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Mr Speaker Limits of backwardness |
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Digitally secure Upgrade human element and technology THE Defence Ministry has issued a fresh set of guidelines towards ensuring cyber-security. Many of them are common sense precautions, and it is a matter of some surprise and regret that such systems were not in place already and regularly updated. The guidelines seek to regulate the presence of various features, restricting them to specified computers — like USB ports, which permit “plug and play” of external storage devices like pen drives, and writable CD and floppy drives.
Tharoor has a long way to go
Their shattered “ashiana”
Life-saving knowledge Stop fuelling suspicion and hostility Post-Doha route: bilateral agreements
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Mr Speaker FORMER Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s epistolary missile targeting Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee was uncalled for. Mr Vajpayee and Mr Chatterjee are two of the country’s finest parliamentarians; sticklers for norms and mindful of propriety and convention. Both Mr Vajpayee and Mr Chatterjee have enriched Parliament with their political instincts, oratorical flourishes and exemplary conduct on the floor of the House. Given that there is more in common between these two parliamentarians of unparalleled stature, Mr Vajpayee’s letter casting serious aspersions on Mr Chatterjee’s conduct as Speaker is not only unfortunate but also ill-advised. Hardly surprising then that Mr Chatterjee felt hurt; so much so that he threatened to resign and had to be persuaded against any extreme action. Mr Vajpayee’s allegation that Mr Chatterjee did not inspire the Opposition’s confidence is a shocking exaggeration that few would have expected of him. Mr Chatterjee has reason to be upset because, according to reports, when he spoke to Mr Vajpayee the latter had agreed to ask NDA MPs to desist from boycotting the House; yet, just a few hours later, he finds that Mr Vajpayee has carried the fight further to make a personalised attack on him. Apparently, he wrote the letter under pressure from his party colleagues. The Opposition has every right to launch an onslaught against the government, as long as this does not obstruct Parliament’s functioning. But to lump the Speaker, especially one so distinguished as Mr Chatterjee, with the ruling party demeans the very institution of Parliament. After all, the only “charge” against the Speaker is that he continued to conduct business when NDA members had stormed the well of the House. Surely, it cannot be Mr Vajpayee’s case that the Speaker should not conduct the business of the House; or, that NDA members should enjoy immunity from being asked to behave when in Parliament. The Speaker was only doing his job and it is wrong of Mr Vajpayee to fault him for doing it conscientiously in the face of grave provocation. No one should demean the office of Speaker, certainly not Mr
Vajpayee.
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Limits of backwardness TUESDAY’S Supreme Court order quashing the Jharkhand government’s decision to merge the extremely backward class and the backward class into one group for purposes of reservation is timely. The ruling is significant because the apex court has made four important observations on the issue of reservation. One, the merger between the ‘most’ or ‘extremely’ backward class and the backward class in Jharkhand is violative of the right to equality under Article 14 of the Constitution. Two, the two categories in question are quite different from each other and thus both must be treated separately for the simple reason that “unequals cannot be treated as equals”. Three, the state governments may provide reservation for the most backward class, but they cannot exceed the 50 per cent ceiling fixed by the apex court in the Mandal judgement. And four, the court can declare a government order as ultra vires the Constitution if it makes a sub-categorisation of a reserved category like the OBCs without due application of mind. The Jharkhand case once again proves that successive governments — at the Centre and in the states — have been using reservation as a tool to expand the political parties’ vote banks. Some states like Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Madhya Pradesh have far exceeded the 50 per cent ceiling prescribed for quotas. What is distressing is that even though OBCs like Yadavs in the North and Nadars in the South, for example, have benefited much from the reservation and thus cannot be considered backward anymore, still, they continue to enjoy quotas at the cost of the most backward classes. Ideally, there should be no reservation at all because it is discriminatory and compromises merit which a developing country like ours cannot afford. Yet, if it has to continue for social justice and development, there should be a time-limit for quotas and these cannot continue in perpetuity. The government would do well to fine-tune its policy in a manner that the most backward and the less privileged ones, including the economically backward sections, irrespective of their caste, also get the benefit of reservation. There is no point in continuing quotas to those who do not need it anymore. |
