrupt men. Surely they are wrong. By themselves, wealth, power and position can do nothing. Our attachment to them causes corruption. |
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