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Digitally secure THE Defence Ministry has issued a fresh set of guidelines towards ensuring cyber-security. Many of them are common sense precautions, and it is a matter of some surprise and regret that such systems were not in place already and regularly updated. The guidelines seek to regulate the presence of various features, restricting them to specified computers — like USB ports, which permit “plug and play” of external storage devices like pen drives, and writable CD and floppy drives. Other measures of a piece are restricting Internet access to stand-alone computers, as against networked ones, and ensuring that sensitive printouts are seen only by authorised personnel even if it means that an officer has to take it out himself. While these measures will indeed make it more difficult to pilfer information and raise the stakes for those attempting to subvert the system, they are by no means sufficient. There can be no let-up in vigilance, as ultimately, in ensuring cyber and digital security, it is the human element that is the weak link. Whether it is the written-down password lying around carelessly or a corrupt security guard, a small chink can have serious consequences. The defence forces should also do more to ensure that they employ the whole range of technologies available, not only to enhance security but also to track breaches and take the necessary steps. It is well known that warfare is getting increasingly information-technology-intensive. In addition, the theatre of a possible conflict is more diffuse. You no longer need a battlefield to be at war. A whole new philosophy of security needs to be evolved and practised. Commanders will find the need to provide access to information in order to enable a wide variety of network-centric operations, but at the same time it is better to be mindful of possible leaks and the collapse of operations not due to enemy action, but simple information overload or sheer laxity. It will take some innovative thinking, beyond the act of locking doors after the horse has bolted. |
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An event has happened, upon which it is difficult to speak, and impossible to be silent. — Edmund Burke |
Tharoor has a long way to go
Among the many myths that have landed India in deep diplomatic embarrassment in the past are myths about so-called “solidarity of the nonaligned and developing countries” and the belief that just because we have supported Arab and African causes in the past, we will get the support of Arab and African countries in world forums like the United Nations and the nonaligned movement. This fanciful thinking led us to one of our worst diplomatic disasters since Independence, when we contested against Japan for a seat to the UN Security Council in 1996. The then External Affairs Minister, Mr I.K. Gujral, appeared to believe that the spirit of “Afro-Asian solidarity” would lead developing countries in Asia, Africa and elsewhere to back India’s candidature against Japan, which as a loyal ally of the US, offered no meaningful support either to the struggle against apartheid, or the “Arab cause”. We were in for a rude shock. Japan trounced India in the elections securing 142 votes against the barely 40 votes India secured. Less than a handful of India’s Arab and African friends backed us in this ill-fated and ill-advised diplomatic misadventure. Ever since the fiasco of 1996, we have been prudent in avoiding actions that could again lead to diplomatic disgrace. But as our economy grew rapidly and we started engaging the world meaningfully in economic terms, we have been extremely successful regionally, having been invited to forums like the East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum and even to G 8 Summits. In elections to the U.N. Human Rights Commission earlier this year India received 173 votes trouncing even Japan in the number of votes we secured. But, amidst all these developments flowing from carefully crafted diplomatic strategies came the surprise announcement that India was nominating an Under Secretary-General of the UN, Mr Shashi Tharoor, as its candidate for the post of UN Secretary General. This decision was taken without any comprehensive survey of Mr Tharoor’s chances either by the Prime Minister’s Office, the External Affairs Ministry or our Permanent Mission to the UN. Mr Tharoor hails from Kerala and his nomination followed setbacks that the ruling dispensation faced in recent Assembly elections in the state. Interestingly, when the Prime Minister visited St. Petersburg during the G 8 Summit, not a single world leader endorsed Mr Tharoor’s candidacy. It is now the turn, by convention, of an Asian to become the UN Secretary-General. The other candidates in the fray are Thai Deputy Prime Minister Suraikart Sathirathai, South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon and Sri Lankan diplomat Jayantha Dhanapala. Under UN General Assembly Resolution 11/46, the Security Council is expected to send one name for the post of UNSG for endorsement by the General Assembly. In order to determine the measure of support each candidate enjoys, the 15 members of the Security Council are asked whether they “encourage” or “discourage” a particular candidate, in a series of “straw polls”. If any candidate is opposed by a permanent member of the Security Council, he automatically withdraws from the race. While Mr Tharoor has emerged second in the first “straw poll”, where the Thai and Sri Lankan candidates did not do well, there is still a long way to go before any result emerges, as there is still no indication of how the US and China have voted and will ultimately act. The waters will get really muddied for Mr Tharoor should Pakistan put forward a credible woman candidate like Maleeha Lodi, as UN General Assembly Resolution 51/241 of 1997 says that the selection process should pay “due regard to regional rotation and gender equality”. India cannot ignore the hard reality that it has entered the fray without getting the support of even a single member of the UN Security Council, including from our very supportive Russian friends. Past elections to the post have often been bitterly contested. If China vetoed the reelection of Mr Kurt Waldheim in 1981, the Clinton Administration denied reelection for Mr Boutros-Ghali in 1996, leading to the emergence of Mr Kofi Annan as a compromise candidate. It was the Chinese veto that led to Mr Javier Perez de Cuellar as a compromise candidate in 1981. Japan is not enthusiastic about South Korea’s candidature, and the Thai Deputy Prime Minister who has the backing of China and Pakistan does not appear to enjoy western support. We should also bear in mind that there is widespread feeling, including in the US, that the new Secretary-General should come from an East Asian country, with credentials that make him acceptable to both the US and China. We also need to remember that on issues involving the UN Security Council, the US and China will not hesitate to work together, if necessary, to undermine India’s candidature. This happened last year, when following a meeting between the Permanent Representatives to the UN of the US and China in New York, the US and China jointly torpedoed the joint bid by Germany, Japan, India and Brazil for permanent membership of the Security Council. Should such joint efforts by the US and China lead to the emergence of a statesman like Singapore’s former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong as a compromise candidate, India would be well advised to withdraw Mr Tharoor’s candidature. The decision to nominate Mr Tharoor led to India being forced to back off from a major proposal that it was championing for “democratisation” of the UN. This proposal, which had widespread support, would have involved empowering the UN General Assembly rather than the unrepresentative Security Council with a decisive say in the election of the UN Secretary-General. Mr Tharoor, an articulate and well-read person and a prolific writer, does not enjoy the same support that persons like Mr Kofi Annan and Mr Perez de Cuellar enjoyed in the past.. It is also not clear what precise national interest was to be served by nominating him for the post of UN Secretary-General. As an international civil servant Mr Tharoor quite rightly proclaimed that while he is grateful for to the Government of India for nominating him, he will (if elected) be “an Indian Secretary-General” and not “India’s Secretary-General”. The manner in which Mr Tharoor’s candidature was initiated gives one an uneasy feeling that there is a lack of coherence and careful consideration in decision making on serious issues of national security and foreign policy. Whether it is on Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Iran, West Asia, or even on issues of terrorism, domestic political considerations now appear to play a far greater role than we have ever witnessed in the
past.
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Their shattered “ashiana”
One sultry Sunday morning I woke up with a start. Half in slumber, my eyes caught sight of a pigeon couple struggling hard to separate a small half-drooping twig from its branch in the backyard of my house. Both flew back holding tight the twig in their beaks and heaped it on a cement shelf over the fleet of stairs facing my library room on the balcony. I intently watched the two cute creatures toiling hard to stockpile assorted twigs, fallen dry leaves and straw throughout the day even as the hostile June sun tightened noose. The couple was unfazed. Dusk brought a little respite from the blistering heat wave, with the scalding sun mellowing down. The seemingly tired couple kept a night-long vigil to guard the heap. Barely a day or two later, the pigeon couple was busy giving finishing touches to their newly-constructed nest. “Indeed, a brace-up exercise to withstand the wrath of the rain gods or perhaps the she-pigeon was expecting,” mused my wife. Days rolled by. I would watch them exchange sweet nothings and peck at each other passionately. It was indeed a thrilling experience to watch them perform amazing aerobics and darting furtive glances on the passersby. The couple cherished each moment of their life’s brief journey. We daily offered them assorted grains and had even placed an earthen pot full of water. The frolicsome couple would even take a dip in the pot and make love. Days later I discovered that the female pigeon had laid eggs. One brisk Sunday morning, as I was flipping across the newspaper pages, my eyes strayed at these feathered neighbours with whom we had developed a kind of emotional bond in our hearts. My son would even catch hold of them and caress their feathers. They would warmly reciprocate such gestures with a strange body language. That fateful day they sat as if in a trance on the edge of the shelf. They hardly twittered or chirped. I found them deeply buried in profound grief as if some tragedy had struck. My premonition came true when my spouse came calling with tears rolling down her cheeks, and exclaimed “A tomcat has ruined their little world. The killer cat pounced upon the younglings while the poor couple was away gathering food for the new born and razed their home.” She was inconsolable and so were the children. The following morning proved nightmarish. Out from my bed, I looked up for the couple. It was not to be seen around. I looked at the trees nearby, their favourite haunt. Presuming that the couple might have gone out to fetch grains, I left for my office. Back from office in the evening, I found no trace of them. For days I couldn’t reconcile with the reality that they had flown to certain faraway land, never to
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Life-saving knowledge With her latest work, acclaimed children’s writer Manorama Jafa has made a priceless offering to the nation. Known for charting a new course in the field of children’s literature, the veteran writer has made a daring departure this time around – one that can contribute to changing the face of the HIV/AIDS awareness campaign in India and show the way forward from the mess we have landed into. HIV/AIDS prevention efforts in India are severely hampered by social and cultural factors. The grave nature of the challenge is clear from the statistic mentioned in the EU-India media manual on HIV/AIDS – “Mainly young, 15 to 44 years-old account for 87.7 per cent of the HIV infections in India. The primary methods of transmission are through sexual contact (85.7 per cent)…” About 51 per cent of People Living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) are from rural areas and have less access to information. Seen in the backdrop of these statistics, Jafa’s “I Am Sona” is a must-have. This masterfully crafted book is not an ordinary read one can shelve after consumption. It is an overwhelming, lingering account of two school-going girls who are destined to fight an infection so mighty that it can prove fatal if taken lightly. The story centers on Sona, the protagonist, who is an AIDS orphan. Adopted by a young widow Dr Lata, Sona grows up into a brilliant child. She’s the school head girl and the cynosure of teachers’ eyes. Her life is a fairytale till the time a blood test conducted in school confirms her HIV + status. Many girls who test positive are clueless about the route of infection. In this ignorance lies the genesis of “I Am Sona”. For Jafa, the book has been a challenge, primarily because it entailed clarity on a variety of sex-related subjects, which hardly inspire open debate in India. The culture of silence is consciously guarded at all levels, including schools, where the adolescents, already at risk of HIV infection, remain confused about the real message behind AIDS awareness posters. Needless to say, such tools fuel their curiosity instead of satiating it because they presume children know all about the nuances of the reproductive system. No wonder adolescents are seeking abortions in rising numbers in India and girls are ignorant about the fact that the younger the girl, the more chances for her to have injuries during sexual contact, increasing her vulnerability to HIV. But Jafa leaves nothing to chance. She gives away life-saving information on a platter. About the making of the book, she says, “Some time ago I attended the World Congress on Children’s Books held in South Africa, which has a high incidence of HIV/AIDS. I was pleased to find a book about AIDS awareness on the shelves, but it had missed out every vital detail. That was when I decided to write a book about HIV/AIDS, its causes and the reasons that made adolescents more vulnerable.” “I Am Sona” was written in 20 days. The first-of-its-kind in South Asia, this book addresses the queries that bother young minds. The author uses Sona as a sounding board and pitches the plot in classrooms and homes – places where HIV/AIDS prevention needs to be most urgently discussed. The story grows in the soil of emotional turmoil of infected children, their families and the myths they share. The beauty of the book lies in simple narration and subtle detail. Jafa’s characters are strong and inspiring, including Ms Bela, the teacher who explains the meaning of pregnancy, childbirth and sexual contact to children; Dr Lata, who loves her child despite the infection and shows her the way to fight it with a healthy diet, a regular exercise and a positive outlook; Gul, Sona’s friend who succumbs to AIDS but leaves fond memories behind and Adi, Sona’s boyfriend who helps her spread HIV/AIDS awareness among youngsters. All of 142 pages, “I Am Sona” fills you with appreciation for the author, whose reputation in the realm of children’s literature is immense. Jafa has authored 65 children’s books, directed several writers’ workshops, and been on the jury for UNESCO Prize for Children’s and Young People’s Literature from 1999 to 2001. As Director of the Association of Writers and Illustrators for Children’s Literacy Project since 1995, she has published alphabet books in eight Indian languages. She now heads Khaas Kitaab Foundation, which publishes books for children with special needs. “I Am Sona” is a product of this publication house. Jafa is now waiting for an agency to help her with the book’s distribution. Ironically, 90 per cent of the copies are still lying with her.. Wonders the author: “The book was released by the Vice-President of India at Vigyan Bhavan on June 27, but it has not yet been picked by any official agency like NACO. Even the schools have not placed orders, though the book is designed for young readers. I have, on a personal level, handed it out to many teenagers I know and they have loved it.” |
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Stop fuelling suspicion and hostility Despite growing terrorism in the country, our politicians and intelligence officials are still playing petty politics and indulging in blame games. This is not only strengthening the hands of the enemies of India but also creating a gulf between different communities. Just thirty seconds after the recent Mumbai blasts, the needle of suspicion turned towards Muslims. Hundred of Muslim boys were herded like animals to different police stations for questioning. They were dishonored without repentance. But just before the blast, when Shiv Sainiks went berserk in the state, no policemen dared to touch them. Recently a secret letter of the National Security Advisor M K Narayanan, which was made public by the media, revealed that two Lashkar-e-Toiba militants might have penetrated into the Indian Air Force. The news quoted a 40-page report and a letter from the National Security Advisor to all Chief Secretaries of the States, asking them to enhance security measures so as to tackle the growing menace of terrorism. “Reports of two Lashkar-e-Toiba cadres having joined the Indian Air Force need to be taken seriously. The counter intelligence wings of the armed forces should look into this report”. It is unfortunate that despite so much hangama over the leak of our defence and intelligence secrets, such leakages of confidential communications are still going on, and that too concerning top officials of the country. The non-denial of the report by Mr. Naraynan and no action against those who leaked the report invites several questions. If the NSC knows about penetration of two LeT men in IAF why did it not pin point them? Why were they not arrested and punished? Are not such allegations diminishing the image of the IAF? It is obvious that generally misguided Muslims are part of the LeT, so suddenly the needle of suspicion will point to all the Muslims serving in the IAF. Just think how those patriotic Muslims will feel when they are seen as potential LeT men. Much to their relief, the defence ministry “categorically denied” the report of the penetration of LeT . “We scanned our forces and did not find any [militant]. We will continue to scan at regular intervals as we have done in the past,” a ministry official was reported to have said. “On receiving any input, we have procedures and mechanisms to act on it expeditiously. We have methods of checking the credentials of our recruits through intelligence agencies, civil police and our own intelligence people,” it said . IAF officials explained their verification process, which is done in three stages. A person is recruited once the credentials are found in order by the State police, which also seeks two guarantors. It is then that the person is given access to training institutes. After passing out, the vetting is done by Intelligence agencies, mainly the Intelligence Bureau. And in case the posting is to a sensitive installation, “we have our own verification mechanisms.” What is the purpose of such irresponsible leakages, which only further fuel suspicion and hostility? |
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Post-Doha route: bilateral agreements The demise of the Doha round of trade talks is an unqualified disaster that casts a shadow over the economic future for millions of people around the world. The Doha round was launched immediately after Sept. 11, at a time when people still felt the urgency of strengthening economic ties to developing nations. The reasoning: Destitute autarkies such as Afghanistan were exporting little more than conflict. But while these security concerns were legitimate, Doha’s greatest significance was as a tool against global poverty, pure and simple. It was driven by the idea that trade, in conjunction with responsible foreign aid, could lead to prosperity in the developing world. This is an idea that must not die with Doha. With Doha negotiations in the deep freeze, the United States needs to embrace an ambitious bilateral trade agenda. Of course, bilateral agreements are no substitute for multilateral ones; multilateral agreements propel the world toward economic openness faster. But without a multilateral round on the horizon, the United States cannot afford to remain idle. Negotiations with South Korea are a good starting point. No other country the United States is negotiating with has an economy the size of South Korea’s. Sealing a deal with that country could revive prospects for broader trade talks encompassing a number of developing nations. We would further increase the momentum for a new round by targeting even larger economies, Japan’s foremost among them. America’s own neighborhood offers more reason for optimism. Along the Pacific coast, from Mexico into Central America and all the way down to Chile, every country except Ecuador is either negotiating a free-trade agreement with the United States or already has one. On the Atlantic, Doha’s failure gives us the green light to initiate talks with Brazil, the largest economy in South America. The future of free trade hinges on writing these agreements one by one. And even as America goes about tackling bilateral deals, we mustn’t forget the parallel track of granting trade preferences. Preferences are designed to open America to more exports from developing countries, and they are generally less contentious than full-blown trade agreements. They are one of the few components of Doha that everyone agrees should be made into law. With trade preference bills in the House and Senate enjoying bipartisan support, it would be senseless not to pass them quickly. In the end, however, no trade agenda will succeed if we don’t address agricultural subsidies in the United States. We cannot afford to let Doha’s failure become an excuse to reauthorize subsidy programs in next year’s farm bill. Subsidies and quotas shift more costs to American consumers and put us at a disadvantage when negotiating trade deals. The worst thing about farm subsidies is not that they’re wasteful – though they are – it’s that they devastate the export sectors, the engines of growth, in developing nations. It makes zero sense to wipe out the benefits of U.S. foreign assistance in order to keep paying our farmers to be inefficient. Overcoming the resistance of the agricultural lobby, which has received these subsidies for decades, demands a concerted effort and will require leadership from US President Bush as well as U.S. businesses. We will also need to hear from advocates of the world’s poor. The writer is chairman of the US House Appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Po |
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From the pages of Maharaja Yadavendra Singh Yadavendra Singh, whose last religious rites are being performed today, was the last of the Maharajahs from the house of Patiala which enjoyed the unique distinction of having been blessed by the Tenth Guru as his own. The sadness of his death was not alone in its suddenness but also its timing. Many rich tributes have been paid to him by the high and mighty but none was more eloquent than the silent mourners who turned up in their lakhs at his funeral. Few Maharajahs could have exercised such a spell long after they had ceased to be Maharajahs, and faded out of the stage. His most memorable contribution was the crucial role he played in the hectic days of the transfer of power from Britain to India. Yadavendra Singh was the first ruler to send his representatives to the Constituent Assembly. He was also among the first to sign the Instrument of Accession.
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